so i'm involved in that. it's all happening. >> we are out of time. if you like to talk about work, please join us at the writing, signing at the memorial plaza. you can get a copy of his books and speak with them there. thank you, bob. [applause] you're watching tv on c-span2. top nonfiction books and authors every weekend. booktv, television for serious readers. you're watching tv on c-span2. and our coverage of the recent

southern festival of books. the final program from nashville is a look at the economic policies that led to the rise of gaming on native american reservation. >> i am the manager of the university of tennessee press in knoxville. i have a number of years, this is a great pleasure. i'm here to introduce chris oakley. he is currently an associate professor of history at east carolina university. in the department chair of history. his bachelors was at chapel hill. his masters was at wilmington and then he saw the light and he came to the university of tennessee. we have a great history department for phd's. we published a lot of them. the university of tennessee has been publishing on seven native american tribes and culture for many tickets. i went to try and figure out

when we did our first book, probably sometime in the early 60s. we were very pleased that doctor oakley brought his book to us. i have anecdotes about cherokee because i have been driving to turkey about 1978. it didn't look much different from the towns around it. trying to her to spend a book or two and had changed over the next several years. trout season opening day was about the biggest thing that happened in cherokee at that time. as far as i can tell. about a decade ago, the studies conference, association heather conference in cherokee and the change was dramatic. from new public buildings to new firetrucks. the casino was roaring, literally. you couldn't buy a drink,

alcohol drink but you could smoke all you wanted with tax-free cigarettes. right before i went to the conference, i looked up with the programs the sink casino work and the week before they had the chippendale's and willie nelson. i cannot imagine going to either one of those without a drink. but they did. also, if you live in the southeast, if you are looking for your elderly parents or grandparents, there is a good chance they are in cherokee. that was the demographic. it was an elderly, older democratic. they looked like they were having pretty much fun. i wanted to make a special note on the book cover. our designer, kelly gray, came up with this. you look on the back of the book, this is a gambling token. she had been, went and used it as a theme for the book because

but he much, that's what we are talking about the economics. so now, i would like to introduce, bring to the podium, doctor chris oakley from the eastern carolina unit for city. university. [applause] good afternoon. i'm really excited to be here for a number of reasons. it's been a great event. i would like to think everyone from the festival for inviting me to participate. that a great job, fantastic we can. i would like to especially thank the members of the ut crest. i was really excited to work with them on this project. primarily because i originally got the idea for it when i was a graduate student at the university of tennessee about 20 years ago. i haven't been working on the book for about 20 years.

i don't work that to slowly but i got the original idea there. it stayed with me for a while and then about eight to ten years ago, i decided i wanted to write a book about it. there are too many people for me to think today but when i would like to do is give you a little bit of an ovary what the book is about. then i can answer questions. turkey casino opened on november 13, 1997. despite rain, people waited in long lines to get into the casino and traffic was backed up for miles along the highway, feeding into turkey, north korea. by the early afternoon, officials were actually asking people to leave. and return at a later date. need this to say, the casino was an immediate success. harris created jobs and pumped money into the economy. the turkey tribal council decision to legalize gaming was difficult, controversial and

considerate. in the 1990s, officials debated the advantages and disadvantages of the. they had to overcome opposition from government officials and others. facing federal budget cuts, poverty and unemployment, tribal council members ultimately voted to roll the dice and gamble on a large las vegas style establishment. casino gaming was not the first attempt by the cherokee leaders to stimulate economic activity. they had been pursuing development in western markel and since the late 1800s. sometimes they work with outsiders, sometimes they acted alone, some ideas worked and some failed. the opening of harris example find the growth and evolution of the tribal government. during the first half of the 20th century, federal policy and institutional racism of the

south limited the eastern bands options. turkey leaders did not have the means or ability to pursue large ambitious projects. at the same time, the emergence of a new southern economy offered opportunities. consequently, by the late 1990s, the turkey tribal council had become an integrated and interconnected regional economic institution. the eastern turkeys were not historical relative in the 19th century old south. they were "new south indians". historians are influenced by their environments and contemporary events. in the follow-up -- 1997, i enrolled in the graduate program in the university of tennessee to study native american history under my advisor john. the eastern band was one of numerous indigenous majors to legalize gaming in the 1990s. the explosion sparked my interest in native and american

