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tv   Lifes Work  CSPAN  July 23, 2017 1:30pm-2:34pm EDT

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and reading regularly. of course the challenge we have is making sure we find the time to read things we like to read besides what we have to do every day. >> thank you for your time. >> guest: thank you. >> book tv wants to know what you are reading. send us your summer reading list via twitter, book tv, or instagram, at book -underscore tv, or posted to her facebook page, facebook.com,/book tv. but deviancy spent two, television for serious readers. [inaudible] [inaudible] >> good evening.
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co-owner politics and prose bookstore. on behalf of everybody here that busboys, welcome and thank you for coming. we have terrific sessions for you this evening. were talking about life's works, moral arguments of choice and several other voices on the issue including women's health and reproductive life. this is subject of intense interest of access to legal abortion and organizations providing the service have been cut in federal funding. all eyes are now focused on the trump administration and the supreme court and what they will do in the coming months. i'm sure you know that. as evidenced by how crowded this room is this evening. the panelists will be moderated
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-- our moderator is sitting on the end holds a phd in local science. and spent two decades in public policy and advocacy. starting with a stint as a staff member from congress which dealt with health and education issues. she sense work for several groups involved in health and gender matters, currently the senior fellow. she's been presented on a number of topics related to productive health and has provided commentating on mpr and other media programs. please join me in welcoming our guests. [applause]
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[applause] >> thank you. i love the fact that this room is packed today. you are in first treat with this esteemed panelist. also we will be able to go deep into issues regarding reproductive rights and justice. we know it is critically important particularly in the environment we find yourselves in. going to go ahead and introduce the panelists in the will get right into the discussion. sitting next to me and have the famous, doctor willie parker. he is a christian women's rights advocate and abortion provider, one of the few to provide abortion services in alabama and mississippi. as a dr. and advocate of compassion abortion care, is constantly harassed by antichoice extremists who put
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themselves in the moral authority of god. in life's work, the new book, he encounters the protesters narrative. he makes the moral argument of choice where he recounts his own decision to become a provider. in doing this, he does it in a way that is because of, not in spite of his religious belief. next to doctor parker we have a lease, president of a pro-choice america group and an expert in organizing grassroots support around social justice issues including human rights, media reform, and representation and reproductive freedom. she has push the conversation around abortion aspect to be one of fundamental human right and the best determination for women. last but not least, we have reverend chris and denise, who are co- pastors of the covenant baptist united church of christ in washington, d.c. for 32 years that have led the ministry that brings forth both
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spiritual and physical liberation of god's people. there holistically involved. in january, the reverend and doctor organized a ceremony involving other faith leaders and community folk that blessed one of the newest parenthood clinics in weston, d.c. let's start with a round of applause. [applause] >> before we get started, i think we should conversation in the current political environment, which we see that
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these hardline folks that are antichoice, anti- women are bent on chipping away on women's rights. what doctor parker tells us in his new book is that we should recognize a woman's moral right of choice is to determine the course of their lives. so with that, let's start with the theme of the fierce urgency of now, what are the threats against reproductive rights in this new political environment? >> first of all, thank you all for coming. i hope you recognize the breath of expertise at this table and because we have that breath of expertise, we have held politics and religion admits threat this drama was playing out. i would be remiss if i did not defer to elise on letting her giving the political lay of the land again political rights, we all live it in the wiley's are
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helping to push back but i cannot let her give you the lay of the land. >> thank you. it is an honor to be on this panel tonight. it's an honor to be here with all of you. the urgency of now but i would be remiss if i did not point to the fact that there has been a fierce urgency of now for women around this country for a very long time. i'm from the state of texas, i like to say that we are ground zero for everything that is anti, i can't say antichoice but now there is a fierce competition for which state is going to be ground zero. the fierce urgency of now is a rate nationwide recognition that
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what has been happening for a long time to the voiceless, most marginalized in our society could actually be codified in law and roughly apply. while that can be frustrating to many of us who have been trying to lift those voices up, it also offers an opportunity. where there is awareness, there's power, energy and potential, leme focused answer the question, i see a number of threads, the first one is one we have already started to go down which is the courts. we have the first president ever to campaign, not once he got elected, but on the campaign true with the litmus test for the supreme court justice and that was to overturn roe versus wade. we believe the first just as he has put on the court will be a
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solid vote for overturning roe versus wade. he's stacking the court with justices of a similar mindset. i say where there's smoke there's fire, you must always have anti- -- men and a tendencies towards racism and oppression. so the courts, of really big issue for us. executive authority that comes in two ways. the executive orders were seen that are codified discrimination throughout the government, started with the executive order that created the conditions for services to rewrite the rule that assured contraception to women and basically said what they've already done plus what were anticipating through these straps we have seen.
