tv BOOK TV CSPAN February 21, 2016 9:57am-11:31am EST
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[inaudible question] tell that to someone who's in a boat risking their neck trying to get from libya. it doesn't make me want toread him again, i have to tell you . to me, that's just playingwith words . so i think unless someone has an absolutely depressing thing, thank you for your attention. [applause] >> thank you for coming out and if you would like to buy a book. >> . [inaudible conversation]
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>> here's a look at authors recently featured on tvs afterwards, our author interview program. jerry laxer, criminal justice professor at city university of newark discussed his research on violent crime in america. katie koller, senior contributor matt lewis explained the republican party must re-embrace conservative principles to remain relevant and princeton university professor eddie got argued that america continues tosuffer from racial inequality. in the coming weeks on afterwards, washington post , this will explain that the republican party's adoption of goldwater conservative principles is driving away moderate voters.the former nsa and csa director michael hayden will discuss the decisions he made as director of both agencies following the events of september 11. also coming up, michael dyson will ask wayne how race has impacted the obama administration and this weekend, etc. cory booker recounts his upbringing and his
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choice to explain public service. >> my parents were relentless for my father is joking with me growing up, i was an 18-year-old kid with a lot of swagger. i was president of my class. i had made on the studio, my father would say don't walk around this house like you hit a triple. you were born on third base. my father would try to remind me that the blessings i would enjoying, anyone who calls himself american, i don't care what your struggles are pure better to be born in this country regardless of circumstances that a lot of other places on the planet earth. we are reaping the harvest of others so the next step in understanding that is this idea of taking responsibility. when you don't like something in the world, i don't care if it's mass incarceration or if it's the environmental contamination that is in flint. there are many towns throughout this country that are facing challenges that flint archie facing that are hurting our children and i would say you
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in 1939, when you're went to war, our allies, primarily england and look to washington d.c. for goods and materials that they needed. there were nations at war and they look to us to help them out. >> many of them complained about not knowing very much about their history in greenville, the history of black folks and they reported that in schools, the only chapter they had on black people is that they were slaves. they were slaves and they wanted to know where they could find information. occasionally they could find
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information on jesse jackson, but they knew nothing about the early history of blacks in greenville. looking at greenville, greenville was the typical southern town and black-and-white basically. i recall a 40 something these when there were families of asian descent, maybe one or two on washington street. two or three families had come into this area from one of the arab countries. they normally live in the neighborhood close to black neighborhood in greenville because they too were discriminated against to some degree. but greenville was felt at that time at the kind of bigotry that most of us have learned to live with and accept.
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black people during that time knew their place and they stayed in it. we as children coming up, we know our place with the weight elsewhere. it was the weight he had always been. i can recall as a child, hearing stories about willie earl who was a young black man who was lynched by white cab drivers. he was taken out of the jail. but the lynching to place right in greenville. i can remember feeling everybody talk about what happened to willie earl. when we as children we think of being afraid of anything, we would think about what happened to willie earl had as we grow older, for some reason the fear
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and left us because if you can be a young man or young woman snatched out of jail without the benefit of a trial and brutally lynched common but is there to be afraid of? so when the civil rights movement workout, many of our parents try to put fear in us by telling us how dangerous it was. and we realized that it was danger, but the danger didn't bother us. what bothered us was a possibility that if we are allowed things to remain the way they were, that we too one day could actually lose their life. you know, the bible had taught all of us that use the to save your life. but if you are willing to lose your life for the sake of what
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is right, then you will say this. so we were spontaneous participants in the civil rights movement. at first, not many of the activities were covered by the local television station, which was channel four. there were accounts of it in the news paper. greenville, as well as the other citizens did not get the attention of birmingham, alabama or jackson, ian or savanna, georgia. but we did enough to spark a movement within the state that quickly spread from greensboro to rock hill, greenville, then it spread to columbia when chad allen university and benedict college, and denmark summit even
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with her solicitation and then into charleston. south carolina. the movement began to come together although it was spontaneous at first, it evolved into an organized movement of young people. it was that that time that i was actually, believe it or not, at the age of 15, elected a president of the youth council for the whole state of south carolina. we were given an attorney that worked with us who later became a judge, matthew jay perry and he worked with us on cases that could be filed. if there were arrests, he handled it. locally we had donald james
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sampson who is an attorney and willie t. smith, another local attorney who helped with those cases as the movement began to take form and evolve into a statewide move and it began to garner some attention. so when jackie robinson came to greenville, he was denied access to the waiting room at the airport. here you have the level of jackie robinson being refuse the use of the waiting room. out of that we had a march on the airport on january 1st, 1960. we organized a march on the air force and marsh from springfield
