negotiated their own wage which in some cases was very low. but at least they got their foot in the door and got a chance to show the employer, just like a desert of some unwanted to do with me if they want to have a better world, and i think it's a were talking about, the solution is not a marriage party regulation. everybody has a chance to realize the american dream. thank you. [applause] >> thank you. >> of perry. what are think hashana isn't the institutional structure that generated equitably shared prosperity, and part of hon is because the real value of the minimum wage has been allowed to fall.

no, a modest -- of course. it was keeping the party polite. a modest increase in the minimum wage is an intervention in a reasonable part of a sensible strategy to restore this and equitably shared prosperity. it is just part of what we can do, and it will have some impact in making the prosperity, the equitable share dollars. we used to have. >> a show of hands how many things have won the debate today please somebody raise your hand. sherry of fairness. i see two, three. okay. how many believe mary won the debate today?

mary won the debate. no, how many of you changed your mind during the course of the last 50 minutes? one there, too,. thank you for participating in this debate. please welcome back. [applause] >> thank you for the panel. a wonderful program, as we knew we would be. we appreciate it very much. we have a couple of minutes for folks to wonder on and from other things, and then are going to have a fascinating conversation with p.j. o'rourke and john allison moderated by alexander and the copland on the topic her, who will save us from the government. i hope between those three people one of them has an answer anyway, we will get the start and a couple of minutes.

in the meantime bear with us. ♪ >> coming up book tv in prime time pitching evidence from this year's book fairs and festivals. first from the annapolis boat festival a panel on politics of former maryland governor and democratic council founder. and from printers row led fest in chicago and discussion about global challenges in sub-saharan africa. later a panel discussion on minimum wage. >> of the mix washington journal chicago tribune columnist clarence page talks about the recent events in ferguson, missouri demand having compared the recommendations from past government commission reports and civil unrest. after that we conclude our week-long discussion of president lyndon johnson's great

society with a look at what led to the creation of the consumer product safety commission. the agency's current commissioner joins us with the discussion. and the bureau of economic analysis and mark heinrich talks about household spending patterns in the u.s. we will take your phone calls and look for your comments on facebook and twitter beginning live at 7:00 a.m. eastern on c-span. >> on friday former arkansas governor speaks about education policy and common, standards. you can watch the event hosted by the national hispanic christian conference privates and 30 in the session on c-span. >> here are some of the highlights for this weekend. friday on c-span and prime time emmy important sites in the

history of the civil rights movement. 798:00 highlights from this year's new york ideas for including cancer biologist and rehearsal. on sunday cue and they would new york congressman charlie rangel at 8:00 p.m. eastern. friday night at 8:00 on c-span2 in denver with writer and religious scholar. saturday at 10:00 retired neurosurgeon and columnist in carson. sunday night at 11:00 p.m. eastern lawrence goldstein on the competition between the right brothers and glenn curtis to be the predominant name unmanned flight. american history tv on c-span on friday and a:00 eastern. look at hollywood's portrayal of slavery. 7-8:00 the 200th anniversary. sunday night at 8:00 p.m. former white house chiefs of staff discuss how presidents make decisions. find a schedule one week in advance at c-span.org and let us know what you think of the programs you're watching. , us, in dallas, joined the

c-span conversation, like a sun facebook, follows on twitter. >> we are back with the final panel from the annapolis but the festival. in american politics. >> okay. good morning, everybody, and welcome to our session at the annapolis boat festival. we are in for a treat. we have to what is with us this morning who have vast experience in the world of politics. our conversation today about the future and changing american politics in the future could not

have to better inform contributors. we are going to talk for about 40 minutes, and then we're going to invite you to ask questions. i hope is your listing tour of his you're thinking about what you would like to share with us because that is the part that enriches the session. i want to start with introducing are two speakers. al is the founder of the democratic leader should council february 2010 the new york times magazine called the dlc one of the two most important thing tanks in history. i wrote something about this. better than what i came up with. bear with me. the new york times magazine called it one of the most to influential think tanks in history, the primary schippers and political front. a prominent role in the 1992 election of president bill clinton and served as domestic policy adviser to the clinton

transition. before founding the dlc in 1985 he was executive director of the house to the credit caucus, served in president jimmy carter's white house and was staff director of the u.s. senate subcommittee on intergovernmental relations. he lives in annapolis, maryland. his book, of course, you may purchase after we finish. it is also my privilege and honor this morning to introduce to you former governor robert ehrlich. the author of america, for change, a senior counsel in government advocacy and public policy practice group and king and spalding where he advises clients on a broader way of policy matters and interactions with the federal government. he served as mayor of his first republican governor in 36 years. >> 3600 years. >> yeah. [laughter] >> any republican who ever has served as governor of maryland