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an employer could have any reason to deny employees birth control. so that's executive authority. but it's a big deal and they often happen under greater in the dark of night. you have heard across the board president trump is putting people in charge of his institutions that actually seek to dismantle what those institutions too. that is absolutely true with health and human services as well as jeff sessions was one of the worst when it comes to clinics in the kind of thing. we have an incredibly hostile son and house were sinking to not just codify the abortion ban and funding band, limits on accessing contraception into law, but also to the new
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healthcare builder expanding the people who are denied interest coverage for abortion, even private insurance or pain out of your pocket. one last thing that's important, this is not a republican and democratic issue. we have our challenges cut a for us with many among the democratic caucuses too. who whether or not they personally believe that abortion access should happen, they seem poised to politically jettison it and not only is that morally reprehensible, i don't want to take out how much time about how bad of a political strategy that is. >> let's talk a little bit in terms of the political climate. how do you see it being different now than it has been in the past? you've worked on these issues for a long time in your career.
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i've heard some folks say that they haven't seen anything like this in terms of the environment, some of the policies particularly in the overreach of the executive branch level. tell us about how it's different now? >> i think you can see differences both the positive and negative side. were seen on president energy and awareness in terms of what is happening and for women to fight back. were seeing a lot of intentionality about policies being removed, in nevada for example of the governor just signed a bill that preempted reassures women of nevada coverage contraception even when it comes down to denying -- were seeing moves to repeal trigger law, that being the soon as roe
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versus wade is overturned, were seeing this to repeal trigger laws in illinois. it's critically important a role were fighting to show the pathway forward. i am actually deeply apocalyptic in some ways. i see a lot of potential for real transformation even in the overreach. if you look at some of the bills being proposed removed by the other side, they are calling questions that we as society need to face. they're clarifying and crystallizing what i said and what many people on the stage have said which is the not really about abortion. phil was the other side would join hands with us and talk
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about contraception and policies that support families and women. they don't 20 that. it's a clash of ideological worldviews and the fight is about control. rosina play out on legislation. when you look at oklahoma and arkansas, some of the bills been introduce just whatever happen in a woman's life, whether it's her husband or father or rapist veto power against that woman seeking an abortion. that's terrific. so hard to wrap your mind around. and, if we grab it there's an opportunity to have a real conversation about what this is about. i believe only have the conversation most people are with us and not with the other side. >> think you make a key point that is not just about abortion rights. these are people coming out to withhold or take us back several
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decades of not only access to abortion but also access to contraception. the healthcare bill that congress is debating on right now would also restrict access things like maternity care and things that we think should be a part of any persons human rights to access comprehensive healthcare. it's really about the array of reproductive health services. i want to shift things a little bit and talk about the moral authority on abortion, or even just doctor parker, taking things for you, can you tell us what you mean when you say the oral argument for choice? >> i still live in hawaii and when elise was describing what was happening, the russian of reproduction rights, it seems that you don't know what you got
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until it's gone. and things are disappearing as we speak. so we won't really miss them until they're gone. we have a room full folks that unless your older than 44 years old you don't know world were abortion was illegal. you will know what that's like until it's gone. when i make a case for the moral authority of women to be self determining, as a christian i make it in a christian case. there people who devry a christian morality that don't have anything do with religion. in fact some times i say as a christian i joke about given all of the mischief and immorality happen in the name of christianity, says a christian is my job to prove to non-christians that christians can be moral. and because when it comes to morality, or at least i
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interpret morality that personal when you have a sense of what is right and wrong and in particular what's right and wrong personally and with regards to operating in the world. so when it comes to ethics which should be the morality would end a profession, different types of ethics my personal and moral ethic governor my personal behavior is a physician practicing medicine the ethic of medicine dictates how i should behave practicing my craft and in particular how i should behave regarding providing care for people who seek care from me. you were an environment where legally people are able to say that is immoral for women to have health care that they need, that requires me to ethically reach my duties to respect the autonomy of patients as well as my duty to practice and do good.
