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>> good afternoon. and it's a great pleasure to welcome you to our conference in argentina this afternoon. for any student of latin america, argentina plays an important role in the hemisphere and beyond. the perrone phenomenon, colluding -- erodes companion -- [inaudible] when discussing argentine and the critical pre- and post-world war ii. the same is true concerning the most recent political developments of that nation.

drama is not really gone, judging by the strength continues to play to some extent in electro events. this story is more complex and looking at -- attempts to elevate herself or demean herself -- drama over her government. at one time the cart perspectives of president macri. undoubtedly argentina requires historians and political analysts -- [inaudible] we are very fortunate to have a friend, true panels with a great -- and reputation. no better than my esteemed friend, hector shamis, will share with us his ideas on

argentina, including the -- but also the future. before we begin the lecture, i will take two minutes to extend a warm welcome to a very good friend, an old friend of mine, and one of the founders of hudson, professor max who resides in israel, what, he comes to visit as once in a while. thank you, max. i also need to express our thanks to doctor walters, vice president of the organization who has been such a great supporter and a great friend to

us. and, of course, we think very much rachel cox, our director of public affairs, and my assistant -- what was? now, well, without further ado i turn the audience the hector shamis. >> thank you. well, thank you for inviting me or your kind words and your friendship over the years. every time i've been here it was

rewarding and extremely motivating and provocative discussion. and today jaime invited me to discuss my own country, which is, you know, double challenge. it's nice and motivating but at the same time it's like, you know, we have the task. given that i do go to argentina frequently, i'm very involved as a columnist in addition to my georgetown job. i have a column, and once in a while i do address argentina. i do write on argentina. although a lot less than venezuela, i must say, for reasons that we all know.

it's interesting, and interesting label or session as "a new political order in argentina." that's really pushing the boundaries. i mean, i would agree with a new party system in the making, not necessarily a new political order because argentina has been democratic since 1983, and has, i must say, quite fortunately dribbled some important crisis along the way. and there is democracy to say for the foreseeable future. in that sense i'm very argentina the way i read the politics, i'm optimistic. to be optimistic. i've been writing very

optimistic pieces on argentina for quite a while actually. beginning with the crisis of 2001-2002, if you want to know, i i wrote a journal of democracy article the night of january 1, 2001, when the six president in a week with one into office. and after the resignation. that was an optimistic story which for any similar crisis like that in the past i would've been going to downtown one side and take over. congress was open for a marathon session that day to resolve the crisis in which agreement between the senators, they agreed to swear in the

president, for good or bad, the crisis was weathered. so let me go back to specifics,, was going on in argentina now, what is pro, what is macri presidency. let me go back and forth in time. let me start with what i know is an anecdote. i wasn't going to say the night of november 22, 2015, 15, that was the election that brought maurico macri to the presidency. and that night i wrote a column. i was in a bunker as they say until away way late, but i wenk to where i was staying and i wrote a column for the middle of

the night. it was there that virtually during the morning hours in madrid, but you know, late-night this side of the atlantic. the title was the new republic in argentina. a new republic because it was the beginning of a new political time. a new republic in the metaphor of the way many countries do it when there's significant change in the political system, like france or brazil, the americas. when there is a significant institutional change and there is not necessarily a change of regime but there is a new republic, a republic that starts to operate under different sets of mechanisms and incentives. and i said that it was a new republic for a variety of reasons right there that night.

first, maurico macri was that night and is the first president in a center that is not a radical, from the radical party, or military. and that was what happened that night. it was what sons of american politics would know as a critical election, paraphrasing, those elections reorganized the coalition gained on the territory. and i saw that right there and i was looking at the projected results on the tvs and those beautiful maps that tells you in a snapchat what's going to happen. whenever there's an election, the u.s., the for sale look at is the met. not of the map by state but the

map by counties. that tells you what american politics are all about. and i tried to do the same and argentina. the right already there the night of that election it was suggesting that we know better now, which is that it was a critical election. there was a real reorientation in electric. it was the emergence of a new political party, republican proposal. and little by little the map started to turn yellow in the cities. now it's all the more clear, the last election, congressional election, midterm election two weeks ago. but even that night the emergence of these coalition

with the radical party, the historical radical party, was beginning to show in dramatic event that's in the urban areas of argentina. specifically pro, even more than a radical party. a party that was expressing from in the middle of the country and, of course, the side but also the biggest cities in argentina are in the middle of the country all the way to the east, you name it, and the important cities in the province of buenos aires, was leading significantly, confidently in all the urban settings.

