in the meantime, i'm in the midst of producing a documentary based on the reagan book. the documentary and, it was about julia child. so i'm involved in that. it's all happening. >> we are out of time. if you like to talk about work, please join us at the writing, signing at the memorial plaza. you can get a copy of his books and speak with them there. thank you, bob. [applause] readers.

you're watching tv on c-span2. and our coverage of the recent southern festival of books. the final program from nashville is a look at the economic policies that led to the rise of gaming on native american reservation. >> i am the manager of the university of tennessee press in knoxville. i have a number of years, this is a great pleasure. i'm here to introduce chris oakley. he is currently an associate professor of history at east carolina university. in the department chair of history. his bachelors was at chapel hill. his masters was at wilmington and then he saw the light and he came to the university of tennessee. we have a great history department for phd's. we published a lot of them. the university of tennessee has been publishing on seven native american tribes and culture for many tickets. i went to try and figure out

when we did our first book, probably sometime in the early 60s. we were very pleased that doctor oakley brought his book to us. i have anecdotes about cherokee because i have been driving to turkey about 1978. it didn't look much different from the towns around it. trying to her to spend a book or two and had changed over the next several years. trout season opening day was about the biggest thing that happened in cherokee at that time. as far as i can tell. about a decade ago, the studies conference, association heather conference in cherokee and the change was dramatic. from new public buildings to new firetrucks. the casino was roaring, literally. you couldn't buy a drink,

alcohol drink but you could smoke all you wanted with tax-free cigarettes. right before i went to the conference, i looked up with the programs the sink casino work and the week before they had the chippendale's and willie nelson. i cannot imagine going to either one of those without a drink. but they did. also, if you live in the southeast, if you are looking for your elderly parents or grandparents, there is a good chance they are in cherokee. that was the demographic. it was an elderly, older democratic. they looked like they were having pretty much fun. i wanted to make a special note on the book cover. our designer, kelly gray, came up with this. you look on the back of the book, this is a gambling token. she had been, went and used it

as a theme for the book because but he much, that's what we are talking about the economics. so now, i would like to introduce, bring to the podium, doctor chris oakley from the eastern carolina unit for city. university. [applause] good afternoon. i'm really excited to be here for a number of reasons. it's been a great event. i would like to think everyone from the festival for inviting me to participate. that a great job, fantastic we can. i would like to especially thank the members of the ut crest. i was really excited to work with them on this project. primarily because i originally got the idea for it when i was a graduate student at the university of tennessee about 20 years ago. i haven't been working on the

book for about 20 years. i don't work that to slowly but i got the original idea there. it stayed with me for a while and then about eight to ten years ago, i decided i wanted to write a book about it. there are too many people for me to think today but when i would like to do is give you a little bit of an ovary what the book is about. then i can answer questions. turkey casino opened on november 13, 1997. despite rain, people waited in long lines to get into the casino and traffic was backed up for miles along the highway, feeding into turkey, north korea. by the early afternoon, officials were actually asking people to leave. and return at a later date. need this to say, the casino was an immediate success. harris created jobs and pumped money into the economy. the turkey tribal council decision to legalize gaming was

difficult, controversial and considerate. in the 1990s, officials debated the advantages and disadvantages of the. they had to overcome opposition from government officials and others. facing federal budget cuts, poverty and unemployment, tribal council members ultimately voted to roll the dice and gamble on a large las vegas style establishment. casino gaming was not the first attempt by the cherokee leaders to stimulate economic activity. they had been pursuing development in western markel and since the late 1800s. sometimes they work with outsiders, sometimes they acted alone, some ideas worked and some failed. the opening of harris example find the growth and evolution of the tribal government. during the first half of the 20th century, federal policy and institutional racism of the

south limited the eastern bands options. turkey leaders did not have the means or ability to pursue large ambitious projects. at the same time, the emergence of a new southern economy offered opportunities. consequently, by the late 1990s, the turkey tribal council had become an integrated and interconnected regional economic institution. the eastern turkeys were not historical relative in the 19th century old south. they were "new south indians". historians are influenced by their environments and contemporary events. in the follow-up -- 1997, i enrolled in the graduate program in the university of tennessee to study native american history under my advisor john. the eastern band was one of numerous indigenous majors to legalize gaming in the 1990s.