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when i say make it a moral case, if morality is personal for each of us individually, that means it is personable for women making decisions in their lives. that means that women's bodies and their lives are not public space. that means you can have laws to govern how women are anyone makes personal decisions. so i say making the moral case for choice is the one stone that i believe has been left on turn when it comes to this conversation. we have made the case medically that abortion is safe and it is to protect the lives and there's no question that abortion represent safety for women. we've even push back on the issue the abortion is a horrible procedure in terms of what people make the argument that fetuses can feel pain, we have scientific evidence that refutes
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that. we push back on the morbidity of abortion. we push back under the claim that it's dangerous. we have not made the case that women have been people who are making decisions about reproduction, process that occurs in their body that it is within their agency as human beings to make those decisions. part of that is because we deferred in the public space or we have avoided questions of morality because we look at morality and religion. what that has done is left a big vacuum those supposed to reproductive rights to control women have been all too willing to fill that space and make the indictment of a woman taking care of herself as being immoral. think the only way to neutralize the is suppose a counter
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narrative in the same context. religious folk don't care what nonreligious folk don't think and vice versa. if there'll be a push back on the public space on morality it has to be people of faith understanding and critically dissecting the claim that abortion is immoral and pushing back in that regard. that's why am elated about the type of work that the pastor has done in making a case. >> i want to hear from the pastors to in terms of the same around good choice and moral argument. how does this translate into the work that you have done is pastors? >> we pastor in the area of washington, d.c. which supports -- so, when we talk about reproductive rights, when i think about so many of the women that we minister to what is
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different? because they don't have access to care, they don't have the physical, mental, even spiritual environment that they need to be able to have those kinds of things. because of the pressure. so, the cultural context is different. you be fabulous if they could make a choice but many women have and people think they are given a choice, they have no choice. because of the oppression. >> when we think about the moral authority for reproductive justice, think also about the fact that both as a pastor and a
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christian church, christianity got a bad name in terms of dealing with issues that led to marginalize people. i think about one of the statements is that jesus came so that we might have life and have it more abundantly. so, when the other side of this issue tries to claim that they are pro-life, it seems as though they're only talking about life prior to were rather than life that comes after. because some of the same people that when we did the blessing ceremony recently at planned parenthood of washington when we conducted that long with doctor parker and others at our church
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in southeast -- the my wife just talked about, we had people protesting outside of our church with signs. i think they were from from the -- baptist church. and we had also encountered them will we were spirit hit heading for marriage equality in the district of columbia. so it seems to me with this current administration there is an increased division, there's an increase in lack of civility, and actually there's an increase in lack of honesty and integrity in terms of looking at what
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people in power actually doing among women with issues, men, the race issue, et cetera. we are finding that what we're seeing is an increase in individuals in a rolling back of the hands of time to yesterday. a rolling back of all the gains whether we talk about civil rights, women's rights, all of those things that are taking away of some of the gains we have made instead of building on them and helping us communicate like we're doing here today. what happens with those who claim the moral high ground as it stands now? they are not interested in conversations. they're not interested in dialogue or compromising any kind of way. and we're seeing that in the
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senate and the house of representatives, were seen in in the very style of this administration that is in the white house. and now as mentioned earlier the three branches of government who claim to be so american to love america so much want to be responsible for making america great again, are actually making america hates again back. >> thank you so much.