economics. previously, scholars researching modern interim history focused on tribal politics, pursuit of sovereignty, cultural preservation. historians, economists, political scientists and others began asking new questions regarding tribal economic development. the result was a plethora of scholarship. many of these studies were brought in theoretical. moreover, scholars data and examples mostly from native americans in the west, generally ignoring the south. likewise, scholars of the modern self over looked the regions native presence. major interpretive sympathies of the new south treated indians as insignificant, isolated survivors of the old south. it's far too often, the trail of tears marked the end of the indigenous presence in the 77. removal in the 19th century expelled the largest tribal nations in the region but

thousands of seven indians remained. in the 20th century, native americans reshaped political institutions, new tribal government and integrated into the contemporary self. in recent years, a growing body of scholarship has restored indian people to a prominent position in the history of the south. give adams, denise bates, jessica, andrew frank, sarah hill, catherine osborne, daniel and others have offered important books and articles for contemporary southern indians. my book follows three paths of historical inquiry. first, it is an examination of 20th century indigenous economics. second, an attempt to incorporate native americans in this case, the turkey. into the history of the contemporary south. finally, it is a new look at the eastern band of cherokee indians in the 20th century. at the intersection of these

pads, a central question. i tell my students all the time, when they are working on the research paper, start with the question. that's the way i approach every research project. my question was seemingly pretty simple. how did the cherokee tribal council pursuit economic development in the 20th century? the book really begins in 1880s and ends in the late 1990s. in between, i argued that over the course of 20th century, the elected members of the cherokee tribal council negotiated and constructed relationships with public and private entities to protect their land, controlled the resources, promote the economic common good and create jobs for the core community of eastern cherokee in the mountains of western north carolina. the nature of these relationships dependent on the broader legal and economic context. rather than independent sovereignty, there was a

dependent sovereignty. historians are very fond periods. would like to talk about the depression era, the progressive era, the world war ii era and so forth. i found that there were five periods and evolution of this dependent sovereignty. they became five chapters. the first lasted from the 1880s to the 1920s. during this period, progressive formers and federal officials propose get another solution to the so-called indian problem in the united states. one is to assimilate and integrate all indian people into the economic and cultural mainstream. at the same time, new south advocates pushed for regional economic modernization and diversification in the old confederate states. they also does franchised

nonwhite southerners and pass laws establishing strict racial segregation. as the united states headed into a new century, these concurrent political social and economic trends threatened the existence of all indigenous nations. perhaps, especially those in the segregated south. the american indian was, some argued, finishing. consequently, in late 19th an early of 20th century, the primary concern of the leaders was survival. tribal council members for ways to establish economic identity in order to survive in the post- reconstruction south. three strategies emerged. the first was small-scale agriculture. turkeys of course, had been forming in the region for centuries. they continue to group corn, beans and other crops. farming could be difficult on the lands.

second, the expectation of natural resources. most notably, timber. rapid industrialization in the northeast increased the demand for lumber and corporate interest turned their to the forest of the great smoky mountains. neither agriculture or logging was a long-term strategy. the birth of a southern tourist economy offered cherokee leaders a third option. the south landscapes, form, and cultural heritage attracted visitors from across the country and later the world. in particular, western north carolina scenery, modern climate, clean air and freshwater attracted people with the means and time to escape the increasing pollution and technic lifestyle of urban america. industrial age of large and

increasingly polluted cities, the mountains of western carolina appealed to anyone seeking escape. with the arrival of new visitors, the eastern turkeys discovered they had another valuable asset. their identity and culture. native americans were outsiders, exotic reminders of a double past. for example, in the industrial era, goods that had served purposes became luxury items. this was especially true for goods that came from non- anglo cultures. traditional native american items were highly desirable because they symbolize a preindustrial romanticized american past. they were made by vanishing people. too many outsiders, native incompatible with modernity. baskets, partner, pipes and other handmade items that indians typical in deemed

practical became decorative items. cherokee arts and crafts, especially baskets, found a receptive audience in the early 20th century. on 1911, there were at least four merchants selling items in more than 40 cherokee supplement to their income by weaving baskets and pottery to sell to outsiders. in order to better take advantage of the increasing popularity in native american culture, turkey leaders work federal officials to establish a local fall event. the first cherokee indian fare opened on october 13, 1914. in attendance exceeded expectations. thousands of tourists from across the region flooded the three day event. the fair was simultaneously and somewhat paradoxically, a venue for promoting traditional arts and crafts as commerce and a method for increasing turkey integration into broader american society.