is in cement company. he has also served as a u.s. congressman and the state legislature, and this letter. the offered the chesapeake bay restoration act which the chesapeake bay foundation, the most important in normal achievement. the governor also created the nation's first cabinet level department of disability for which he advised recognition award from the u.s. secretary of human health and services among other awards. prior to serving as governor he served four terms in the u.s. house of representatives. he also served in the maryland house of delegates from 86-94 representing baltimore county. as you can see, it's quite a lengthy list of political contributions that he has made. we're happy to have him with this. and going to start with asking our to panelists to share an overview of their book.

>> thank you very much. it is good to be with you. our do remember another republican governor, but we won't mention him. >> let's not go there. he would love there at the beginning. >> it is really terrific to be year. bynum just on a to be at the book festival and the governor-elect. on election night in 1980 with her party and no one can. by the time the party was supposed to start we had lost the white house and i lost my job. the was in the carter white house. we were on the way to lose in this in the end to losing over

30 seats in the house. suit everybody would come to the party. we lost our jobs. there was no reason to celebrate. fast forward finding their common themes for governing. those themes from brooklyn all over the gulf. i dare say is politics. tell the story of the political

journey from the wilderness in 1980 to the politics that led most countries and the democratic world. in part because the political memories are short. the white house now have a demographic advantage in presidential elections. just a quarter century ago this situation was reversed. in the 1980's we have three presidential elections. the democrats won a smaller percentage of electoral college. the republican party in three consecutive american elections as the beginning of modern party's 1948. it is not a stretch to say that my party, the democratic party was not only of a power but out of touch and out of the audience

. the new democrats were political and surgeons in their own party. in our vehicle with the democratic council which are founded in 1985, after we lost 49 states were the second time in four elections, was written in the floor to my book, when we began we were not popular. that was an understatement. the party leaders tried to shut us down. we were determined. you read all of the details bubble we did in my book. in a few minutes i am not calling to the will to cover all of it, but i do want to talk about some of violence. the second reason. i believe ideas in politics with social media and all colorist,

ideas are just too underappreciated. we believed currently has see the resurgence of the democratic party. you can talk about candid it's all you want, but if the party was not standing for things that people wanted to support people and not point to vote for it. and think about the 1988 election. to record stop there are going to win. the party image helped bring down mike dukakis. think about 2012. the fundamentals all favored run the. but the image of the republican party was being pulled to the right in the primaries on the issues like immigration, costing him that election.

sitting in the white house. our strategy was to shape the political message and the government agenda someone could run for president on. and not only that, when he won, which did not want to be acceptable to party leaders. they wanted to win. we knew along the way that we were going to -- we were going to lose some of our friends. they would disagree. that was a necessary price to pay because our challenge was not to unifier party. that had been done in a sense. he had every interest group in the party behind him in 1984 and he lost 49 states. our challenge was to expanded.

and because we could not prevail in the regular party forums we had to build our own playing field so we could have our own home field advantage. we nurtured a new generation of leaders heading to people like bill clinton, al gore, joe biden , sam nunn, chuck robb, bill gray, a whole bunch of new leaders the applicant. we developed ideas that challenge the party orthodoxy, organize our own farms and caucuses. with in the first four years we became a political force. what really give us the impetus was that landslide loss we expected to win in 1988. after that we really became an unstoppable force. in april 1989i travel to little rock, ark. to ask a young governor to become chairman of the dlc.

i told him i had deal for him. if he would become chairman of the dlc we would pay for his travel around the country, shapen agenda that i fought a democrat could win the white house on and that he would be president some day and we would both be important. bill clinton took that kill. we immediately embarked on a foreparts strategy. and if you think about whether republicans are today you might want to think about this kind of strategy. the first -- >> i don't take strategic it buys from the opposition. [laughter] >> i know what to give it to the opposition, but it's good for the country. first i call it reality therapy. we told it like it was. you know, when you lose elections people in your party say, you know, it's because they had a good candid and ours was terrible. it was because they had better

media coming in no, all of a sudden we will find a can visit and sweep to victory. but when you constantly loose by over 40 states it is not just because one candidate was bad. we lost with three different candid it's. and one of them have been elected president at one time. the problem was those in the people let's go to work every day and played by the rules, people you need to have comparable bill plan called the forgotten middle class. we pointed that out in graphic detail. so graphic there when the professor at the university of maryland if presented in philadelphia brevard jesse jackson referred to was as warm spit. so that was the first thing. we had to set the political context of that at least the political press would say these guys have a purpose.