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baptist church, located at that time and mcafee avenue. the new churches still on, but we all marched. it was hundreds, hundreds that came from all over this day, many locally too much in the air force. after that very successful march on the airport and that is when the segments began to occur. the peterson case became a landmark of the case in south carolina when high school students from greenville, in addition to college students who happen to be home at the time on summer break or whatever were arrested in greenville. they were about four of us
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arrested who were underage, under the age of 16. we were consequently removed from the city jail and taken to the youth detention center. we were kept at the youth detention center for a week, almost eight days. but it was seven days and it was no fun. but i assume that they turned 16, i was back on the trail again. that particular case, our attorneys used an appeal before the united states supreme court in the arrest of those who names were on the record for overturned. of course our names are not included in the official record because we were underage at the time. the other case i was involved with the columbia, we had that
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march on state capital and students rallied from all over the state to protest the fact that south carolina house of representatives that time has passed a bill that gave police officers the authority to arrest individuals for disturbing the peace, even if it was on the property. immediately we decided we would have a march on the capital and that was back in 1961. i think it was march. it could've been march 1961. in fact, 193 students were arrested. the students were from all over the state feared we came down from greenville but they were there in colombia, morris
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college and sumter. south caroline megyn or city. in fact, congressman clyburn was arrested with one of the ones arrested during that particular march on the state capital. but they kept us in jail overnight and the next day when we were able to have visitors there, our faithful youth advisors stayed all night just watching over us, even though we weren't released at that time. we had some wonderful adult leaders in the movement. there is so much to be sold and sometimes i am hesitant to even talk about the civil rights movement because the history of the civil rights movement like most industries is like a wild,
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elusive bird that i was quite the way. you can't put your finger on it. because what i have found when you are a part of something as life-changing as civil rights movement, everybody wants to be a part of this. everybody wants their little niche in history. if they marched on one march that they would civil rights movement, but the world leader in the beret movement. there were those that were part of the civil rights movement from beginning to end. those that didn't leave and come back, you know, college vacations for those who make a substantial contribution and until the victory was one.
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>> at next, we speak with furman professor james guth about politics this >> the name of the book since the oxford handbook and it is in a lot of ways almost four decades in preparation in some sense. though editors and i and a few other people in the 1970s began studying the relationship achievement the american politics. something not american politics. something not widely studied at that time. we did a lot of work to do research work in one way or another of my co-editors and john green at the university of akron did a number of surveys funded by charitable trust on
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religion in american politics in the 1990s. we had a pretty good case that religion was a pretty powerful factor. not all agree to that, but we were convinced no matter where you look, when he looked at the way in which people voted, and we judges behaved, but with the public thought about issues that religion played an important role in some cases come a lesser role in other cases but still there and we wanted to figure out where all of these influences were. one of the things we were impressed with was historians and sociologists have been addressing this question of religion in american political life and political scientists who ought to be studying it were ignoring it. historians come as ashley known as the cultural historians had argued all the way back to the very beginning it really was a social class so much for economics that made a
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difference, but it was ethnicity you were and what religion that made a difference. a lot of us whose contributions are in this book are kind of convinced because he grew up in parts of the country where we had lots of different religious types if you will, a lot of us from the middle west, for example. likely they grew up in a community where they could perceive if you are german cat that coming or democratic. if you're in a region with your new or republican. that didn't matter if you are all farmers. that asked the city and religious division made a big difference. one of the things we discovered this week that he reeled reshaping of our religious constituencies in the two political parties over the last three decades and we've really come to a situation that's been fairly able over the last several elections, obviously depending on the nature of our economy and unpopular wars and
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presidential votes may go up or down. but the underlying two parties in the last presidential elections. the evangelical community has become a big part of the republican elect to right, maybe as much as 40% of the republican party's and it is added to that mormons, religiously traditionalist catholics, more conservative mainline protestant that is basically the republican party. the democratic or he has been the party of religious minorities and secular people. he is increasingly the case. you see those different as sharp name. udc rather different perspectives and needs to change a little bit with who is in the white house for things like that. on the whole, republican
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religious groups, especially evangelical protestants tend to be more sympathetic to what we might call american exceptionalism. they tend to see the united states is having a special role in the world and kind of responsible, maybe god has made them responsible for preserving order in the world. they tend to be a little bit more willing to use military force and engage in unilateral action on the part of the united states. they're not quite as sure we ought to be depending on allies and things like that. in some ways, some of the themes that are present in the evangelical fundamentalist theology. the connection is not necessarily direct or overt, but it is they are and you can see how it influences attitudes towards american foreign policy. most of the democratic institutions hold what we might call nationalism.