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in terms of the work that were doing, there's a role for all activists and advocates of different backgrounds, their those of us were doing policy, and writing on these issues, doctor parker is a physician and an advocate believes in leaving the work link activists by you all is pastors and reproductive rights, what are some of the strategies you have employed to engage more people in the fight for reproductive rights? >> one of the things i have done is to decide that i am more interesting in living then preaching one, but in terms of actually engaging my colleagues who are health providers to feel empowered to just acknowledge that the care is necessary and that if there providers to
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encourage them to speak out and be open about the fact that they provide this care. i've concluded there's no clandestine way to do justice. the advocacy and the push back against the stigma and shame that denies access because it makes providers may be sympathetic or understandably be but are intimidated to provide the care, they decide if they can't to them a clandestine way that i want to take the risk. i've decided the only way we're going to push back is to be open about the work. michael has been to empower my colleagues and also empower the women who see me. one of the things i try to do is radicalize them politically in the context of their care. what i mean and i'm not telling them to register to become a democrat or republican, i'm saying link your experience run
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what he had to go to to get this care to your political activity or inactivity and what's happening to is not happening in a black box, it's not magic. if you fail to vote for the person is sensitive to your need in this regard, then you have allowed the situation to occur that makes it difficult to get this care. if you can link how hard it was to get this care or you live in new york where the access is easier, like it's your political activity. that's what i mean by radicalizing and helping them understand that what were seen does not happen in a vacuum. it happens due to your political activity or your political inactivity. >> i think of the faith community they see things in one of the things i have taught -- i
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remember we're doing care and thought what did god think about this. and she. [inaudible] she said we can look at all kinds of issues. one woman brought an issue that she had four children and she was pregnant and her husband really wanted her to have an abortion and she did. so she came back to the group distraught because she did not know it got thought about her. but then, finding out that five other women in her group had abortion and had never been able to talk about it before, never
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had a sense of what does god think about this. so really been able to do some reflection on real lives and who this scott is to the point that when we had the discussion it had really gone to a place of coming to a sense of peace. . .
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with shedding old waves of thinking and talking about it, and starting anew and the fundamental shift forus in last five years that i've taken over the organization is recognizing and this is a real emotional and -- and cognitive shift that we're the majority so the traditional way of talking about the issue is what is so o particularized and divides country in half and when i say we've shifted that, we've literally shifted the way the poll on questions because if you ask people if they're pro-life
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or prokois you do get 50, however, that's not a useful laicialing labeling in a country but if you ask people how they've personally identified because it is important for people to if feel safe and personal identification and then what they feel like their neighbors deserve. and what government should provide, and i used to say 7-10 but we're creeping up to 8-10 americans who support legal accessible compassionate abortion care and their own communities. that's staggering, right for a narrative that we've been told oh you shouldn't talk about it because it is so divisive. but it bracing that reality positions a very, very differently organize in the world, and so that's crucial. and then recognizing that those people come from very different places.
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it's why the work of my -- of my friends and allies on stage is so important right. a lot of those people self-identify as people of faith. the majority of people who personally identify as pro-life which means to them i would never make that choice. now i think other providers will tell you you never know what you're going to do until you're in the moment but you night think you do. still don't want to sit? judgment of their neighbors. so embracing that we are the majority and recognizing the different path waist that people come to this conversation is step one. and how we diversify and expand the audience. step two for us -- that's actually been to engage deeply in conversation and ask tough questions about progressive allies who are slengt on this issue. it has been really interesting to me having worked in a broader progressive movement in coming
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to do reproductive freedom work how slengt my colleagues are and they're coming around. they are coming around that it has required a lot of intentionality in the work and asking them to accept uncomfortable for them because guess what the progressive movement is full of late misogyny and styingmy stigma and we have to get over abortion if we're going to expand the audience so we make that a big part of our work and we don't do it in a shaming calling o out way but campaign context that we're inviting people to join us and the campaign to call out fos was one of those where we have white, straight gender were male led groups who were all of a sudden talking about abortion rights as a critical fundamental
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right in the context of this supreme court. and a third way and i think this -- this has been pretty important but against the organization we're going to be 50 next year. is recognizing that there just isn't that much enthusiasm for engaging in a fights that backwards we talk to people who are fired up about issues of inequality and understand there's no way to get to gender equality without centralizing abortion rights to reproductive freedom and justice but they want to talk about -- right. so movements are fueled by forward looking vision and not by becomewards looking vision so we've sought to engage young activists. traditional historic activist and a conversation about what's the future of vision of this work and what are we fighting for?