the explosion sparked my interest in native and american economics. previously, scholars researching modern interim history focused on tribal politics, pursuit of sovereignty, cultural preservation. historians, economists, political scientists and others began asking new questions regarding tribal economic development. the result was a plethora of scholarship. many of these studies were brought in theoretical. moreover, scholars data and examples mostly from native americans in the west, generally ignoring the south. likewise, scholars of the modern self over looked the regions native presence. major interpretive sympathies of the new south treated indians as insignificant, isolated survivors of the old south. it's far too often, the trail of tears marked the end of the indigenous presence in the 77. removal in the 19th century expelled the largest tribal nations in the region but

thousands of seven indians remained. in the 20th century, native americans reshaped political institutions, new tribal government and integrated into the contemporary self. in recent years, a growing body of scholarship has restored indian people to a prominent position in the history of the south. give adams, denise bates, jessica, andrew frank, sarah hill, catherine osborne, daniel and others have offered important books and articles for contemporary southern indians. my book follows three paths of historical inquiry. first, it is an examination of 20th century indigenous economics. second, an attempt to incorporate native americans in this case, the turkey. into the history of the contemporary south. finally, it is a new look at the eastern band of cherokee indians in the 20th century.

at the intersection of these pads, a central question. i tell my students all the time, when they are working on the research paper, start with the question. that's the way i approach every research project. my question was seemingly pretty simple. how did the cherokee tribal council pursuit economic development in the 20th century? the book really begins in 1880s and ends in the late 1990s. in between, i argued that over the course of 20th century, the elected members of the cherokee tribal council negotiated and constructed relationships with public and private entities to protect their land, controlled the resources, promote the economic common good and create jobs for the core community of eastern cherokee in the mountains of western north carolina. the nature of these relationships dependent on the broader legal and economic context. rather than independent

sovereignty, there was a dependent sovereignty. historians are very fond periods. would like to talk about the depression era, the progressive era, the world war ii era and so forth. i found that there were five periods and evolution of this dependent sovereignty. they became five chapters. the first lasted from the 1880s to the 1920s. during this period, progressive formers and federal officials propose get another solution to the so-called indian problem in the united states. one is to assimilate and integrate all indian people into the economic and cultural mainstream. at the same time, new south advocates pushed for regional economic modernization and diversification in the old confederate states. they also does franchised

nonwhite southerners and pass laws establishing strict racial segregation. as the united states headed into a new century, these concurrent political social and economic trends threatened the existence of all indigenous nations. perhaps, especially those in the segregated south. the american indian was, some argued, finishing. consequently, in late 19th an early of 20th century, the primary concern of the leaders was survival. tribal council members for ways to establish economic identity in order to survive in the post- reconstruction south. three strategies emerged. the first was small-scale agriculture. turkeys of course, had been forming in the region for centuries. they continue to group corn, beans and other crops. farming could be difficult on the lands.

second, the expectation of natural resources. most notably, timber. rapid industrialization in the northeast increased the demand for lumber and corporate interest turned their to the forest of the great smoky mountains. neither agriculture or logging was a long-term strategy. the birth of a southern tourist economy offered cherokee leaders a third option. the south landscapes, form, and cultural heritage attracted visitors from across the country and later the world. in particular, western north carolina scenery, modern climate, clean air and freshwater attracted people with the means and time to escape the increasing pollution and technic

lifestyle of urban america. industrial age of large and increasingly polluted cities, the mountains of western carolina appealed to anyone seeking escape. with the arrival of new visitors, the eastern turkeys discovered they had another valuable asset. their identity and culture. native americans were outsiders, exotic reminders of a double past. for example, in the industrial era, goods that had served purposes became luxury items. this was especially true for goods that came from non- anglo cultures. traditional native american items were highly desirable because they symbolize a preindustrial romanticized american past. they were made by vanishing people. too many outsiders, native incompatible with modernity. baskets, partner, pipes and other handmade items that indians typical in deemed

practical became decorative items. cherokee arts and crafts, especially baskets, found a receptive audience in the early 20th century. on 1911, there were at least four merchants selling items in more than 40 cherokee supplement to their income by weaving baskets and pottery to sell to outsiders. in order to better take advantage of the increasing popularity in native american culture, turkey leaders work federal officials to establish a local fall event. the first cherokee indian fare opened on october 13, 1914. in attendance exceeded expectations. thousands of tourists from across the region flooded the three day event. the fair was simultaneously and somewhat paradoxically, a venue for promoting traditional arts and crafts as commerce and a method for increasing turkey integration into broader american society.

such events illustrated that the cultural identity became an economic asset in the 20th century. eastern turkeys were becoming part of the new southern tourist economy. it was their identity and indigenous people that offered them a strategy for economic survival. one of the most popular events at the fair was a turkey ballgame. native americans across eastern north america, traditionally played a version of this game that became the forerunner of modern in a couple of photos appear, images from the turkey ballgame. the late 19th century, federal officials unsuccessfully tried to stop the turkeys from playing it. arguing it was not conducive to promoting civilized behavior. the exhibition games however, attracted large audience of non-indians. they tolerated the activity.