an admitted a lot harder when the reality was on the table for the party regulars to say, well, all we do is tinkering here and there caught. the new oil is declaration, dickensian my boat. it's also called the new orleans declaration so. but the new orleans decoration was at 20 sentence document that said what we believed. we believe that the promise of america with equal opportunity, not have come to a private sector growth was important for democrats in the keating opportunity. on and on people an obligation to give something back to the country. the whole set of principles. twenty years later and i park, has the guzzles library president clinton said the new

war was declaration was the key to success because it gave him both the platform and a firmer for everything he did kennedy turned every accomplishment he may back to a principal in the new was declaration. ..

>> we certainly didn't have air force one. we did everything we could. sometimes we retreated not like this is going to be the president of the united states, but we were down in north carolina and we had flown in and we had learned that north carolina was playing at the university of kentucky and basketball and clinton wanted to go to the game, and so we ran and had tickets. the state police told us to park our car next to the main entrance and we watched north carolina beat kentucky december of 1990. when we got out, the campus police had told our car. for 2.5 hours the next president of the united states was sitting at the campus police stations in chapel hill, north carolina,

trying to get his car back. but probably the one that we'll never forget, and it was jim martin. [laughter] it was probably the most harrowing of all of our experiences was the flight between denver and cheyenne, wyoming. it was a false, but we had a blizzard. and we have a horse feeder with five people on it. one person had to sit on the john. and the only thing we had to have were two pilot. we didn't have to have any feet. so what we saw were actually snow-covered mountain tops and i knew that we were in trouble and luckily we made it in some of these things are really

important because wyoming was part of this. in that caucus was held in her basement. and at cleveland where we laid out our agenda, we were not very popular with emma craddick interest groups and the senator actually created a whole different group called the coalition for democratic values to oppose this and we woke up and we had jesse jackson protest and teachers unions and they were out complaining because we were for charter schools and the

uaw, there were so many members of congress there that they didn't want to actually want to pick it. but we alyce always wanted to have a part of it for nafta and at the end we had tried to outline a political responsibility. but ideas like national service, welfare, charter schools, and a growth strategy that was raised on fiscal discipline in people and technology and trade and also reinventing myths. the fourth part of the strategy was a market test because the american politics unlike the parliamentary system, you stand for what you presidential nominees dance floor and bill clinton resigned and became a

candidate and you know the story and i'm not going to tell you this chapter, but let me give you three or four days that you might not know about. july 14, 1987, that was the day the bill clinton decided not to run in 1988 and it was a big deal and he was the most talented politician that i have every seen in my life. so he decided that day that he was not going to run. i had been in mississippi giving a speech and he canceled because he was going to watch the clinton campaign. i was surprised when he landed in cincinnati because you can go from jackson to anywhere and that we had press calls asking why he dropped out and it was

the best thing that ever happened. it was not clear whether sam nunn or bill clinton with the the dnc candidate. most people thought that he would be a candidate and as you may have heard of he was most recently clinton's domestic policy adviser. there was a memo suggesting that they do a picket in both of them thought that they had to be on top of the ticket. but what happened was some of those deciding that we would spend five months on the road shaking this agenda of the because clinton had a legislative session, if anything happened, a funny thing

happened. none were in opposition to the gulf war and it was normal for him he was leaving the opposition and sam took her terrific amount of criticism in georgia and around the country, and most and he says i don't want to do anymore this up. so from that point on it was clear bill clinton was the nominee. so you have all heard that clinton had a few problems on the way to the nomination and

there was this story that came on with a woman named gennifer flowers and he had written a letter to the drop or what some people interpreted as trying to get out of a draft during vietnam and so in january of 1992 i was going up to new york and i had just done an hour down with arthur and in those days the newspapers were really important. and they were the whole currency of politics in many ways. so i decided that they had just taken over as publisher and i decided that i was going to go up and visit him. so i get up to the 11th floor

and he's at the elevator saying that there is an emergency and you have to call your office and so i called my office and someone on my staff read me a story that was going to within the next two days alleging a 12 year affair that bill clinton had with this woman named gennifer flowers. so i go back having made that call from the publisher of "the new york times" staff and trying to be calm and he takes me down to meet with jack who is the editorial page editor at the time that he would find a candidate that would do what he did with his other working class rights and so just as he was conceding that that promising