and then playing a little bit with that i began to speculate sort of in the column, particularly on a number of issues about what was going on there with the critical election with this new republic. first of all, a couple of things. it's a new political party not just because it was found in ie 21st century. that's an interesting thing. the news political party, pro-is the first party of the 21st century to come to office in,, all over latin america. when i say this, i say this was sort of with a degree of uncertainty in terms of what form will political parties, what would be the shape of political parties in the future, knowing that we are in a dilemma, in a democracy in the world in general.

we can't do without parties but we also know that parties are in trouble. parties are organizations that do not represent aspirations of societies in the same way they used to. aspirations that a change dramatically, and the parties are very hierarchical structured organizations, very disciplined organizations, and that doesn't work in society these days. they become more horizontal. it does not work in the workplace. doesn't work in politics either. pro comes to the scene with a new conception of a political party. more like, more like a social movement that a political party in the traditional sense here it's a party with a horizontal political culture, if you may. if i may. it's the party of -- the crisis

of 2001-2002 sent argentines to the street. the people went to the streets demanding everybody's resignation, everybody meeting the political elite. everybody's departure. they meaning the political elite. and that was the origin of pro created in the wake of that important crisis. the urban component of pro makes it the party of the middle class. not only the middle class but the party of the middle class, the party of the middle income,

upward, mobile and progressive electorate. the party of the professionals that argentina is a very urbanized country, as much as the taxi drivers. the party of the median voter, if i may use, you know, the famous expression. the party of that wide middle ground. the party of the pragmatic and moderate voter that has a middle-class component and has aspirations of upward mobility. for themselves and for their children, more than anybody else. it's a pattern that i saw emerging in 2015 and this past october consolidated that people

now have an expression in argentina the yellow map, which is yellow is the color of fraud, distinctive, a front and the map is turning yellow again in urban centers all over the country, and that allowed the party to carry important provinces. the vast majority of the provinces. so again let me play back and forth can continue going back and forth between 715 and 717. pro is also the party of the. [inaudible] in both ways. in the famous phrase social origins, no one would say no to democracy. and is the party in the sense --

[inaudible] the upper income, the upper social strata of society massively voted for pro, for cambiemos, the coalition, and massively participate in politics today, in the politics of their coalition. and that is in a way the hypothesis is they play in original -- [inaudible] since 1930 the average social strata abandon democratic politics to play politics with the military. it's an ongoing argument that the most prominent of argentina have developed way back, when they don't play politics, democratic politics, and stifling politics with the military institution, and turns

the military institution as it political party, the result will be serious instantly to democracy and much that is an argument that fits the story very well. and that was in many ways another unresolved issue. the upper social strata, the business elite didn't participate in the democratic politics as strongly and as convinced, with the conviction that group has today. and that's good news. that's good news for the institution stability of the democratic system. another discussion in argentina, and i know kramer want to be just a couple things about pro, in certain political groups in argentina, pro is considered a

right of the conservative party. in some ways it is, in terms of representation of the social strata of the group. but in another sense, it's a way removed from any form of conservatism. i think in many ways pro picks up two important trends in argentine history, and recent argentine history. first, the coalition picks up concerns with constitutional democracy. after the military regime, who campaigned reading the preamble of the constitution. and you should talk about things that sounded weird for argentines, like constitutional checks and balances, and separation of powers. and there was this campaign, and

made a difference, a change to some extent, the grammar of politics in argentine. pro and cambiemos take that up and takes a foreword very strongly. the concern just with the method for choosing a government, right, like the old argument, democracy is a method of getting to power, and it's also about exercising our once you are there. and in the streets, the current coalition in power takes that up. democracy is a mechanism for electing a government, and democracy is a series of mechanism for determining how power must be exercised. and again with separation of powers, with checks and balances, with limited terms in office, et cetera, et cetera.