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with that i think we have to shift to the q and a portion and i want to thank all of you for your are insight. and so let's get started. we have a mic here so if anyone has any questions and ready to open the floor. hi -- [inaudible conversations] [laughter] going off of what you were also discussing -- but someone who is young and extremely passionate about justice and not just abortion, i was wondering if you had any advice for how we can expand the conversation outside of just abortion to include groups that aren't necessarily always included in the discussion about okay, well of justice immediately i think abortion not to this issue i'm not going to
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choir about that. >> well, i think -- the very nature of reproductive justice is that it -- it's step away from the notion of a -- single issue analysis of the continuum of reproduction in terms of the whole notion of intersectionalty of reproductive justice it places the outcome on a continuum saying you're for adoption, abortion, or -- a birth in parenting. you know there are other aspects of repracticive outcome like assisted reproductive technology, and other things that reproductive justice looks at the interplay and looked at the stratification of reproduction in terms of stratify value of reproduction where the fertility of some women are valued over others so
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i think that one of the way it is that -- you build a movement is you -- you rather than things, you have a frame qork that allows people to passions to be courted. but that they see the interrelationship between those issues, so i think -- for me at least someone who came into consciousness after starting in medicare with a reproductive health right abortion is -- just one aspect when they look at housing and education and all of the other things so i think it is the notion that no matter where you stand on issues that you have to take into account
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that abortion becomes a housing issue becomes an education issue because people -- in need of abortion if they don't have access to that and they lose control of their live in that regard they lose their ability to appropriate meaning and purpose in all of the other areas. all of these pieces intersect with one another, you know -- what's going on economically, and so it's all of it together, so that you start where people are -- what their issues are and
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concerns are and let them see how it is impact an intersects with all of these other things. i agree with all of that, and i want to also say -- there is, about there is a danger in forgetting that abortion is central to all of this, and that danger we've seen as reproductive rights movement focused a lot more on contraception because it was a lot more palettable that abortion rights eroded in this country and women that were most harmed by that were the most marginalized women and so -- i just want to emphasize that as we talk about all of these things it and even my organization which was founded as specifically abortion rights organization has recognized that we are an organization that needs to want to be there, a for women at all points in reproductive because we're the same women who have abortion and
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go on to have kids but also -- that that we, you know, we need fight for abortion women are getting hurt. so it has to be the continuum, it can't be either or. yeah, i wanted to add to the in particular that we lose when we try to take abortion out of the issue -- i definitely think all of us up here understand that there are some folks, you know, that were there they may not necessarily want to come over to the movement or to the effort to maintain or affirm reproductive rights but we have to talk about these issues and continuum and we lose when we take abortion
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rights out of that. hi -- let's first of all thank you all so much for everything. a couple of you were talking the opposition and you mention there's an increasing lack of activist and you point out it is not about abortion, it's about much more -- and i'm wondering how many people politically and personally how many people who are against abortion are actually good faith opposed to abortion in the actual it goes against their, you know, religiouses but it is a broader agenda and -- if those people, what's the possibility of building coalitions with them.
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what i will say when we talk about opposition we're talking about the organized reforce anti-choices movement who has a very concrete political agenda that the most outward faceing part of is limiting or ending abortion but when you do the research, they're opposing idea after. opposing contraception and opposing their equality and for gay family or any family for the stem cell research it is a fairly these are the ones that are writing the policy that gets introduced to the state houses. and i want to be really clear when i use the word only decision that's what i'm talking about there are many, many, many individuals who i speak with and i certainly would look to my
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left an my right to hear their perspective, who are prnlly morally conflicted about abortion. and there are politicians who we've heard well from about that -- and an early graduation because she was pregnant which we all agreed was morally bankrupt. and i think when we engage with them on that we can find agreement that they're also not comfort through the moral government through the legislature on other people.