that he was the man, i was bound and determined not to say a word about what was going to happen two days later because i was not going to be well getting into the mainstream press and therefore along the way a few little bumps and clinton was elected and i think served two terms winding up with a 66% approval rating and a job approval rating and i still believe that the animating philosophy of the new democratic movement and opportunity for all and mutual responsibility and the embodiment of values and viable for his meeting challenges today as they were

then. and i think that there are lessons for both parties and what we did and i have written about that a little bit in my book and the third reason i've written about this book very briefly, we need to think big and there's a lot of emphasis because we have an advantage today on identity politics if we just get this group out and we will win and there's a lot of emphasis on what the republicans call it class warfare and in the quality and it's an important issue and if you want to have golden eggs to pass out, paul said you have to have a healthy juice. so we have to have a program to grow the economy and i'm happy to talk about what that ought to be and we also have to have had government to make it work and we believe that it has some of

her roles in an inefficient government and an ineffective government that underlines our philosophy. so the republicans like jeb bush and bobby jindal had just formed a group that they call the new republicans and i'm not sure where they got it, it could be from the new democrats. but it's important because they need a power center to take on the extremist of the tea party so that the candidates are not out there alone when they tried to do it and i think of this group may try to do that. they really need to do develop these ideas that will build it and they can't just be run against obamacare. and third they need to forget about party unity and unity is overrated. the problems in both the parties

is if you unify the space you don't have a broad enough appeal to the white house. you have to expand it. we learned that in the 1980s dealing with the left and if you want to know what unity brings to republicans today, think about the government shutdown. because when you have a group that is outside the mainstream, whether it on the left or the right and you try to have unity and peace with them, they usually pull you out at the mainstream. and finally today i think that the republicans just need to become more inclusive and more tolerant and they need to send messages to hispanics and activist women and we may not agree with everything but we welcomes foreign we welcome the debate within our party and i'm not in the business of advising republicans, but i do hope that they listen a little bit and look at what we did. because as long as the tea party extremists dominate the

republican agenda it will reduce pressure on my part into it here as well. america deserves better than that and our democracy depends upon two strong competitive clinical parties for making our country better. >> we are in now hear from governor ehrlich about his book, america hopes to change. and i do agree with a lot of it. and i'm very proud, by the way, to be representing the republican governors here today. >> a couple of observations and then i will be brief as we want to talk with you and i also want to introduce greg, my former press secretary she is my

administrative assistant and they are married. if you want to see me, see her and not him and so what he just said is why i wrote my book. he redefined that obama is the centerpiece and the foundation and the european-style leftist entrepreneurship anti-freedom, hyper regulatory approach and countercultural to this country and that is why i wrote my book. so in about six months, maybe not so much. but the bottom line is that you're absolutely correct and i couldn't just stop myself because i think first of all i did agree with what the faa and the ideas are underappreciated

and i think that the strategically you just heard was pretty great because no one knew what hope and change really was and we had this african-american and machine politician from chicago and it was the on politics as you can see. and that is what i wrote my book. precisely why i wrote my book. i grew up here and there wasn't a republican and 10 miles. but the democratic party raised me and my dad and that was a

working class pro-gun, pro-life, marriage wasn't even an issue, work ethic, hard-working germans and italians, party and they went down and represented their people and that was the democratic party. and so i will get today in a second. the political insurgency has been successful and there's no doubt about it. when i was growing up in this state, it wasn't republicans or democrats, it was the 13 republicans of 100 and seven and there was a small phone booth but it doesn't matter because

some were nonexistent and it was a very healthy stay because there were moderate democrats and conservative democrats and onto binaural democrats and montgomery county always have its own thing and it was a healthy state. and a healthy country and john f. kennedy were still cutting taxes. and so i want to go home and watch the primary colors again but who said that? president clinton and i hope he meant it when he did it because he was actually wrong. that is another reason why i wrote in my book and there was a lot of editorials and comments in regard to the right and you just heard the narrative and the tea party came about because a

bunch of working people in this country decided to go to washington and congress to balance the budget and to do exactly what they do everyday. no social issue and after the 2010 election they became dangerous. so the narrative began to be that we need to demonize that and we need to call them racist. and they did. and they had been successful. it is emotional, but it works. create a narrative and repeat the narrative and there's all this attention given. many cases the tea party and whatever you want to call it are often i disagree with the government shutdown and that was tactics and i'm no longer a member of congress and why did

read about this. and so there's plenty of common with regard to the right and where i grew up in what i see in all seriousness this is not your democratic party, it is sort of a moderate deal which was sold to the american people in regard to trade and charter schools and it has become a european democratic model. for consumption in this country. countercultural in regard to that in economics. our more progressive and public sector union dominated. ovulatory state and second obamacare in all seriousness.