such events illustrated that the cultural identity became an economic asset in the 20th century. eastern turkeys were becoming part of the new southern tourist economy. it was their identity and indigenous people that offered them a strategy for economic survival. one of the most popular events at the fair was a turkey ballgame. native americans across eastern north america, traditionally played a version of this game that became the forerunner of modern in a couple of photos appear, images from the turkey ballgame. the late 19th century, federal officials unsuccessfully tried to stop the turkeys from playing it. arguing it was not conducive to promoting civilized behavior. the exhibition games however, attracted large audience of non-indians. they tolerated the activity.

white journalist compared the game in favorable terms to football. spectator sports became popular during the early 1900s, especially with the rapid improvements in transportation and medication. one journalist wrote that the game was the most picturesque sport to be seen in all america. the show journalist described them as the surviving box of a once mighty people. a writer wrote that the game calls thousands of spectators to hold their breath as the game progressed on a fair day in the great natural leader. the cherokee spectators gave goods on the game. contessa games that chance was common among most southern indians. such articles that i've quoted from, clearly exaggerated readers. to introduce them to the exotic

residents of western north carolina. nonetheless, represents an increasing interest in turkey culture. x essential threat of dissolution. under the x essential start, cherokee officials could not plan for the future. in addition, the turkey government lacked the capital and power to pursue larger economic projects or strategy. >> they also attend as a result, by the end of the 1920s, the eastern turkeys still faced an uncertain future. chapter two. 1930 to 1945. the great depression solved the growth of the new south. the peak of the depression, the total tribal asset of the eastern band, barely totaled $1 million. the tribe had $125,000 in cash, deposited washington, controlled

by the office of indian affairs. the 60000 acres of tribal land, also held in trust, valued at $875,000. there was very little actual cash available in the reservation and the tribal operating budget was almost nothing. families struggle. ..: : : restore tribal lands and allocated funds for the purchase of new lands. second, it supported nato's nations and ran for tribal sovereignty. and third, a protected and

promoted indigenous cultural practices rather than trying to eradicate them. the new deal also allocated funds for direct relief and jobs for the cherokee spirit the civilian conservation corps at the ccc was the most extensive nuclear program and cherokee. the ccc hired young single men, housed them in camps and paid them to improve the local environment. the program funded 75 position in cherokees earn $10 in wages and $5 room and board for about half of what the average white worker earned her the same amount of work appeared to ccc ultimately employed more than 500 different cherokees at some point for approximately 40% of the male tribal enrollment. in the 1930s cabins, survey land and built to maintain bridges and roads, clean rivers, cut trails and work on a number

of other projects. although logging interests had initially killed the creation of a part advocates resurrected the idea in june of 1934 the great smoky mountain officially open. during the 1930s, new deal programs funded in concert at campsites, other amenities. on september 2nd 1940, president roosevelt dedicated the park in front of a crowd of 25,000. by then the park consisted of 500,000 acres with more than one house located in western north carolina adjacent to the cherokee. from the beginning the potential growth in the regional tourist economy influence the park at the park service may have emphasized natural landscapes, but others including cherokee leaders understood the economic potential of the park.