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those of us who are -- have a broader perspective of reproductive justice and reproductive rights that we are perhaps not giving due credence to the police of certain people who morally do it and those with abortion is a sin or something like that. and certainly it's -- okay for people to hold their own their choice to force their way of thinking on people who don't agree with that particular position. if that's the position that they want to hold, then there's no problem. but again, i go back to after we
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did the ceremony, lesson ceremony, these people not only protest outside the church. protested outside the church. they came into the church also taking place they told everybody in sunday school class you're going to hell because, you know, you did a blessing ceremony and you -- don't see things the way we do. my wife and i went as soon as we leave here we have a train to new york. we're going to auburn seminary we've been invited to participate in a workshop tomorrow. with conversation and we're kind of looking forward to exactly what is going to be about. [laughter] but i think it has to do a lot with trying to communicate with people who are on --
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on the opposite side of of the divide in a way that is constructive and productive now i've got to admit. i have very little patience with sometimes with people who are so adamant on the other side. >> you have to get that. >> you have to grow. >> i'm working on that. [laughter] but again, getting become to what we said what has been said on panel earlier -- we do need to learn how to talk to one another. we need to learn how to talk about sex -- and sexuality in so often and whenever it is raised people want to, you know, sweep it away. so it's like -- we become so, so holy and so moral that we don't want to deal with the everyday issues of life that we don't want to deal with the
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ramifications of certain decisions that are made -- where those who are marginalized really don't have much of a choice as a we said earlier. but those who are privileged have many more choices and when we have these kinds of debates some of those distinctions are not clearly, clearly made. i guess i will finally just say concerning that -- that even though we're focusing on reproductive justice, rightsesses with, abortion, and many this conversation it is all related to all of the other issues of marginalization and o oppression that take place in this nation and this world. i often tell my wife that i have a recovering sexist and --
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and wish to say i'm a recovering racist, i wish those who are -- heterosexs can say i'm a -- i think that's had the first step of having real genuine honest conversations with one another because and says none of us are free are until all of us are free. and a few more questions -- because you kind of answered my question a little bit already, so feel free to expound about this. but you talked a lot about reproductive justice and intersectionalty, and recently there was a lot of controversy for -- well a few things i mean what is not controversial these days.
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but in particular -- a black and brown striped were recently added to lbgtq a flag and a lot of controversy centers around that and on the flip side there's also a lot of hypermasculinety and homophobia among comungts of color, and it's kind of like we're so worried about having conversations with the other side and trying to reason with them where we still haven't gotten on the same page. you know, this terms of the progressive movement, and you know, how -- how often do these conversations coming up in your work? and where do you think we are, where do we need to go from here? that's kind of like where i was -- yeah. i'm horrible with things to think of. [laughter] >> it's good. >> well only thing that i was saying i appreciate the question --
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in our work we are constant isly trying to help people see that all of us have a certain degree of power and privilege over somebody else. i don't care what our demographic is and so what we really need to realize is that according to our understanding of faith that we're with all created equal and we're not created that we might be dominant and control somebody else. and this issue of reproductive justice and abortion rights, et cetera, and reproductive rights and bottom line it has to do with one group of people saying that they're going to control another group of people. and in this this case, it is mainly men saying they're going to control women's decisions and
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in large part it is usually white men who have making those decisions, et cetera. so those who are at the top that hierarchy are constantly trying and not only that but they're trying to pick those of us who are marginalized against each other. and soing that -- we spend the time, the poor talking about white or poor black folk still like we are enemies one to the other when really those who are having vet secret meetings up in places of higher position are the ones who are and those who have -- most of the resources are trying to keep what they have and control those who don't have. but last thing on that i'll say is that -- as an african-american i come out of the tradition historically of --
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of not only an african past but when our ancestors were brought to this country we were nots brought as immigrants but as slaves and so -- others in our history we are accustom to this narrative where other o folks are trying to king thely take away with our freedoms, take away our agency, and control us so that we will do what they want us to do. and so we're resisting to that -- and i think that injustice anywhere is a let to justice everywhere and until we realize commonality of our different forms of marginalization and oppressionings exceptionally that we can make a great difference to toppling some of these powers that beat that was seek to control us at all times.
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particularly in terms of your experience as an organizer you know how you've been able to see communities and different backgrounds. come together for a cause -- this comes up in our work possibly -- every ten minutes or -- [laughter] and i think we think about it in a few different ways. you know, we get asked by some folks who might be able to imagine who every time question sort of come out and challenge democrats to be better. why are you focusing on us when the other guys are really out and the answer is because if your friends aren't are standing with you how can you ever expect your opponent to, right so i think that's really important. i think when we think about -- you know there's the work that we do is sort of emerging, organizing with political accountability.
