meaning the black churches. so i think that's one thing. >> thank you all so much. great conversations. ..

really quickly, for some positive solution or ideas. i will mention one in particular with the federal and it could be more vocal actually. one in particular policy, sort of guidance, federal guidance that the obama administration put out by september which was around prohibiting profiling on the basis of race. this is something the bush administration have put out.

in 2003. applicant since then have been pushing toward men that guidance and make it better. so it was a mixed bag when that came out last december, on the the one hand it basically prohibited profiling by federal law-enforcement on the basis of race, religion, national origin, gender, gender identity and sexual orientation. so we are say no you cannot provide people on our backs. unfortunately, the guidance left several loopholes, including a loophole in national security. if you are national security threat than they could profile you and they even have an example where they basically say that the fbi can commit to a community. also profiling has a been allowed at the border and airports. who does that affect? latinos, self asians, muslims,

arabs, people traveling at airports, at the border and who might be quote seen as a national security threat. it's another example in which these policies continue to sideline our community. one way we can push is to try to get this policy amended and change. there are people doing that especially in washington. i think that's a particular place where we could see some movement over the next year that we have left with this administration. >> so i want to talk about federal and the local area number 1i think one the ways we have seen the cross-section between nonblack community a black community is terrorism charges are now being used against black lives matter organizations. the protesters who are now out there are being thrown terrorism charges.

i think this is a way the state goes to want community, perfects a tool and then turns it out when we start seeing rebellion and another community. locally as well right now, d.c. is one of the most militarized regions in the country. recently a lot of the black lives matter focused here was around this expansion of policing powers now what is the connection between international and local peace is the law-enforcement here got training in israel by the ids. they brought the tactics here and used it against my communities in southeast and southwest. we have had murders and people who got killed in a jump out. there was law-enforcement agencies and even targets of baltimore they get trained in palestine and brought back ideas here. so i think again, the war on

terror it's surveillance is one that we have to challenge, i think surveillance is so normalized that people turn around say so what, big deal. if. if you didn't do anything wrong why would you have to worry. it's like we do have to worry because that surveillance is being used against black and brown communities and its use specifically for the movement of lack live climax. >> whoever is next to the mic please frame your comment as a question. >> thank you. my name is eric i want to thank you for sharing your story. the question i have is, i think your book makes very clear to

anyone who looks at it for more than a few months that homophobia is a ration, i wonder if you can talk more about some of what you have mentioned sandwiches the conversations you need to have within the community to convince people that this is a racial issue. we hear so often about how people talk about how if we've speaking with activists the appropriate responses to better educate americans that their responses to better educate people from south asia are not from the middle east or something along those lines. those conversations i had to show how this is a racial issue that affects everyone, these are critical. i wonder if you could say more about how those conversations happen. >> okay let's also thank you so

much. let's get one more question that will bring the mike's backup. >> i want to ask you about the titles, how do you also bring people into the contacts and reconcile the majority of us being part of the settler project here. how do you bring that in because i know we're talking about anti- black message which is also critical but you can also bring in the anti- indigenous into the conversation. >> so eric i will try to answer your question quickly.

i think the ways in which the arab population is having these conversation is not how we are having them right after 9/11. certainly right after 9/11 there were people saying, i am this not that, that is, that is not something new to our community. we've seen that in our history, i'm chinese, not japanese. for example so that messaging is really something that i do not here in activists circles. i think activists have made it a major effort to educate their own communities about the fact that we are all the same. active violence violence against one affects all of us. the book talks about this specifically because just within hours we had american advocates get on television to make it clear that this is an issue that

michael pages trying to attack muslims. he was a a white supremacist and had anti-immigrant views. the message was regardless of who he may have targeted, which we do not know, we are still standing united and strong. we are not going to have that divisive messaging. i think in the community there has been a lot of work to look at that narrative of solidarity. that fact that activists level. if you look at a number of our coalition which people call it a community arab muslim, some people call it matzoh, muslim arab. they were formed after 9/11 but what they have enabled us to do is come together to address issues like countering extremism

the only other point i would make your comment is education as a start but it is clearly not enough. like same diversity is great and multiculturalism is great but without equity and addressing systemic equity it does not mean anything. so education is something that does come up in the book that many activist suggests. there are other solutions that are also present. one of them is to really be in deep connection with each other. , b in re relationship with each other so we can talk about shared oppression and shared values. in a shared vision of how we want to change our community. does anyone anyone want to add to that? >> than other question about the title of the book, the book title is meant to be aspirational and sub versus.