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they tend to see the united states as a country that often has a role in the world, they needs to work with others. if you look at the democratic coalition, you might save some ways it looks like a model u.n. and it's a lot more sympathetic because you have hispanics and lots of different groups that i really think we need to stress cooperative diplomacy rather than military force. there's a lot of conflicts within the political parties. we stress the differences that are created between the two parties. different religious groups at each party. different if some issues go in a different theological or cultural or historical background. obviously within each party there is a great deal of diversity as well. you have in the republican party religious conservatives who are
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40% or 50% of the party, but you have the business folks that may be fairly religiously committed, but are not as powerfully committed by some of the religious conservatives are. they are more interested in economic posse, more concerned with those issues. they don't want to fight the christians rights battles. there's a lot of tension between those groups. religious conservatives tend to be pretty conservative on economic questions as well, but they also tend to be suspicious of big business, especially the really top of the economic totem pole and they are not sure of is people have the country's best interests at heart. on the democratic side, i'm not a very secular people who don't want to see any representation of religion in public life, but also hispanic catholics and black protestants for whom politics is really an expression of their faith in a lot of ways.
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automatically connected to their faith. and so you see in 2012 the big battle of the democratic convention over whether the word god would appear that democratic platform or not. lucy those battles continue within both parties. the two-party constituencies are there and they are going to be a part of party politics for a long time i think. one of my colleagues who have a chat to your inner book was studying the robertson and jackson campaign, kind of expression of religious politics in the late 1980s. he tells the story of how he was following the two candidates around in attending the convention said working with delegates at the convention, he attended one of the caucuses the jackson delegates had been the jackson delegates were inclined to be given their caucuses
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always with an opening prayer and then have a benediction at the end. jackson also had a lot of secular white democrats who had supported him and who were his delegates. they were strictly speaking a polyp by the fact you had this political meetings be open and close with prayer. that is a small example of a division within the democratic party that is still there. the democratic dirty has a hard time dealing with any issue because no matter what position he democratic politician takes, he is likely to disappoint or even antagonized one element that their constituency. south carolina historically has been a state dominated by evangelical protestants. southern baptists are the largest group here. we have fundamentalist outpost like over at bob jones university some pentecostalism charismatics assembly of god, folks like that.
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those groups in recent years have been very much players on the republican side of almost any contest you look at. historically you've had different groups engaged at different times. early on in the 1960s and 1970s, they are made from bob jones university were very element of the republican party. really just getting started. it was business folks in the bob jones people who played a major role in getting the party underway. later on, other religious groups intended to come in. when pat robertson put together the christian coalition and his presidential campaign, pentecostal charismatics tended to infiltrate the republican party. the fundamentalists and some others didn't like that very much. they thought vigorously in republican primaries and voted republican candidate for ever hear she in the general election as they were better for the
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democrats. the democratic side of course in recent years african-americans played a very important role. about half of the typical democratic primary voters are african-americans. every candidate, african-american or caucasian or any other sort has to appeal in african-american churches is one of the favorite venues of candidates when they come to south carolina to seek votes in democratic primaries. federal government began in the carter administration in the early years of the reagan administration was pursuing religious institutions and schools that the primary, secondary and college bubble that were racially discriminatory. bob jones was the peak case in that campaign in the supreme court decided the federal government could indeed left bob jones tax exemption because of discriminatory behavior. a lot of people thought that was one of the factors that helped
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give rise to the modern christian campaign against christian schools in the south, which many saw as the segregation academies and again other religious institutions that discriminated and really gave impetus to the development of the moral majority and other organizations that developed later on. one encouraged founders of religious right organizations to pick up the ball start going with those. the only factor of political scientists and scholars tend to overestimate the importance that has with other questions also really got conservative religious people engaged in the political process. as we go down the road, american religious life is changing. new religious groups appearing in larger numbers. we have more non-christian,
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non-jewish groups. we have not once been hindus and others increasing the number of american society. we have more people sort of forgoing religious affiliation at all. they are becoming more numerous. we have changes in religious tissue of these distribution politicians are appealing to one way or another that means over the long run our parties are going to change. the issues they're going to change. we can't always anticipate what the issues are going to be, but we still think people's fundamental religious or perhaps nonreligious as their entire religious activists are going to be an important part of the political dialogue.