pro also picks up on a previous important trend in argentine history, which is from this is development. president in the late 50s and early 60s, there was a president had a project for argentina. energy, , developing energy resources, developing infrastructure and signing center roads to the state to develop both important areas. energy autonomy and infrastructure development in order to foster economic growth, rapid economic growth. the coalition picks up that as well. so it's constitutional democracy with a central role of state in the economy. now, not as a producer but a

propeller of economic growth, the infrastructure. all these trends i argue got consolidated in the recent election, as i said. both august and october, , a wed electoral system and it has a mandatory primary, open primary, which have been in august, and then the real midterm election which took place in october. and that marks perhaps definite -- of argentines system, a cycle that eventually continued in 2019, the next presidential election cycle. a couple of important things happened. first, now cambiemos will have a

majority in the house, not innocent but will have majority in the house after this next election. for all the coalition controls the majority of the provinces, and very important changes in terms of the conversation of the other parties outside of cambiemos couple of things that are want to mention about the new political order of argentina. number one, the end of bipartisanship, a system that was bipartisan since the return in 1983 with the two historical parties. and the radical party now has a third player in a coalition with one of them. but as the majority partner in

the coalition at the same time, pro is a majority partner, not the radical party. so this change in the party system in argentina makes it look a little bit like there are two options. a little bit like chile is a -- in the future, chile and the transition, the alliance is in the left in the christian democrats, later on change, change slightly but i'd like to see the political system in argentina very similar, and i think does look very similar to the early transition, years, the 31st presidents in chile. with two parties in coalition and another party outside. a formula that worked very well and that provided stability and a provided all the tools

necessary for smooth transition as possible. and in those years people tend to forget how unstable chile was in the early 90s and how uncertain that transition was. another option for argentina in order to keep in the neighborhood is that coalition doesn't continue near future and the parties whose coalitions may or may not last, i think if we have a three party system, then we look a little bit like uruguay in which the center, the traditional by party system -- [inaudible] changed with the emergence, with the left he coming viable

electorally and having had now three consecutive presidents. and this is quite interesting because we know that winter is a change in political parties, in the political party system, there's a stability generally and oftentimes deep conflict. it's interesting because it happened without any conflict, erasers conflict, without any stability. and it's been working quite well. well. that's a possibly for argentina as well, sort of going the chile way with the continuation of the coalitions, and without the continuation of the coalition, without the three party system. and several other minor parties around these three big traditional and historical political forces. i predict the coalition will continue because both parties,

the radical party and the pro will maintain it. i think it's the most effective mechanism to governing what we call in physical science coalition presidentially some. the presidential institution is an american invention but it is an american invention that relies on a two-party system. after all experts, you know, in political science, that's the way presidential institution works. it doesn't work well when you have a multiparty party system and we're having in latin america a discussion for the last 30 years that lisa whether we should go for -- even with multiparty systems in all the countries of latin america. and moreover, not only we have multiparty system but those systems have become more and more fragmented since the transition of the '80s. and so how do we govern

democracy with the presidential institution and with a fragmented party system, and recently new ideas have been developed and have worked quite well. what we call coalition presidentially some. a president that creates a coalition and with certain institutional tools providing incentives to make the presidential system a little more -- if you want. the french system is one of that and all latin american countries have different system. they will go around electoral system. what's going to happen in chile now is the key candidates that will go for second round of going to start making their own coalition, or gathers the most, the stronger support will be elected president. in a way that's the front system

incorporated the institution is a good idea. it makes the system more governable. i think that for those reasons the coalition will continue. think about peru, for example, by the way, or chile itself or brazil. in peru since, no president has had elementary majority. and they managed to whether the opposition quite well. the room has been stable -- peru -- gdp deficient has combat and all of that while in a divided government. all of that with strong incentives to create this parliamentary, this congressional coalitions to be able to go. and no president, neither -- [inaudible] -- you go back to the post

fujimori years, coalition presidentialism may prove quite stable. and with good economic policymaking by the way, very effective economic policymaking. for those reasons, i think the argentina will continue with this new political system, and less -- unless something happens come something dramatic happens in the next few years i can't foresee cambiemos winning the presidential election in 2019. most likely with macri ready for second term. also keep in mind, another interesting aspect of pro, contrast that with the chile to make an argument. pro is very, many residential scum not just macri. it's a young party. it's a party that has brought a renewal of political needs to

argentina. something many countries in latin america are struggling with, chile among them, right? after her second term, if she got elected will be a second term -- was original a candidate also would have been a second term on the side come on the left. participation is very low in chile. it is quite a bit of fatigue wih the political elite in chile itself. not with argentina's political elite because there's been a renewal of leaders, and that is -- the images of pro and all these young people have come to power and are ready to govern, and have been doing it. so that's also part of my, part of the source of my optimism.