many of the people in the book that are profiled talk about be an american in their way. that doesn't mean necessarily the way edwards white america has constructed it. they also question that america. they support it. that is part of the disruptive nature some of the activists we talk about in the book. where they are disrupting that notion of white supremacy in order to reshape in america. quite frankly the book does not address indigenous communities. it does not, it is focused on the perspective, lives in shared experience of south asian, muslim communities. i would not want to presume to talk about other communities that i'm not in contact with. i'm hoping is that can be a conversation starter. i have noticed that folks that

are started to read the book were not from our community are getting, especially from the last chapter some ideas of what it means to be, a quote majority and minority patient. where people of color are expected to be the majority pipe elation. numbers do not equal power and how are we going to be able to position ourselves the way that we can work more with each other. >> before we wrap up we ask you all to be disruptors and bridge builders and how do we do that? what you panelists, what are your ideas for being disruptors and bridge builders? could you please share your answer in one minute? >> so the way that i interpreted disruptive as people who

supported people who step back. stepping forward i would see us taking action and be in active participant in the call for justice. it's making the changes and having the dialogue with people. stepping back refers to more taking the time to reflect, acknowledging what you do not know and being okay with having someone teach you. with following, and using how to use it to work together to dismantle those. so stepping back and stepping forward, i think in interpreted as being essential to being a bridgebuilder. >> so when it comes to be in a disruptor, callout state

violence, its muslim communities who have genocide happening right now. you don't know how much back last i experience resentment. for being a connector building bridges, when it comes to particularly right here in local communities, i don't need to be this or stage. i can be in the back and say what can i can do to support you. how can i pick my privilege and get you resources. >> i think building bridges is that we can build bridges for others in our community is give

them the space and the unique challenges. like i said they are in the process of trying to put together. you can help out with that. in terms of disrupting, i think what i really question myself, right now at the university of maryland, baltimore i realize that i am .001% of my community. so it's like how can i really take a step back and get that space to the people in my community to voice their concern. another way of doing that i think.

so there have been so many great ideas. >> one of the things we have not talked about much is the importance of building capacity within our own communities. i i think that is really important. our own community are in crisis. as someone who has been part of efforts since the day after 911 until now, it oftentimes feels like we're constantly dealing with crisis after crisis within the arab, muslim community. i think the importance of building capacity and infrastructure, especially infrastructure, especially with these organizations that are actually organizing we don't really have

any local organizations here in washington that work within our community. so it is important that we have the network of local groups to help court night. at the same time, we need to be able to support -- the second thing is this is the time to pick up the index card. so if you don't have one, raise your hands and we will get you one. if you can raise your hand she will walk around to you. the folks who know me and i'm so grateful that i have people within the different communities here, i was feeling call to action and we always have to do something. so this has to be our chance to shape some multi- racial.

so i want you to take a pledge within the next three to six months to do something. how are you going to be a disruptor and a bridgebuilder? within the communities that you have the workplace, and the people who are close to. so put so put your name on it, pledge something and put your e-mail down so i can contact you. the way in which people have been writing and been taking them have been things like, if i'm a teacher who says she's going to start conversations with faculty and parents book love to talk about the ideas of the book and how they can at some curriculum changes. a second person talked about how they can have a conversation with their grandfather about the movement for black lives. i think in indian america who said that. it it would be very uncomfortable but they're going to do it. so there different ways in which we disrupt and bridge build. i hope each of you will take action to do that.

i will turn it over to close it out. >> thank you so much to the panelists. let's have a round of applause. [applause]. thank you audience for being here. things things are being part of this conversation. want to thank you for bringing us together to be part of this dialogue that will hopefully continue. please let others know about this book and use it as a conversation starter and a tool for being a disruptor, for being a bridgebuilder. thank you so much. they'll be signing books right over here. final thank you to everyone. [applause].

[inaudible] >> we want to hear from you. tweet us us your feedback about the program you see here. twitter.com/book tv. >> will hagood of the washington post has been the author of showdown, why a book now on thurgood marshall? >> guest: well i think that one of the things that is so gratifying to me is the history and time. six years ago when i began this book i did not know it would be published on the 50th anniversary of the 1965 voting rights act or the 75th anniversary of the legal defense fund of the naacp.