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>> we are here at furman university in greenville, south carolina. we are in the second-floor special collection and archives. in our collections here in our department, we have everything from medieval manuscripts to contemporary artist books and everything in between, tracing five to 600 years of print and manuscript culture. we have a number of specialized collection, but one of the main ones connected to the early days at the university is related to baptists is heard and historical collections. the collections i have are related to that. they come from a number of different places in the papers of individuals, several of whom bring associations with the flights. what we will see today is the hidden gems in the baptist historical collection. the night adventure replanted manuscript material that has
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larger implications with american, cultural history. the larger collections which are concerned with religious history, but they are the papers of individuals who are active in the social and political debate of their time and all the work they did. there are some really wonderful things in the collections that speaks to american history and literature at 18 to 19 century. the first thing we will account is 1772, an unpublished manuscript written by philadelphia baptist minister named morgan edwards. in 1770, two years before he published a history of the bat is in pennsylvania and new jersey. this manuscript as yet
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unpublished is a continuation of that history. basically taking the history of the states, the colonies down through virginia, and maryland, north and south carolina and georgia. we just recently had it preserved so it's in much better shape. whenever i show this to students, i always ask them to read the first couple sentences and the beginnings of a chapter for south carolina and north carolina as a way of contrast. we come out to the polite and wealthy province of south carolina whose merchant princes and whose inhabitants for the most part i of slaves wait on them. you can see here he scratched out to labor for them and to wait on them in the beginning
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sentence. this is history that has some heavy editorial influence into it. it is not objective history and the same way we think of it today. but i can go back to north carolina as a means of contrast. next are virginia, southward to north carolina is north carolina, a poor and unhappy province where superiors make complaints that the people in the people of their superiors, which complaints, which complaints of chest showed the body of politics of israel at the time of isaiah, basically meaning under bondage many times over. stark contrast between north and south carolina here. and manuscript goes on for a couple hundred pages, state-by-state, colony by
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got it about in charleston and bailed out. there was a general committee formed to govern the state during this period. most of the individuals based in the low country along the coast where there were great concentrations of wealth and power. the folks in the up country part of south carolina which pretty much meant the rest of the state, two-thirds of the state, naturally were very skeptical of power being concentrated on the coast and also they had loyalist sympathies. they weren't necessarily convinced that breaking from britain was the best recent to do it at that time for the best reason in general. his letter is talking,
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explaining the situation. he mentions the boston tea party and how it may have been justified up to a point. he says that we should remain loyal to the king at this point but we should also note trust in this parliament because parliament in london hasn't answered our needs. the continental congress is working, making some steps to maybe lessen the tensions, distilled temper things with it. we are not at a full break from england at this point there is still november 1775. we so richard furman in 1775 as a young man working for independence during the revolutionary war. he went on to become one of the most respected baptist ministers in the south. he was the leader of the south carolina baptist convention for many years and sort of the senior theologian in the colony and in the state.
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because of that and because of the nature of south carolina, race always comes into play when we are looking at individual. initially it was a bit more of a moderate and didn't necessarily support slavery overtly but later on he ended up owning slaves himself. and ended up with this document, providing an extended debacle justification for the cost of slavery. in this document the short statement, richard furman argues that slavery is not necessarily the best case in all situations in any case of america coming from a typical standpoint it is justified. he argues like many would later argue that the conditions of the slate in america are much better
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than that of the natives or the slaves in africa. this theological and social justification spoke out by richard furman at this period provides the basis of about 40 years of biblical justification for slavery that happened by southern preachers and ministers throughout this time. james furman was a baptist minister and a theologian and professor before he became the president of the university, and in 1860 he was an ardent supporter of session. at the point at which south carolina was starting to call off secession convention altogether many people in the upstate, being skeptical of power structures within the state, were not quite sure whether secession was the right thing to do. down i in the low country it was much more unanimous i think it's fair to say.
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but james furman and a number of others did a number of public lectures and talks, basically stumping for the cost of secession during this period. this is one of his speech drafts at that period. during the war years the university shut down. most of its students had all enlisted and gone off, and the university resumed operations in 1866. i have one other document here from james furman's collection that is interesting. we have the sermon notes and as personal diaries and journals, and all of his other personal papers. in the back of this tiny little handstitched notebook that has furman notes and thoughts, on his religious activities at the
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back we find just on these two pages, and it either in his hand for the hand of his wife, this is a record from 1832 and 1833. you can see that the location and the date is noted. so cavalry chester district, november 1832, wife and then black baptism. we can see the name barnett and his wife belonging to humphreys, december 22, these individuals were baptized december 24, black people were baptized, free black people. and in some instances they are named by name or by who owns
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them. this goes through georgetown, the low country of south carolina to charlotte courthouse to baton rouge, louisiana. about this belief -- .dat this believed in the baptism of african-americans and bring them into the church. they actually in many cases encouraged independent congregations to form for worship. so in that regard they were in some ways a little bit different from other religious bodies in the south during this period which had a more general christian attitude towards enslaved americans. the baptists actively did encourage baptism and encourag encouraged, it wasn't just celebration and observance but this is really an amazing little