okay. to conclude, i want to say something about what you are all expecting me to say. because whenever you go to talk about argentina, it all comes down to one thing and only one thing, the. [inaudible] right? were used to say in grad school, whatever you want to do about argentina, if you're writing about the right in argentina are writing about the military in argentina are writing about the development in argentina, you don't have to write about any of it. you just need to write about heroism -- peronism. the over determinacy of argentina is that peronism explains everything, right? we don't want to, we don't like

it, the culprit of everything. i tend to be quite a bit more agnostic about this characterization. now, i do think that the argentina democracy needs heroism to make a couple issues that would be the first time, let me tell you because in the construction of this of peronism there's a self-fulfilling prophecy that it's a number of years anybody else has repeated, which is unwarranted. number one, it said peronism wins all election. the hegemonic party. i've been to many conferences, almost fine with people who say peronism is a hegemonic party. and, no, hegemonic party doesn't lose elections.

hegemonic party wins all the elections. the pri in mexico was hegemonic in the revolution in 2000 it why? because it won all elections. that's the indicator of hegemonic parties. peronism lost first election in the moxie 1983. forget that. peronism lost an election right after that. he lost an election, the main electoral district, the district that decides everything. it's one-third of the country, one-third of voters. peronism lost in 1999. peronism lost now in 2015, yet again lost the province of pointers areas and then you lost again in 2017. -- the province of buenos aires. because of that the myth continues peronism is the only one i can finish a residential term. and it's not true either.

when he came to office, when you came to office through congress by congressional crisis or solution, also had to leave office earlier, had to go for an early election because in the argentina those days, he couldn't govern either. and he was sworn in to finish the previous presidents term but he had to -- that's what happened. and by the way, the competition between three candidates in that election 2003, you know, what you say about argentine politics you might say about terrorism without any. there is a benchmark. now, -- about terrorism. terrorism, the party, the movement, the identity has to

make a couple of decision. number one, it has to some weather will continue as hostile to christina kircher i will drop christina kircher along the way. because kirchner which has been part of peronism has also been a peculiar physical movement within peronism as well. in a number of ways. the kirchner came to office with the best economic decade in the last 100 years with the strongest prices and the super cycle and cola and -- $600, et cetera, et cetera. and they used to, the windfall to develop a new political scheme. they even went beyond the traditional way of doing

politics of peronism. it was to foster fragmentation, fragmentation of political system including fragmentation of peronism. and to pursue using the resources it planned to list structure that would allow them to stay in office forever. if not forever, for a long time. the regional -- original design was four years cristina, four years -- again. christine had to run for two consecutive terms. within they were toying with an indefinite reelection as well until the supreme court stopped that dream. something that was very ordinary and latin america, popular in bolivia right now. and something that was going on in latin america in the days of the -- the economic cycle has changed, however, and are not enough resources now to finance

political perpetration. nothing like that is viable today. peronism has to decide whether it's once to continue again as a hostage of the kirchner is, cristina alone or as a wants to go back to particularly positive democratic moment in peronism, which was in the '80s when peronism was in opposition, loyal opposition. those were the days which the leader of peronism was governor, senator, some point president to candidate and he was a good partner with -- [inaudible] it's important because it do think argentine society doesn't

want anymore perpetration in power. argentine society doesn't want any more -- [inaudible] doesn't want president who gets into peoples living rooms every day. argentines want alternation in power. argentines want democracy with institutional equality. and peronism has to make a decision if he wants to go back to not even the old populism of the past. if he wants to go back to the cristina kirchner type of leadership, its future will be at stake. and it's going to make the democratic road perhaps a little rough. but if peronism goes back to the moment of democracy, that moment in which he used to say where to

drop the movement, and we have to build a party, normal turkey used to say those words in the '80s. a normal political party, a party that wins elections and a party that loses elections. and a party that when an election is lost, nothing happens. it's not the end pickets beginning of a new future. he used to say if we're not able to do that, we will miss the boat. because that was in the '80s. democracy is here to stay. and the fact that we lost, he used to say, in 1983, they used to talk that talk, that was, you know, we need to realize that. i think peronism is less bad

weekend to think but it has a decision to make, and that will also be the full circle for argentine democracy and stability. whether it's going, , again, whether it's going to continue in the cristina kirchner neighborhood i will go back to the other neighborhood in the 80s and become a normal political party. if it becomes a normal political party will continue to have the future. it will continue have an identity. if it doesn't, it might as well disappear. i was there in the run-up in the previous period before the election of 2015. i wrote a column saying the end of peronism. and my parents friends, , you know, called me from argentina furious with me, how dare you say something. what are you thinking? well, we'll see. but i do think if it goes back