and that's an arm of the naacp which marshall thurgood found it. so those two things are just great. america, right now is going through a lot of discussion about race and i think they're a good marshall planted so many of the good seeds when it comes to racial equality in this country. i'm a trained journalist and i like to tell stories come i like to look for stories that have never been told. this story about thurgood marshall's 1967 senate confirmation hearing has never been told. he he was the first african-american nominated to the supreme court. usually those hearings would lost four hours or less, that's how long they lasted for all of the previous supreme court nominees. their goal marshall's hearing

lasted five days, stretched across 12 days and his nomination sat in limbo for five weeks. there's great drama in that. also, with the bigger than life senate figures like with senator john mcclellan of arkansas, senator sam ervin, and james eastland of mississippi, they wanted to stop thurgood marshall's hearing. they wanted to stop him in his tracks because of his works as an naacp lawyer in the 40s and 50s when he took various cases to the supreme court and knocked down so many of the laws that were hurting blacks. so, in in 1967 you have this line drawn in the sand. it was like a wordplay that took place at the okay corral. thurgood marshall, the legendary

lawyer meets legendary senators. i think my timing just happened to be good, i guess you might say, because it seems a lot of people around the country have been reacting positively to this book. high school students, students and college, laypeople, judges, lawyers, young, older. it has been extremely wonderful to travel around the country and talk to people about thurgood marshall, who in terms of history have seem somewhat lost. he is not as well-known as some of the other iconic figures from the thirties,'s forties, fifties,'s and sixties., and 60s. i think you should be. i hope this book revised the legacy of thurgood marshall. >> host: why do you think his hearing lasted as long as it

did? >> guest: well, there were efforts by the southern senators to question marshall's grandma tie. the question is the march. so much is going on in the country at the time. there is anti- vietnam protests, the riot in detroit that broke out on the left at marshall's hearing, there was a lot of racial unrest. some of the southern senators tried to link that racial unrest to all of the victories that thurgood marshall had one. so you had a real combustion of philosophies, marshall's philosophies versus southern philosophy which had been to

keep the voting rolls down for blacks. so you had lyndon johnson who finally made it into the oval office in 1963 following the assassination of president kennedy, lyndon johnson had said to himself, he said there are three pillars of segregation that i am going to knock down. he knocked down the first massively with the 1964 civil rights act. he knocked on the second which was voting which was in 1965 voting rights act. he said, my final move will be to get a competent, gifted, african-american onto the united states supreme court. that was thurgood marshall who graduated number one at harvard university law school.

marshall was the right man, in the right moment, at the the right time, in this country's history. >> host: what was the final vote? , and he democrats of vote for and against the republicans warn against? >> guest: the final vote was 69 - 11 which seems wide but it is really not. if the southerners had to stop the white house at 60 votes or less than they could have filibustered the nomination and marshall or the white house could not have withstood a filibuster. in reality, the white house got its nomination through with only nine votes to spare. on the second day of the hearing, president johnson was so nervous because he thought it would be over with on the first day like all of the previous hearings had

been. president johnson was so nervous he summoned william coleman who is a celebrated african-american attorney from philadelphia, he told william secretly, if my man thurgood marshall does not make it then i am going going to nominate you for the supreme court. i am hell-bent on integrating the united states the pre-court. william coleman had worked with thurgood marshall in 1954 on marshall's victory to brown and the school segregation case. he did not want to do it, he did not want to be second choice. he told president johnson that. he also said, what i will do though, i will go around and visit as many of these southern senators and northern senators, and western senators as i can. especially the ones that are on the fence about thurgood marshall. i will try to persuade them to vote for thurgood marshall. so, that helps no doubt.

>> host: what was the political rectum, the partisan breakdown? >> guest: most of the democrats were southern democrats. they were the ones who went against marshall. marshall got a lot of help from republicans, eastern republicans who were the big heroes of the hearing. everett dirksen of illinois would send letters to people telling them, this is a signature moment for the united states of america. we need to show our metal by confirming thurgood marshall to the supreme court. so, it was one of those things that we do not see a lot in washington now. it was bipartisan, in the end it really was.

that is how thurgood marshall extended to the supreme court. >> host: it sounds like 20 senators did not vote in that. >> guest: yes, i am so glad that you mention that. that was the margin of victory. needless to say, say, lyndon johnson, who is a southern himself, he convinced 20 southern senators to not to vote. that was brilliance. he was a master politician and he would tell them, he would tell them look i am going to be looking at bridges next year, highway funding, looking at ways to help you. but, first, first i need you to help me. it's called old fashion horse trading, it is still done today but nobody was as masterful at it as lyndon johnson. it was just amazing, because senators senators go to the

senate to vote. that is their bread and butter. but he convinced 20 of them, back back off, don't show up tomorrow. into the halls of the u.s. senate, don't vote, and they did not vote. so that was amazing. >> ..