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record of what instance over a couple months of his life and part of his work. the last thing i wanted to talk about is this periodical called the southern light, independent religious and literary journal. published in 1856. we have four issues other from the year, and i believe it only existed for less than the full year of its periodical run. edgefield of south carolina is a small town, the county seat, small town and was a small town in 1856, probably about 500 residents. in some cases this is a really remarkable survivor because it is a baptist based religious literary social journal that is collecting information for its readers and then disseminating it out. this periodical only exists and a couple libraries in the
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country, and the content is fascinating. because it shows how its editors were again plugged into the religious, social, labor activities of the time. in a later issue that are sort of articles condemning the abolitionist northern preacher theodore parker and brownson, old individuals as part of the transcendentalist movement and went on to really working for abolition for the cause of progressive reform in all areas of society, and there are strongly worded articles here continue to work as well. we can look carefully at the contents and editorial selection of the small regional works like this and see again how their editors were very much plugged
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into the literary and historical and ideological debates of the time. >> you are watching booktv on c-span2. this weekend we are in greenville, south carolina, with the help of our local cable partner charter communications. up next we speak with akan malaci, author of "u.s. presidents and foreign policy mistakes." >> in the last campaign you asked questions about the biggest mistake you made in your life and you still like to joke that it was trading sammy sosa. you've looked back for what mistakes might have been made after 9/11. what would your biggest mistake be would you say and what lessons have you learned from it? >> i wish we given me this question a ahead of time so the plan for it. >> i look at the book, a book i did because my colleague and friend steve walker. we decided to ride it a few
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years back. you need location for a think was a press conference given by then-president george w. bush. i think it was in april 2004. he was asked about his biggest mistakes, the first two years of his administration. the president took the question and couldn't give an answer. he then meandered around the affirmation of his decision to go to war in afghanistan and also to invade iraq, but in the end he could not give an answer saying gosh, i wish you would've given me this question beforehand so i could think
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about it. so he had no response about any mistakes that he may have committed. our focus substantially is on the concept of power. in we are saying in the book the national politics centers around the concept of power. it was once asked and russia who controls who? who utilizes who? who dominates whom? we are arguing that incorrect answers for the fundamental question and the national politics can lead to foreign policy mistakes.
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in our effort to conceptualize those different types of foreign policy mistakes, or mistakes in general for that matter, we are making some simple but fundamental distinctions. a mistake can be a mistake of either omission or commission. you should do something but you missed to do it, or alternatively you shouldn't do something but you do it. so those would be ellis tradition of mistakes of omission and commission. and even that can't occur on two different levels. on the diagnostic level, on the intelligence level. you misdiagnose the challenge that you are faced with. or alternatively on the prescriptive level, you may diagnose the challenge properly
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but you apply the wrong means. you up like an efficient means to the challenge. it's similar to a doctor, if you are sick of doctor has two tasks to diagnose the illness and then to prescribe the appropriate medicine. he or she can make mistakes on either one level, or on both. if i take a historical example, i think we see, you know, in the bay of pigs invasion, for example, we see mistakes of omission where our leaders saw something in fidel castro that was not there. fidel castro arguably did not always have leanings towards
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moscow. he did not have arguably astral leanings towards the communist existence as we believe to see it, but we committed to this view of him, and that led us to a prescriptive mistake, mistake of omission. and what we did towards cuba and towards the dell castro, and that was the famous the pigs invasion, which has come to be labeled as one of the greatest foreign policy fiascoes in recent u.s. history. it used to be the case that we have a definition of power, if after a gets actor bd do something which he would otherwise not do, then actor a would have power over kind one.
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that's a classic that could -- definition of power. but how that plays out as a very difficult issue. it's a very elusive issued a used to be the case that, say in a battle, whichever side brought more military, more artillery, larger army to the battlefield, everything else being equal was the more powerful side and would prevail. but that's not the case anymore. it hasn't been the case for a while. what is power? who has power is a very difficult question how power plays out. we saw, for example, in tragic and horrific attacks of 9/11 were a few had come enough people were able to exercise tremendous power over the superpower. we saw that in the aftermath that all the might of american power, despite of we were not
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able to control situations in iraq or in afghanistan, or in other kind of places. so i would say that the latest since 9/11, arguably much earlier, arguably since vietnam, or even earlier than that, the latest since 9/11 and what came afterwards some fundamental lessons about how power should have been learned and that in simple terms how is not what it used to be. it doesn't work in those ways. you can't quantify power. power is not applicable and fungible in the ways it perhaps used to be. it doesn't get you the results you are hoping for, and another lesson i think which is very important, fundamental important for our presidential aspects is
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to understand indeed futility and utilities of military power. there's much lacking here in understanding. we hear loud calls from politicians, from presidential candidates, for the strongest military that the world has ever seen. it is not that we become isolationists or anything of that sort. that is not the argument, that it is about the realization of that power, that it is being called for as not something productive. it does not get us the outcomes we want to achieve. in fact, in many cases it becomes counterproductive and it
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costs a lot of money. there's many good examples from our very recent history. the use of american power in the middle east, where there is a belief that engaging with military power, be it in afghanistan or be in iraq, will lead us to certain political outcomes that we are desiring, that we are hoping to achieve. but it doesn't work that way. it was relatively easy for us to go to afghanistan and chase out the taliban for a while. it was relatively easy for american military power to depose of the iraqi dictator saddam hussein. but it's much more difficult to control the situation that is emerging afterwards.