to democracy, it has a future. if it doesn't, constitutional democracy, alterations of power, checks and balances and all this, democracy, not as a method to get involved but as a method to exercise power. if it doesn't fit my optimism about argentina will become even stronger, much, much stronger. thank you very much. [applause] [inaudible] >> i'm going to stay here. okay. questions? >> no questions? >> over there. >> henry, retired. perhaps remember years ago, five, ten years a decision was made to try to balance a trade deficit, which was looming out

of control and get it back in a position where the currency wouldn't be affected or possibly demolished by it. they decided that regarding china's the trade would have to be even. whatever was imported to argentina would have to balance with its exports. i don't know how far this concept went, but it appeared to be pretty strong for a time. >> what was about? >> balance of payments, i decision regarding imports and exports with china, the total value of it had to be even. they wanted it even, you know, distribution of import and exports so the trade imbalance with -- >> reductionism. >> how does that look right now? has a change? >> no, it has been gradually opened, the trade account has been gradually opened.

one aspect of this is that argentina has had, with the exception of -- had a deficit for a long time. largely because of the use of -- to control for inflation. which has resulted in exchange rate and balance after that. that has happened with pretty much all presidents. that was sporadic and right now i have seen the numbers recently but i think there's a trade deficit again. with the economy more open. now, there is more access to financing now compared to the last years of cristina kirchner under the second fall, right, particularly after the second fall. no, that is -- we'll see.

how to figure that equation is one of the big challenges of the macri government because of how to finance the current account as well, there's a limited time horizon where the current deficit is growing. that's why he was here just a couple of weeks ago in new york. there's been an investment going into argentina but it's been largely financial instruments. after this political new phase for argentine is open for business to more long-term business, long-term investment, and that's a big challenge. >> go ahead. >> two questions. one, if the peronism does expel kirchner, they will try to clear

party for own? very common in latin america that one person gets clear party based on that persons ideology, not so much in your long-term prospect. and he mentioned about how argentine is open for business indefinite. if i'm not mistaken -- [inaudible] again saying they are against people going out, taking over the land. in this new political order in argentina and with macri president morsi, what are the rights on land and will they be protected more than they did under kirchner or is this ongoing problem that's not going to default? thank you. >> well, first i don't think cristina kirchner has to be expelled. there's a reality here that

after peron, this is not the first attempt of creating an identity within peronism. [inaudible] which disappeared the moment he left power. then we want to come back, he cut 25% and that was it. didn't didn't go for a second and if remember. that was quite something here so i think peronism, politics is renewal. kirchner is past and christian just lost an election the other day. ..

over new orleans renewal democratic convention, it's interesting because the president at this time that with conservatism where he says, while it belongs to all of us

now with quite a long period of history comment or something about social justice and social equality to understanding society and politics that goes beyond and belongs to all of this and whether it's right or not ride. it's a new set of categories to understand that. they were very much tied to chile and nothing less because of the population than one country or the other -- they have been not good for 25

spain with a very large community

making this in argentina or not, what was making them wait with the october election. it would consolidate the government or at way give it a jury to signal the return. she would be returning. so, it is a blessing in disguise also because they can go to

bring along. going back in time in politics is very unforgiving. yeah. >> thank you for your presentation. one comment on the strength of the traditional system. how strong and independent and what is happening with the investigation of the case? >> well, to tell you the truth, all i know is what i read in the papers -- [inaudible] in the assassination and the

investigation to reopen i don't know the specifics and if it is too late. the people were close who had not been charged and who will be charged. i don't know for sure. yeah, it is the most serious crime in argentina's democracies since 1983. that is one thing -- the judiciary. the similar one, judicial cooperation, two weeks ago, the

judiciary i think has done a commendable task in job in argentina for the last 10 years. it's interesting because now they are charging people, one every day or corruption and when they charged the former vice president and the judiciary for the past. i don't think that's fair because number one come number one, the former vice president had been charged. now, is it going to miss fast enough? well, i don't think it is fair to expect anyone to commit

suicide in the sense of why would the judges be in charge of moving in to that way. all things considered they've remained independent. the supreme court has ruled in a number of very important cases protecting institutions and protect in constitutional democracy. there is a project to modify the way judges are appointed and that would have led to reelection most likely in the supreme court stopped it right there. that was in 2012. she had just been dead with 52, 53% of the vote. the supreme court stopped it. the judiciary is doing a good job. it's independent. it goes fast and go slow.

it's a matter of opinion. now we know there is another important aspect of being punished and people and are known to be the cashier that define all of this in jail now and had been a member of congress. and all of that has to do with the judiciary also has been independent with the judicial government.