nowhere was this potential more apparent than in the arts and crafts industry i mentioned earlier. more visitors meant more customers. the sale of souvenirs created a retail reservation economy. previously, most artisans and craftspeople typically traveled on foot from town to town in western north carolina. it was only at the fair were customers in large numbers came to them. the increase in tourist traffic on an around the reservation accelerated at the opening of a park in the improvement regional transportation created new opportunities for expanding the arts and crafts industry. federal officials encourage the cherokee to the cherokee to join the southern thailand handicraft meal, an organization original artist and craftspeople appeared guild members hope to take advantage at the opening of the park to stage exhibits and expand the market for their

products. the local agent received federal aid to support cherokee involvement in the 1933 the council voted to support membership in the guild. while federal officials encourage the development of handmade cherokee products, another type of arts and crafts economy grew in cherokee. affluent tourists might want items authentic, but demanding cheaper souvenirs to take home after their vacation. moreover, many americans associated plains culture with all native americans. consequently, visitors equated tepees, feathers and addresses with authenticity. by the way, these are things that have nothing to do a traditional cherokee culture. in the 1930s, new businesses along the main highway open to fill that demand in the market.

cherokees lose their possessory holdings to outsiders who open souvenir stores. these business owners stock inexpensive items often have been only a remote connection to cherokee culture. by the summer of 1941 there were 17 stores in cherokees solid loss expense of culturally generic souvenirs. the story stayed busy from spring until the fall, but usefully closed in early winter when tourist season ended. it is unclear at this for my research with the cherokees in general thought about the exploitation of a false culture for retail reasons for how it affect itself conceptions. for some it must've been uncomfortable. visitors were certainly sympathetic and legitimately interested in indian culture, but they also carried skewed perceptions. outsiders expected to see certain images and satisfy ethnocentric taste. cherokee sometimes accommodated such as insulin of certain types

of arts and crafts. sometimes they attempted to educate by explaining their actual culture and sometimes they resisted. cherokee leaders sought to balance developing a tourist economy, asserting their power, protecting their identity and working cooperatively with outsiders all at the same time. it was a very difficult task. the debate over authenticity of what was real culture played out most visibly in the retail trade on the reservation. initially the cherokee council had very little control over this commerce. individual cherokees did not homeland, but they did on possessory control over a lot and so they could place their possessory rights to outsiders relatively free from regulation initially appeared in the 1930s however the tribal council asserted its new power under the ira and began regulating commerce in cherokee.

store owners previously operated their businesses autonomously, but it is clear from the meaning minutes the tribal council members expanded regulatory powers while also encouraging retail activity. world war ii marked the transition from the second. , check or two to the third, chapter three. after the war, a bipartisan group of congressmen attacked the indian reorganization act and instituted a new federal policy. doug termination was marketed as a plan to emancipate native americans from the shackles of the reservation system. the larger goal however was to end the historical relationship between the u.s. government and indigenous nations to and tribal sovereignty. the policy of termination had three parts. first the federal government

established a commission to investigate and resolve all else and a land disputes between the u.s. government and indigenous nations. second, the federal government established a plan for urban relocation. finally, the federal government would terminate its government to government relationship with all tribal nations. termination began with nations being divided into three categories. those ready to be terminated immediately, those who would be ready in two to 10 years than those who would not be ready for more than 10 years. the eastern cherokees were placed in the second category. so once again there was a looming threat over their existence as a tribal nation. meanwhile, the national economy boomed after the war and with the corresponding baby-boom, family tourism became an important part of that growth. north carolina officials actively promoted this state as

a family tourist destination. north carolina's motto became variety vacationland. each year, more than 1 million people visited the great smoky mountains and excited by these numbers a group of prominent business and civic leaders in western north carolina met to discuss the region's economic future. seeking to take advantage of the cherokee attraction, they met with tribal leaders and founded the cherokee historical association, the cha come a nonprofit dedicated to attracting visitors to the reservation from expanding the tourist industry in preserving the history and culture of the cherokees. the cha included several cherokee members including the principal chief, but all of its officers were non-indian. the first project was the development of an outdoor historical drama. they leased land from the tribal council for the construction of an amphitheater and contacted

paul green, the famous author of the successful drama of the lost colony to see if he would be interested in the project. green declined, the recommended a unc graduate juden, kermit hunter to draft the play. on july 1st, 1950, the symphonic outdoor pageant unto the hills, unto these hills debuted at the brand-new mountainside theatre. but night a crowd of 2400 watch the two are 14 productions traumatize cherokee history. in its first year unto these hills drew 107,000 spectators at 54 performances. more than the lost colony. emboldened by the success, members of the cha discussed with tribal leaders is such an attraction on the reservation. and historically and culturally