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it's much more difficult to use that same power to control the sticky insurgencies and fight that kind of fight. a sober foreign policy decision-making process ought to be marked in the beginning perhaps by demarcation of the known from the unclear from the presumed. and we find that is often not the case. that, in fact, the unclear becomes the known, or that the presumed becomes the known. we also find very interesting bias that i think is the universal, or that a biased towards the question, what shall
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we do, rather than what is happening here? and so these are two examples i think that would aid better decision-making. you have a sober process in which we delineate the known from the presumed from the unclear in which we give more time to the question what is happening here before we move on to the question, what shall we do? that is paired with something else that pertains to humans are fallible. they are limited in their decision-making capacities. they have emotions, pre-existing beliefs. they have personality traits,
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all kinds of biases that distort the decision-making process. from that it falls across in a world that is having a good amount of uncertainty to it. in which humans are fallible in their decision-making, that we recommend a strategy that's referred to as disjointed incrementalism. foreign policy decisions should be following a strategy of disjointed incrementalism. that means that we are always just making small steps to the left and the right. incremental steps. and disjointed means that they are reversible. small reversible steps in order
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to avoid foreign policy disasters or fiascoes that we have seen in the past. if we truly care about americans well being, this great idea on which this country rests, we must not be satisfied with a repetition about these things. that does not serve as well. instead we must have understanding of these issues. >> during booktv's recent visit to greenville we toured the hughes main library south carolina room to do the collection of materials relating to the early development of greenville county. >> we are in the second floor of the hughes main library in downtown greenville, south carolina, and we are in the south carolina room. as far as in the south carolina
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room we are in the workgroup of the south carolina room. we are part of the reference department here in the library. so none of our books, we have quite an extensive book collection and periodicals but nothing can be checked out. and so we serve the public of greenville and greenville county and people who come from other places to provide information about the history of greenville, the development of this area. it's centered on greenville, wrinkled county, and in the surrounding county in what we would call the up country of south carolina, the upper portion. piedmont area. we have both some very unique items here that we will see, and also books that are on the area that are newer. we have both.
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we are going to take a look at the gym of our collection i would say. it's a daybook of alexander mcbeth from 1794. it's probably the oldest item, single item that we have related to greenville. and so it's a story that was at the -- a story at the intersection of the richard wagon road. these date back to the very beginnings of settlement in this area. it was a store where they bartered. there was not a lot of hard cash that changed hands. so that often used deerskin to purchase items that are coming up from charleston. the are about three months of transactions that are listed in this daybook. you can see it's in very fragile
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condition so we keep it back in the archives in a box protected. so i opened it up here to a couple pages, and so you can see, of course it's handwritten and he just lives transactions of folks coming in third they are just local people, and a lot of transactions are going to be for liquor. half pint of whiskey. what do we have here? one pint of whiskey. two pints of whiskey. it appears with key was a very popular drink at this time in this area. base of all kinds of items that coming up from charleston, and writer at the bottom, this is a special interest to myself. it's deerskin's coming from a fellow by the name of wesley
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hunt. this is my fifth great grandpa, and so he was the first hunt that settled in this district. you might find an ancestor, the local people who come in here, you might find someone that you are related to in some of our collections. i might move over here to one dathat has little bit lighter in time. this is into the 1800s, and it's a ledger book that this fellow, often called the father of greenville. he was born in spartanburg district, itches and adjoining county and moved to north carolina, made money, he was a very successful farmer and still work with the they invest a lot of money in greenville and really get industry going here
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in the greenville area. now, this ledger book is from 1846, and it's quite different from this first ledger, from the mcbeth star ledger come into the are many more women who are making purchases. it shows that there are more women in the area. originally this was very frontier type situation with mostly men. there's a lot less alcohol being purchased especially by women but alcohol still is a popular item, i might say. in the 1840s also there's a lot more cash purchases. you are not using your skin to purchase items at this door. so a lot of changes are going on here in greenville. many people who can't in the
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south carolina room are interested in military history because their ancestors served in military units. we get from, goodness, starting from colonial wars to the revolutionary war and up through civil war and forward. now, greenville has a history of military anticipation. up in the early 20th century during world war i there was a camp built here just north of town, campus severe, and it was to train troops were going over to france. one of the outfits that was organized here was the 30th, the 30th of division, and this is a book that was printed after the war by some of the fellows who were in that particular unit. old hickory, and notice the little thimble.
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the age is laying and then they have three axes, the xxx. old degree, that's the nickname for andrew jackson. the troops who are in this division came from tennessee, north carolina and south carolina. they were national guard troops. here's a map of campus severe. they were trenches, machine guns, practice ranges, artillery ranges, all manner of training going on here at camp severe.