>> thank you. i have two interrelated questions. the first one is utah about having at least two valuable presidential candidate and you can probably say so i'm wondering if you can define or you can see the future in between the three of them were the two of them. what are you beginning to see in a second question is their relationship between macre. he was the one who revealed the statue with everything around him. so i'm wondering, how you see integrating his movement as a

force that for example, right now they just passed the labor reform with also the fiscal provinces, which many of them are buried and he says. i'm underneath you can talk about that relationship as well. >> i can imagine if the next two years a relatively smooth, the candidate for 2019 would not be themselves. i was just saying the french administrator brings the renewal in which many people are viable. not that i know that any of them will want to be a candidate in

2015. doesn't matter what the partners in the coalition. right now in the discussion of what will be the shape of the collision in the next 23 years and with the new congress, it is a legitimate concern, what do they have to do? the next one is ours. the first two were christian democrats, but then it was clear the next one, if they want to

keep the coalition, and the next would be a socialist at that time. so, that may have been. in a happen now, it may happen in the future. we don't know who they are anymore. the other thing -- you know, it doesn't have much of a cohesive center of gravity. and so, given with the minority in congress with a decision senate, the governor to rethink and thus provinces and so on and so forth. and the governor had a very good

relationship with all of them. in the issue in the u.s. come in the center more pragmatic and have a long horizon here unfortunately every two years they comes after the reelection of the house, which is dysfunctional for the normal operation, but they're six years and so on and so forth. it is four years for members of congress and six years for senators. the other theme is that you know a little bit of an anecdote. after being present in wanted macri and it didn't work.

in order to make a point [inaudible] it is good news because whether you like it or not it is going to be 25 commit dirty% for the first table feature, which is not enough. but i don't see anybody else. by the way, there are several in government and in congress that decided way back, i don't know, he recently died -- [inaudible] he just died a couple months

ago, the labor leader who broke out with petitioner years ago and said they don't represent me anymore, they don't represent what i want in the select it to the house. he just died a few months ago while being a congressman. i don't see that as a serious couple months the letter. lady here. >> thank you. could you tell me more about the socioeconomic -- [inaudible] the nonvoters and how other people's education distribution

and the policy immigrations -- [inaudible] >> argentina has won years of the kirsch nurse and what immigration. [inaudible] immigration to the u.s. >> it is not significant. i know it not as significant as that country's in latin america. i don't know if that answers your question. >> trump has a different policy

than obama in cuba. [inaudible] >> but what is the implication? >> federalism in favor or against trump? >> now, i don't think there's going to be any against trump, even if everyone is aware of the fact terms perfectionism will hurt with exports to the u.s. and they are concerned about that. there's been an issue by argentina to the u.s. and the

new protectionist measures. and he himself has complained about that. the vice president has was in argentina in buenos aires with reciprocity, we need to continue. >> the distribution [inaudible] >> i don't remember if that's your question. argentina has aired% population. that i do know. the regular everyday political debate. >> how about the population?

>> the web? >> other political opponents? >> i don't know. i don't know. >> okay. we have a couple at the end so far. we thank you for attending and of course we think professor schamis for giving us a taste of his vast knowledge of latin american politics. take a final-round of applause. [applause]

[inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations]

>> c-span buses across the best center to her paper recently stopped it not been, texas asking folks what is the most important issue in their state. >> in texas the most important thing to me is hoping texas would get rid of unnecessary and burdensome occupational regulations. >> i believe the most important issue is tax reform. we have an outdated tax system

and rid the change so every american demand that asked possible. >> one of the most important issues possible facing texans in washington is trained parent dn government. i don't think there can be enough of a and i don't think our leaders could ever do enough to be more transparent in terms of not only their own act to defend behavior, but also the kind of record that are used in government and need to see the light of day that they deserve to know what is going on in washington. >> the most important issue is every parent has a right to direct their kids education hopefully get a bill passed next session. >> news from the sec in

washington today. technology news website reports the current administration today set in motion its plan to repeal virtually all of the u.s. government existing net neutrality rules, a move that will soon deliver another major deregulatory wind to telecom giants like at&t, charter, comcast and verizon. in a proposal from ajit pai, republican chairman of the commission, the telecom agency is set to eliminate much of its own role in ensuring that broadband providers don't block, slow down or otherwise interfere with web traffic. you can read more of that story enrico.net. -- recoded.net. >> the fcc hold an open meeting last week to consider several issues including verbal call blocking regulation, spectrum allocation come in media ownership rules and a new broadcast standard for television. this is four hours.