accurate replica of an 18th century cherokee town. members sought the expertise of scholars from the university of north carolina, the university of georgia and the university of tennessee and developing a living village on a 40-acre site near the amphitheater. opening in the spring of 1953, consisting of several structures including family dwellings, a sweat lodge, an open-air temple in the seven cited council house. from may through october, visitors could pay a small price to watch eastern cherokees weave baskets, they can use, shoe blow guns and mold pottery using 18th century techniques. in addition and onto these hills, the cha established a museum to complete its trio of cultural tourist attractions. in the 1950s come in the cha body private collection of artifacts or may not indian businessman for $25,000 created

the museum of the cherokee indian. anthropologists from uta expanded, reorganized and redesigned the artifacts and exhibits. they move the collection to a building lease from the tribal government and began seeking funding for the construction of a modern museum, which opened in the 1970s and is now owned and operated by the cherokees. visitors to cherokee -- visitors to cherokee in 1950s on numerous places to spend money on souvenirs and gifts. by the mid-1950s, visitors are spending $750,000 per year, mostly on souvenirs and gifts from places such as red or trading post, the reservation trading post in the medicine man craft shop. tribal members were free to open businesses on possessory rights. not cherokees who wanted to open the reservation had the latest possessory ran on treatment

right and procure a trading license from the tribal council. eventually the council started charging a sales tax. by the 1950s, cherokees actually owned a small majority of the 50 retail outlets on the reservation. some did well. others poorly. the key was as always location. holding is located adjacent to the highways running through cherokee became valuable for their access to traffic. more remote holdings were less successful in attracting traffic. for example, 1951 the lambert family open the trading post on their possessory holding, which was not in a prime location. they start to a $600 worth of imports purchased on credit from a businessman. the lambert did okay, but they struggled to compete with businesses with better locations. therefore, they paid him than 1 dollar per day to dress like a

quote, unquote chief and stand outside of their store to lure tourists. the lambert's were not the only ones who use cheats. in order to attract customers, business owners hired men dressed in colorful garb to stand in their stores and interact with tourists. once you've called it i'll put on feathers in 1948 and i never looked back. store owners paid them a daily wage, they also earned money posing for photographs with tourists as you can see here on the left. charities including the chiefs themselves knew that the closing was not culturally or historically accurate. but they also knew a white tourists want to see. those who participated in chief and considered it an effective promotional tool and a way to make a modest income. but there were limits.

in the early 1950s the tribal council passed a resolution warning business owners, quote, not to hire white men to imitate indians were to act as chiefs, suggesting that had been done. in the postwar years, cherokees the non-indians were together to use indigenous culture to attract tourist to western north carolina. why politicians and businessmen certainly exploited the eastern cherokees to promote tourism, the cherokee leaders use them to promote their economy and protect their interests. jim crow limited the cherokees political and economic power and determination threaten their very existence. in this context, cherokee leaders needed allies in support. some critics have argued the economic changes in postwar cherokee were another episode of white colonialism in the traditional racism.

there is certainly evidence of this. in the 1950s the cha controlled the major attractions on the reservation. the cherokees were not pass the players in this process. this was not imposed, but rather was contested and negotiated. council members acted to make the the reservation were up in the tourism working with the local indian agents in the cha. but they did so while simultaneously asserting their authority to regulate commerce, defined identity and control resources. that brings us to the fourth. , chapter four. in 1960, american voters pass the torch to a new generation of political leaders. do leaders. he did not duration of jfk, the first president born in the 20th century coincided with shifting attitudes on issues connected to race, ethnicity and poverty. lbj proved to be even more

dedicated than his predecessor to attacking poverty, especially among historically oppressed groups. in the 1960s can all be just great society programs waged a war on poverty. the office of economic opportunity directed the sword and the community action programs became the primary weapons. federal officials used caps to bypass washington and funnel dollars directly to community groups. these in turn established and administered anti-poverty programs designed locally to fit the particular needs of the community. native americans could form caps and apply for funds without involvement or interference from the bureau of indian affairs. consequently and perhaps accidentally, lbj in great society officials decentralized indian decision-making in funding by weakening dia

authority and strengthening the power of tribal government. in 1964, cherokee tribal council founded its own community action program. funds came with guidelines for how they could be used. recipients had control over specific plans and implementation. in 1966, cherokee projects received a total of $484,000. the next year, $586,000. the cherokees use these grants to establish and operate several local projects. transportation, education, child care, job training and housing. according to an editorial on the cherokee one side or the official tribal newspaper, the programs are giving hope to have people who have suffered much in the past. the programs are reaching all groups and are giving them courage to make the improvement that they've long denied.