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during the war. greenville not only had a world war one military base but during world war ii the airbase was build here south of town. pearl harbor took place on december 7th, 1941 on december 10th in the newspaper they announced they were building the green army airbase here. i thought that was quick. the army was looking at building a base but they were looking at land to build a military base in
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greenville so when the bombing of pearl harbor took place that sort of cleared the way and they decid decided to build it quickly. it was the greenville army base until 1951 it wad renamed donaldson airforce base. it went to transportation then and cargo planes flew out and were active during the korean war and the berlin food drop.
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the development of the state and the greenville area especially in the part it played in the development of south carolina, the industry here in the area, the movement from the frontier economy basically to a textile-driven economy and industry all the way up through the wars that we went through, the military bases that were built in world war one and two. and we are looking forward to the future and providing information to, you know, both people who grew up here and are moving here, many people are coming into the area. >> this weekend we are in greenville with the help of our
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cable partner charter communication. judy banebridge talks about the history of the city. >> the book is "greenville heritage" and it is a selection of articles i wrote starting in 1999 for the "greenville news". it is a selection of articles that trace greenville's history from 1790's even 1780's through the 1980's. most of the articles focus on the 19th and early 20th century. greenville was a summer resource where people from the low country.
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southern railway which is essential to the textile industry getting the fabrics out and delivered and bringing in cotton for that matter. near the cotton fields, was a source of water that was excellent. cheap labor. very cheap labor. non-unionized. this was a place where the north came eventually to put in also greenville residents did themselves. starting in the 1890's when you have this surge, the names in greenville are beginning to fade. but froyears, if you said -- but for years if you said sampson or one of the names people knew
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what you were talking about. they belonged to the communities. one of the finest books is called "like a family" and they were like a family. in those mills, the mills themselves because they wanted control, get villages out from them. sometimes, for example, in the 1930's, you have 2500-3,000 people living at judson and mongin. these were big con endocri the manufactureers decided they would not raise salaries but any time someone did one thing to help everybody started looking. the thing that built mill vi
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village's sense of community was sports. it started with baseball. mills and pelsner played double-headers by the 18th century but by the 1900s baseball was everywhere. every village had its own baseball field some are bleachers and a dugout. and this was big stuff. then to have the ym at monegans go to a training camp in new york and met the guy who started basketball, got the rules, stop in new york and brought the first basketball to south carolina and to the south and starting in the 1907 you have basketball being played here. then in the 1920's it goes wild
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with a textile basketball tournament. every mill has four teams, a team, b team for girls, boys, and men and sometimes girls. in the 1950s and 1960s most mills were still doing really, really well. but they did not have that same feeling of being like a family anymore because the mill owners began to sell off the mill villages. they seated the roads to the county. they no longer provided security electricity at 25 cents a room coal and wood at wholesale
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prices. all of that began to go away. at the same time, mills began to feel the force of japanese competition. in the 1950's japan was making rather prude goods. the first mill to close was camper down. it started in 1874 and was the oldest of the post-civil war mills. more and more emphasis on making sure that people were no longer living in mill villages but they had cars now.
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salaries went up and were actually living wages. amazing. they began to forget the textile heritage. i tried to put that together. i want to do a book just on the mills of greenville because i think that is absolutely fascinating. i know there are other things as well. you see the impact of how downtown changed over the years. that, too, is a part of greenville's heritage. how a busy downtown in the 1950's went downhill so rapidly and came back. that, too, is a part of the story i was trying to tell. >> during booktv's recent visit to greenville we spoke with courtney tulson about the
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long-term impact of world war ii on greenville and its surrounding answer. >> the nation became interested in world war ii in the early 1990s. the statistics were published that so many world war ii veterans were dying every day. and this generation was dutiful to their families. they wanted to get on with their life and didn't talk about their war experiences. for decades people thought these men and women wouldn't talk about their experience. people started pursuing this in the early 1990s with the
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national war mall opening and broadband of brothers came out. our country began paying so much more attention to this greatest generation. moreso than we had in a long time. during our research for the book and this project more generally, we realized greenville and upcountry south carolina experien experienced this in similar ways. they kissed benevolence good bye for years at a time. they planted victory gardens and rationed sugar and butter. but one area truly set this community apart from the rest of the nation and that was the textile and apparel manufacturing mills in the area. this area was the textile
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capitol of the world. within a hundred mile radius of greenville there were over 460 mills. so mills' mills produced twill for the united states marine core. there are hundreds of items that were manufactured here in local mills. parachute strapping -- the material for parachutes. bandages, tents, rain coats, fabric, the material for uniforms was dyed here, mattress covers for the navy that doubled as air flotation devices. the mills worked one week off or one day on one day off. and in 1939, september of 1939
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which we went to war, our allies, primary england and france, looked to washington, d.c. for goods and materials they needed. they were nations at war and looked to us to help them out. washington, d.c. looked down to the textile capitol of the world and government contracts came funneling into this area the mills to begin producing for the war effort and our allies and for the united states as well. immediately in the fall of 1939 you see the price of cotton rising and the mills that were one day on/one day off started running round the clock, three shifts a day, seven days a week. so the impact economically was