there's a profound situation with government and they are winning. so what are the elements in each chapter is devoted to one of these elements. it is a secondary role in the world and by the way that's very much part of the american people these days according to the president one being the good lord and one being that more and both wars have trained the enthusiasm for foreign engagement and the problem is if you read history and care about this stuff is everyone here does and that's why you are here today, when the good guys with the greatest force for good in the united states of america today goes backstage, vladimir putin fill that up. and that is not a big deal

today. or i can go on and on. so the secondary stage and an anti-cowboy that the president began during the first six months and he went to apologize what america stands for this for good and for the right reason and that is the strategy we are interested in conquering with other people and we apologize for the american imperialism and the first thing they demand as an exit strategy.

and it's influencing environmentalism, as you know and basic religion and to regulatory estate in an entire chapter and a lot of people don't care about intangible things. and anti-market, regulatory state offended, and it is a man-made disaster and always part of that. and i will come back to that in a second. all of the shovel ready jobs were not ready. it's raising the wage and adopting a living wage, whatever that means and whatever the labor union says it means.

and raging racing and is good for some marginal workers and you can get a raise and a good thing. but if you were worth $10 to your lawyer, you will lose your job or you as the government just said, some will win and some will lose. and i have seasonal allergies but one i go to a local studio and i buy my claritin-d, i have to submit my drivers license.

and so what kind of priority is that our country? suit the changing social contract and work is degraded and we quadruple it. that is almost broke and we have 15 million people on food stamps, 50 million. so work is integrating this country and changing this social arrangement that we love so much. and we also have this really

interesting thing and i'm sorry, we are opinionated. but it's so secular. in this country was not built on the idea that government is part of true religion. it was never about that. it's all coming down in the last 50 years and it is fascinating and there is a pro-choice with this country and so not even the most liberal democrat in barack obama went to notre dame and for that we will be respected, they just ran over it, absolutely ran over it. and there is a difference with

religious liberty and tolerance. running our culture today is quite secular and dangerous areas not what it was ever about. and there's a chapter devoted to each of these subjects and the bottom line to the book as i watch and read and i condense this into three comments by barack obama, they cling to their guns and delicious. if we could start over, i would go for single payer. they didn't build that, you didn't build that. the president of the united states and his comments. thinking about what that means. if that really interesting

intellectual arrogance and obamacare is a mass because it couldn't get it past by democrats. so they threw all the right ideas into 11,000 pages of regulations with all sorts of ad hoc exceptions. that were done in an ad hoc manner. but they really wanted single-payer because it works so well and they said you didn't build that. but yes, you did. the country did that. so the national labor relations board is now an adjunct for a

reason and it's anti-opportunity society and anti-work culture. >> i think it's fantastic that we are having so many thoughts shared and i hope that each of you is tanking of a question that you'd like to ask. i'm going to seize the opportunity to post the first question. so your book details this power and after 1984 the democratic party was led to two decades of national success by connecting with moderate voters. looking ahead in what we heard with governor ehrlich, are they still the key to victory with the democrats? and if they are or not, what issues will have the greatest

strategic value for your party in keeping a national majority? >> first of all, i would like to express and ask what country am i living in. [laughter] in 2009 when i left the leadership conference when the obama was elected and i might add for people who don't know history that president obama has won the majority twice. and the only northern democrats other than fdr can get the popular majority and get elected, and congress took the election away as well.

but when in the american people obviously have a much different attitude and what do i think? of course i believe that voters who go to work everyday and play by the rules are the key to the election. and i might say democrat after george bush left our country in a very difficult economic situation, what was not always his fault but a good part, we are starting to build back a

little bit and the unemployment is going down about three and a half points. and i just love to hear conservatives rant and rave about obamacare. and obamacare ensures that private insurance plans, by the heritage foundation, then it is, if you're going to have private insurance and you want to cover everything, most people think it's a good idea to give everyone a chance to buy health insurance, you have to organize the market. ..