cherokee leader reinforced this view writing, quote, progress toward advocating and doing things they should be doing for years. the cherokees also use federal funds to recruit and subsidized light industry, another aspect of the new south economy. by the mid-1960s, three factories were opening on the reservation are operating on the reservation. shuttlecraft, master and white shield. all three leased land from the tribal council. subtle craft manufactured indian themed souvenirs. vasser made women's hair accessories handmade items and coated products. these operations employed more than 300 full-time workers come to 80 of whom were cherokees with a yearly payroll of more than $650,000. for a community of 4000, the creation of 300 jobs was not

insignificant. said one official, quote, and this is the first indian reservation to be industrialized . while lbj which to world poverty, the threat of tribal termination generated widespread american opposition and strengthened patent indian identity and not listen. the national congress of american indians, the largest indian group in the country lobbied state and federal officials against termination and in favor of the protection of indian rights. the mc -- nca i typically affect change within the u.s. political and governmental system. some younger native americans argued that the group acted to possibly peered in the early 1960s young african-americans disillusioned by the slow progress of the civil rights movement adopted more confrontational tactics. perhaps influenced by these actions young native american sound of groups dedicated to

more direct public action. the american movement -- american indian movement became the most well-known. aim orchestrated several national events including the trail of broken treaties caravan from minneapolis to washington d.c. in 1972. weather was because of other native american groups, lbj, jfk or the rights movement, the minimum for tribal termination slowed in the 1960s and the federal policy of termination is held was terminated. at the same time, the national economy, which has enjoyed steady growth after world war ii stagnated. american prosperity was disappearing in the 1970s underwriting inflation, escalating energy costs and increasing unemployment. energy cost of the devastating impact on tourist economy.

two of the three plants in cherokees ceased operations in the 1970s and the third was also hurting. the political atmosphere in washington changed yet again. politicians play and federal deficits the nation's economic problems and significant budget cuts appeared likely. constant threatening the future of the great society programs. that takes us to the final. my final chapter. the 1980 election illustrated the changing electorate in the united states. republican presidential candidate ronald reagan benefited from the conservative resurgence we need an easy victory over incumbent jimmy carter. reagan might majority of his predecessors have little personal interest in our understanding of native american culture. but he had a tremendous interest in reducing the size, scope and cost of government.

federal officials argue spending on reservations was wasteful and inefficient. consequently in the 1980s the budget for indians was cut more than $500 million. facing these cuts, some native american leaders look for alternative methods for funding tribal programs. inspired by the seminoles of florida, and the cherokees operating high-stakes bingo games. the succeeded in generating revenues and in the 1980s tribal council members began discussing the possibility of expanding the reservations gaming operation beyond ngo. the question, was this legal? could tribal nations operate gaming facilities? in a landmark case, the supreme court ruled indians could operate free from state regulatory oversight if those games are legal within the

state. native american lands were immune from state regulatory laws, but they were not protected from prohibitory loss. most forms of healing were illegal in north carolina, the bingo had been legalized in certain situations. therefore it could not be regulated on native american lands. in addition to bingo, the state government also legalize the operation of video gaming machines and this popped up in various locations across the state in north carolina. since state laws regulated these machines, but did not outlaw them, tribal leaders investigate the possibility of opening a casino a video machines. similar things are going on across the country. consequently state leaders began to complain to federal officials about the lack of oversight and control of indian gaming. consequently, congress passed