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when we think about organizing, we start with meeting people where they're at. and think about how to bring them closer. so we try to do a lot more calling in than calling out. right, i think there can be a tendency -- to say you don't have all of the jargon why this is the right position so you are dead to me. right, and since our -- slide is organizing that means we're trying to bring more people in, and we look for opportunities of engagement. and they -- they're different in different situations we knock on doors where if we said i'm here to talk to you about abortion no thanks i'm not buying any today. [laughter] but when we knock on doors about and we with talk to people about family security, everybody wants their family to be secure, and what does that mean? it means a lot of different things right or when i think about the traditional community right we're historically white
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led disproportionate number of members are old we use our social media channel to provoke conversations. so question did a post a couple of summers ago you all might remember the young girl in texas the young black girl in texas who was attacked by them at the pool party and did a social yeetd post about what. knowing we were going to get a lot of incoming like how was this related? why wouldn't they post this and we took the opportunity to engage and talk about bodily safety. bodily sovereignty and we were able to use our position with the awngs we had to try to educate people about the intersection. of race schism and police presence in your community and issues that they're focused on having control over your own body. >> i think we probably have time --
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and we have time for one more question and we're going to hand it over to dr. parker for the last word. by the way in the back -- hey doctor, parker how are you doing? >> last week, and we have somebody -- [laughter] but i would love for you to expand it and the other opinion on the seas. you talked about abortion being laid to actual abortion linked to maternal or policy. so if you wouldn't mind i would love for you to make another comment and see -- what they might say. >> l sure. so -- as somewhat trained in women's health and four years i've delivered babies to women who went to reproductive life goal.
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i also did research looking at their current death in context of pregnancy to mortality. would acknowledge the loss of the life of a -- a woman during pregnancy represents the loss of a mother to children many women already have children. loss of a partner and then when we end up -- they're kind of way that we always look at productivity we look at the los of someone contribution to the general with being. but the reality that maternal rising in the country, i know cause and effect is difficult to prove thankfully maternal mortality is a rare outcome. but we know that abortion is safer than child birth. and so it just occurred to me while cause and effect are hard to prove, i can't he but wonder with the loss of access to abortion services, about that
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number one criteria for maternal death is to be pregnant. so -- [laughter] stating the obvious. so i began to think about what does it mean to force women to continue pregnancies that they didn't plan or they don't want or that if they try to keep them a health crisis for them. if we're denying women access to abortion while cause and effect is hard to prove, i can't help but wonder if there's not a strong correlation between the disappearance abortion access and the rise of maternal mortality in this country. i think it's interesting that had -- in home state of texas where they're the most around denying women had in access and making dlngs disappear that texas has highest mortality rate in the country. so if -- abortion is making sure that every pregnancy or ere child is the wanted child in the planned birth --
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we have to look at where are the risk points and i think that it's -- it bears looking into. to see what the correlation or relationship is between a rising maternal mortality and disappearance of access to very important health service of abortion care. i think dr. parker will be ding a book signing after the panel phases out. i will say one thing and then give it you to close out. thank you all for being here. i'm hoping that you all are energized and motivated to continue the fight for reproductive rights along with those of u on this panel today. there are somebody opportunities for you all to be involved. opportunities to resist to engage, so i hope you'll seek those out and -- we'll see you out there on the
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frontlines fighting for these issues. >> first let me just say thank you to copanellist people i've worked with, individually and it is a privilege to have you here and sharing your expertise and your interest in making our country a better place by having is this conversation. thank you for your interest in this evening and particularly your interest in life for just to kind of give you a seasons of where i wrote this book. i wrote it from the stand point of a moral argument for choice because i make the the assumption my point of departure as a man nobody questions my choices around my reproductive rights and my health. i have a t-shirt that says -- my god, my body, my decision it was made for reproductive justice weekend and somebody says that really is a t-shirt for a woman and you should have one that says, her god, her body, her choice. and i said no, that's part of the problem.
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we kind of separate this issue if it's absurd for you to question me making the declaration that this is my body, my belief and my god and my choice related to my reproduction i want it as absurd to question a woman declaration that it is her got the and her body and her choice. all right. [applause] this was about making a moral argument for choice because i want for women what i want for myself. we fight wars over men and say give me liberty or give me death. well what that statement means for a woman when she had unwanted pregnant and what i hope people understand is that a woman would choose unsafe illegal abortion of a pregnancy that she don't, doesn't want or a safe legal birth. that's how women are to determine their reproduction so
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women make the choice whether it's legal or not. what we're really answering is the question is will we make that decision that a woman makes about whether or not to continue a pregnancy a safe one. [applause] so real love and compassion is when you want for other people what you want for yourself so i hope that you will on this whole issue of reproduction in the control of reproduction make the decision that if you have agents arked controlling your life through your reproduction that you want that for others and that where you see it after that you will work hard to make sure that others have the same access that you do thank you for being here and if you want to buy a book, i'll sign it. [applause]

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