>>

>> things have changed a little bit so you have to modernize. actually before it was politicized when paul ryan was the nominee the new democratic finance leader and paul bryan had an interesting idea for medicare that the blood to keep it and if you're under certain age and one to get into private insurance you can do that and that was probably a good idea and should be explored. i employed say because i happen to believe this country is built on this of the catholic that i would tie all college aid to serving your country in the military or civilian service now more people are more did

any other country. >> you have given a very good sense for your look of the future of politics but i want to make sure we have time for people in the audience but governor robert erlich gave us an exciting picture of his political thinking a few moments ago and as of this and the phrase european socialist government it makes me wonder if there's still a role for moderates in the republican party? so will the republicans return to power by appealing to the center of the spectrum are those to have polities -- policies? >> and the reality is both

parties are more idiological for a couple of reasons that people may not have thought of but because of the courts and politics state legislatures are drawing lines around the country. so clever northern liberal republicans and southern democrats did exist but are wiped out now because of reapportionment and texas is on the flip side is the blues state. i'm linden leased chaplin was a member of congress and came home one day and went to bet i woke up and was in congress but no longer lived in my own district so they

drew the new lines because they had so much in common. and in texas republican's stated to democrats so now's texas is two-thirds republican and choose to be conservative democrats but as it is driven by courts in minority districts you get more idiological party in each party so you have very strong liberals running and when he talks about has no relation to the democrats in washington both parties demagogues entitlements bush reform social security and got slaughtered let's not reinvent history. we can talk about charter's bet the kids in d.c. are far

worse and why we started charter schools in maryland actually this state teacher association is screaming bloody murder so they're clearly ideological but what happens is you go back to your district on the weekend congress is a minus for approval rating because of a lion's head they drew you have a safe seat you hear go get them both sides see you go back in power to washington with no motivation to compromise. nine. because you just heard at the town meeting. so now you wait until june to pay government that is not freedom that is the era of big government but that is a large regulatory government telling you what

to do. >> i agree with the governor what happens to the parties we have become parliamentary bill is ideological parties sanders system is not built for that. our system is built for parties that build coalitions before the elections not after. and redistricting is a big part of it but it is also important republicans will do well this year. democrats won 8.14 million phones in the last election the republicans because of the way they are drawn and there is more republican governors they had a 20 seat majority, it will be closer maybe they had an edge so

they will win the house but in the senate in part constitutionally because there are small stake in each small state gets to senators the republicans have in the vantage and this time the anti-obama states are coming and it may win the senate but it is different with presidential politics. to the republican problem as a party is it is to homogenous. we are a diverse party we are 40 percent liberal the rest are moderate and conservative and racially very diverse republicans kick 80 percent was all white conservative bow and that is why in the end they don't broaden if they don't they will have a hard time winning of white house they

will keep the house because of the vintages. >> but this did not play out barack obama lost independence he got the base out in a very big way. >> but the issue is now independent voters. >> but the number of independents is going down a little bit because more people are in this polarized parties. but basically, this country used to have the slate center-right majority and a used to think if no other factors were involved the republicans would win 52 / 48 fed has changed now and goes to the other side on

issues like gay marriage of would not have said this five years ago it would hurt the republicans but look at the way young voters are registering republicans are getting killed because they're viewed as an tolerant they have to become more accepting it is important for the country they do that. >> clearly our to speakers have a lot to say to each other but we want to hear from you. if you have a question please go up to the microphone. we have about five minutes i will ask the speakers to respond to get as many as possible. >> you have certainly done what you were supposed to do to discuss the current polarization of the government so instead of wide to our lot -- legislators not teach other

why can't they fix what is wrong with the country? >> that has never been the case ever. jefferson and hamilton were hiring surrogates to trash each other in the newspapers. i think we will agree on this but what makes it so if your face realtime is social media. the smoke-filled room is no more than it had its place. just from running from the legislature and statewide the difference in parades' parades are weird i hate to cars and so we always walk. we would have fled with the kids in the parents you

cannot do that stuff these days. it is a hit on the internet five minutes later they take all the fun and the humanity out but when you defund the human endeavor it is art, not science. i thank you have a problem. seven people say why can't we just get along? we started as a revolution. a shooting revolution. that is not to say the definition of leadership that they had to do this i would never get a hundred percent of one wanted. never. what i get 62 percent or 41%

? sixty-two might sign the bill so it is the era of compromise but sometimes no deal is better than a bad deal. >> next question and. >> quickly. >> i agree politicians called each other names sometimes worse than today. but we used to have times when i grew up working in the senate where people worked together in one month ago we were in florida for spring training and we had dinner with my friends from annapolis led republican senator in the '70s from tennessee when i worked for senator musk