the indian gaming regulatory act which sets federal guidelines for governments that wanted to operate gaming facilities. initially no one like to the ig ra. they saw it as a violation of their sovereignty. according to the igra, the cherokee government could petition the north carolina government for gaming compact and they had to negotiate in good faith. in 1991, the principal chief of the eastern band notified the governor, jim martin of the tribe's intention to open a casino of video machines. martin, who personally object to the gambling houses general counsel, james trotter to investigate and report on the issue. trotter advised the governor that, quote, the decision of whether there was to be additional gaming on the cherokee reservation was made in

washington. you hot and will house no role in that decision. partly correct. he was correct that both congress and the supreme court in washington had provided the context, but the final decision would actually be made by the tribal council. their sovereignty. in the 1990s, the cherokees vigorously debated the issue on the reservation. broadly, members were divided into three groups. those who supported opening a casino, those who resisted for moral reasons and those who oppose for cultural reasons. ultimately the tribal council voted to approve an council members negotiated after failing with one company negotiated a deal with harrah's casino. the decision was really controversial because the tribal council did not hold a referendum on the issue. according to the deal, 50% of the profits would go directly to

tribal members in the form of per capita payments. miners would have their shares deposited in a mutual fund until they turn 18. the other 50% of the profits would go to the cherokee government to fund tribal programs that have been cut or eliminated because of previous budget cuts. that takes us back to the beginning. prior to the late 20th century, the tribal council of the eastern band of cherokee indians could never have dreamed a of successfully carrying out such a notion. the opening of harris symbolize the 100 year culmination of the growth of the cherokee tribal council and the evolution of air, as i call it, interdependent sovereignty. this was not without controversy. the native americans adopted new economic strategies, critics often threaded about the loss of indigenous identity. indians are culturally and

economically compared to an measured against their 18th and 19th century ancestors. bus, they were often denied there often denied their own modernity, their ability to evolve, adapt and survive. it cracked as that was the consequence of colonialism. so fair to evaluate and compare modern indie economies and cultures based on early night and century practices than it was to do the same to others. too often we expect native americans to be trapped in time. casino success stories attracted media attention and led to the creation of a new native american stereotype, the rich indian. according to alexander harman, generating wealth created a problem in american culture. some feared poverty as evidence of indigenous spirituality, generosity and willingness to

lead simple lives free from materialism and harmful or immoral practices. the pursuit of economic success using modern approaches appeared inconsistent with indigenous traditional values. in short, real indians were supposed to be poured. harman argues many indian nations historically enjoyed success, even in the post-contact. the popular image of indians has impoverished economic outsiders was a more recent phenomenon, perhaps partly developed categorized indians economically different thus justifying colonialism and poverty on reservations. indigenous nations had a diversity of historical economic experiences. this is especially true for southern indians. as harman know, many indians including the cherokee nation prior to removal achieve significant economic success.

historical accuracy and complexity were typically trump by embellishment and exaggeration in the rich indian stereotype created a backlash. native americans connected to casinos are often portrayed negatively in television, movies and other forms of popular media. in 2002, "time" magazine published a scathing and sensationalized exposé of indian gaming in the united states. according to the authors, only a few indian leaders and white investors actually benefited from casinos for the majority of native americans suffer. i do not find this and cherokee at all. they even question the indigent natives of native american leaders. overall, the legacy of indian gaming still only about three decades old remains contested. some of the most vocal supporters of native american gambling referred refer to casinos has been a white buffalo. that would solve all the

problems plaguing indigenous peoples. critics characterize as a golden task for a favor that would call spiritual and cultural destruction. for cherokee leaders however gaming with neither. rather was a practical way to address economic problems. he did however mark an important moment in cherokee history, a casino was a physical monument to their interdependent sovereignty. .. the 20th century history of the eastern of turkeys is distinctive, but it is also part of a broader narrative involving indians in the contemporary south. i looked in my book, or

presentation, offered some meaningful thoughts about the eastern turkey. one of the reasons i was excited to be invited because the broader context of the south. celebrating southern literature. the original southerners are still here. scholarship on the native south is flourishing. during the 20th century, the eastern turkeys evolved economically, just like other residents of the new style. they did while protecting and maintaining their identity. it of americans have been part of the south from time immemorial. that is not changing anytime soon. according to one turkey leader, i think it would be fair to say, today the tribe is more financially secure, politically powerful and it has been in the last 500 years. thank you. [applause]