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tremendous. the apparel and textile mills are producing at full capacity all of a sudden. full momentum. as much as they can. and the textile mill operatives infu infused their work with patriotic meaning. this is their way of contributing to the war efforts domestically. we talked they were working in the mills producing goods for to support our military and our allies. there were other ways this area benefited from world war ii. we had several bases in the community. there was camp cross and here in greenville we had the greenville army airbase which trained the 25 replacement crew. that is a lot of growth and development in this area and a
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lot of people coming into the this area as well. one aspect i appreciated about including civilians who served the war effort from a domestic standpoint was hearing about what happened here in greenville, spartanburg, and up country during the war. they told us a lot about the church services that occurred. the prayers of thanksgiving that were offered at the end of the war. they told us about churches establishing, reading rooms, or rooms for letter writing, for local soldiers who were in training. when a local church donated an iron stairwell to the trap keep. and saint mary's church hosted 1100 soldiers in the summer of 1944 alone. so the local community really
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stepped up and embraced these soldiers inviting to their homes for dinner and inviting them to worship. the red cross of course was active. it was interesting to talk to people who had been children during the war. we gathered lots of different toys all very patriotic war theme. one was a small, plastic, sort of circular item that had different planes. so children could serve as unofficial plane spotters during the war. religious diversity also proliferated after the war because again you had a lot of people returning to this area who had trained here from the northeast. so there were seven catholic churches that opened within the 25-30 years after world war ii. and of course, it is absolutely
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more than coincidents that brown versus board of education was handed down, nine years after the end of world war ii, so we had a lot of african-american veterans going overseas and taking pride in their service and the ideology americans were fighting in the war for. and what i found after the fact was the veterans from 2007 talked to me about their service in world war ii militarily and then they will talk about experiences during the american civil rights movement and they would also discuss hopes that
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were outstanding and had yet to be real ieized for our nation. if you fast forward to the interviews i did late fall of 2008 or 2009 those african-american vets placed their war experience in a radically different context. memories are organic and all of our life experience are constantly working on those memories and we shift them to give new meaning to things that happened 75 years ago even. the veterans from the fall of '08 and '09 started thinking differe differently about their service and saw it as part of the ark told the nation realizing our
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founding values and they begin to take a lot more pride and were far more optimistic. one think i would perhaps underestimated when interviewing veterans spickally was the sense to which this was a sensory experience for them that they recall. >> we sat watching the ships bombbard the island. then watched the navy and marine core bomb them. we just thought it was over. we will put the flag up and it will be over and we will go home.
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>> often time in these interviews we would be on camera and i would be asking questions of a veteran and if he was talking about the battle of the bulge during a time he was cold his body would contract. if he was talking about running up on the beach and seeing the bodies thrown over the beach in the immense tropical heat and the smell and the sound of flies buzzing around dead bodies you could see that play out in someone's body language. so i had underestimated to which the senses would be called forth so much during these oral history interviews. it was often times an emotionalal experience experience for the veterans to live. >> when we began horning them with the upcountry history
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museum annual veteran's day ceremony it was very interesting to see their response and their reaction. i feel like they felt honored because we held ceremonies for them but also took so much time with each of them. this trul was a war effort. all of them were oriented toward winning this war. it is a tremendous example of a community coming together like
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so many did around this nation for that effort. >> for more information go to cspan.org/citytour. >> every day books are reviewed by publications throughout the country. phillip jason reviewed the accounts of the manhunt and capture of balkin war criminals who were indicted by the international crilinal -- criminal tribunal in the hague. he wrote it is loaded with horror stories, stories of courage, and determination of bringing ethnic cleansing masterminds to justice. and he notes what is new is the
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extensive interviews with special forces soldiers and intelligence officials. nick littlefield and david nex on recounting of the live of david kennedy says the book doesn't just show how the sausage is made but how the butcher is picked and how the knives are wielded. it underscores how much the political landscape has changed. and new york times writer commented on jeffrey's history of psychology saying liberman
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says he is sure people are not certainly about mental millness because it targets the mind, had seat of itself, and its symptoms are disguised as personal defects. here he is talking about the differences between mental and physical health care. >> the good news is if you have als, alzheimer's, or pancreas cancer, there is not much to be done. you wait for the next discovery. but for the vast majority of mental disorders we already have enough to make a huge difference. we just don't provide it.
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the only way this gets to aintention of the media is a mass violence incident. some individual who is mentally ill and untreated kills people. >> watch for these programs and more this weekend on booktv. >> a solicitor general of the united states supreme court. ryan owens is here to talk about it. what is the solicitor general? >> the solicitor general is the attorney for the united statess and represents the united states interest in the supreme court and occasionally the court of appeals. it is the central figure in terms of litigating the u.s.' position before the supreme court. >> whether or not that
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