if you'd like to ask a question, you can come up to this michael here on your right, my left. >> i was recently in canada and british columbia and went to indigenous museum there and was struck by the fact that a list of the few of the presentations were renegotiated treaties. with canadian government. the new treaty that took up that much bookshelf has been negotiated over ten years. is there any given our history of treaties, in this country, is or any movement to renegotiate treaties or is all of this

subject to these changing congressional policies overtime? >> a couple things you know that are important, this pendulum is one back and forth regarding policy over since the constitution was signed. the constitution recognized tribal nations as domestic sovereign nations. for the first roughly 100 years, the united states government dealt with tribal nations on the treaty basis that you mentioned. likely treating them as government. that stopped after the civil war. from that point, 1870s to 80s, after the worst, forward, basically federal policy that they got away with, and issues were handled by congress and the president. personally, i would like to see it go back to that process but

if you are asking me where the odds of that happening in the united states, unfortunate, i would say slim. we are still living -- i'm not as familiar with the first nations in canada dry can't speak in terms of on that. i struggle to speak intelligently on indian caselaw appeared in terms of legal matters, the relationship between tribal nations and the federal government is one of the most bigoted legal matters that we have. i still don't understand all of it. thank you for the question. >> one more question. is a relationship between eastern and in oklahoma turkey nation, is it -- traditionally, a serial -- >> is better now. >> did they collaborate? >> yes. you are correct that for a while it was intense. the federal government, to explain what he was talking about, the nation was removed in the 1830s.

of course, not all cherokees were removed. a number of them had separated themselves already from the cherokee nation prior to remove. after the civil war, the federal government recognized the eastern fan and the -- as a separate tribal nation. they have a historical relationship with the cherokee nation in oklahoma but they are two distinct tribal nations. today. >> two questions. when this was being developed, the gaming system, what was in terms of looking, what was being said at the time, do they talk about how this would affect who was enrolled in how enrollment would happen? today predict what was going to happen in terms of people having money, they want to reduce the number of people sharing it? >> they were certainly aware of it. that is -- if you are

interesting in those interests issues, it's there's a book out called michaela adams. that is her name. she is writing about that. clearly, when it becomes a financial benefit to being an enrolled member, you're going to have more and more people seeking to establish that connection. the irony is, the turkey, this is where she shows how the cherokees again using this process that initially was imposed on them to their advantage to try to keep people away. initially, cherokee identity had nothing to do whatsoever with blood. your mother was cherokee, you are turkey. kinship system. they imposed on the cherokees in the late 1800s, a tribal enrollment system where you a member on a tribal role? i do write about that in the book of a fair bit.

i didn't have time to address it today. so i didn't just start recently. it goes back to that time because it had to do with connections to land allotment. turkeys don't own land individually but they do have allotments. if you are on the rolls, you had the ability to get an allotment. it's been a controversial issue. >> makes it possible to delete people out of entitlement. outages. >> if you define indian identity based solely on biology. which traditionally, they would not. >> quick question. when this developed, was there an effort to set in place ideas for how not to have money siphoned to people who were not a part of the nations, who were coming -- like hera? >> i don't do what that is much.

i guess if there was ever a sequel or volume two, that's where i would pick up the story in early 2000's. my assumption would be yes, but i can't really definitively say. thank you, appreciate you for coming. [applause] you are watching booktv on c-span2. television for serious readers. here is tonight primetime lineup. 6:50 p.m. eastern, best-selling novelist john interviews author james mcbride about his books and writing process. 8:05 p.m., new york times magazine jean, discusses letters from the public the president obama received and responded to

while in office. then on booktv's afterwards program at 9:00 p.m., republican senator penn of nebraska, argues that the country elects lacks unity. he offers his thoughts on how to repair it. at 10:00 p.m., a former federal reserve examiner, goldman sachs, talks about her efforts to develop the close relationship between the federal reserve and the banks that it regulates. we wrap up our primetime program at 11:00 p.m. eastern, with winning historian joseph ellis. the political thinking of thomas jefferson, john adams, james madison and george washington and how they would assess current social and political issues. that all happens tonight