white journalists compared the game in favorable terms to football p. spectator sports became popular during the early 1800s, especially with the rapid improvements in transportation and communication. the game was, quote, the most picturesque sport to be seen in all of america. a charlotte journalist described the cherokee players as the, quote, surviving bucks of a once-mighty people. thousands of spectators held their breath as the game progressed on a fair day in the great natural amphitheater of the valley. cherokee spectators frequently wagered valuable goods on the game and betting on contests and games of chance was common among most southern indians. such articles that i've just quoted from were clearly exaggerated to titillate and excite readers to introduce them to the exotic residents of westerning north carolina, but nonetheless represent an

increasing interest in cherokee culture. the existential threat of allotment and dissolution -- but undern. the existential threat, clear key officials in the early 20th century could not plan for the future. in addition, the cherokee government lacked the capital and power to pursue larger economic projects or strategies. they also lacked influence in the era of jim crow. as a result, by the end of the 1920s, the eastern cherokees still faced an uncertain future. chapter two, 1930-1945. the great depression stalled the growth of the new south. at the peak of the depression, the total tribal assets of the eastern band barely totaled $1 million. the tribe had $125,000 in cash deposited in a fund in washington controlled by the office of indian affairs, and

the 60,000 acres of tribal land also held in trust were valued at $875,000. there was very little actual cash available on theth reservation, and the tribal operating budget was almost nothing. families struggled. during his 1932 presidential campaign, fdr promised americans, quote, a new deal. in this new deal, it surprisingly applied to american indians as well. in june of 1934, congress passed and roosevelt signed the wheeler-howard act, also known as the indian reorganization act, or the i.r.a.. the legislation contained several important provisions. first, it ended allotment, restored tribal lands and allocated funds for the purchase of new lands. second, it supported native nations and reinforced tribal sovereignty. and third, it protected and promoted ending now cultural

practices rather than trying to eradicate them. the new deal also allocated funds for direct relief and jobs for the cherokees. the civilian conservation corps, or the ccc, was the most extensive new deal program in cherokee. the ccc hired young, single men, housed them in camps and paid them to improve the local environment. the program funded 75 positions, and cherokees earned $10 in wages and $5 in room and board, or about half of what the average white worker earned for the same amount of work. the ccc ultimately employed more than 500 different cherokees at some point or approximately 40% of the male tribal enrollment. in the 1930s cherokee ccc employees constructed cabins, surveyed lands, built and maintained bridges and roads, cleaned rivers, cut trails and worked on a number of other

projects. although logging interests had initially killed the creation of a national park in north carolina,y advocates resurrectd the idea, and in june of 1934 the great smoky mountains national park officially opened. during the 1930s new deal programs funded and constructed campsites, trails and other amenities. on september 2, 1940, president roosevelt dedicated the park in front of a crowd of 25,000. by then, the park consisted of 500,000 acres with more than one-half located in western north carolina adjacent to the cherokee. from thehe beginning the potentl growth in a regional tourist economy influenced the establishment of the park. the park service may have emphasized natural landscapes, but others -- including cherokee leaders -- understood the economic potential of the park.

nowhere was this potential more apparent than in that arts and crafts industry i mentioned earlier. more visitors meant more customers. the saleme of souvenirs createda retail reservation economy. previously, most artisans and crafts people typically traveled on foot from town to town in western north carolina. as was only at the fair where customers in large numbers came to them. the increase in tourist traffic on and around the reservation accelerated by the opening of the park and the improvement in regional transportation created new opportunities for expanding the arts and crafts industry. federal officials encouraged the cherokees to join the southern highland handicraft guild, an organization of regional artists and crafts people. guild members hoped to take advantage of the opening of the park to ecken band the market

for their -- expand the market for their products. the local agent received federal aid, and in 1933 the council voted to support membership in the guild. while federal officials encouraged the development of handmade cherokee products, another type off arts and craftd economy grew in cherokee. affluent tourists might appreciate indian items that were expensive and authentic, but less well-off tourists demanded cheaper sue nears to s take home after their vacation. moreover, many americans associated plains culture with all native americans. consequently, visitors equated tepees, feathers and head dresses with authenticity. by the way, these have nothing to do with traditional cherokee culture. in the 1930s new businesses along the main highway opened to fill that demand in the market. cherokees leased their possessory holdings to outsiders who opened souvenir stores.

these business owners stocked inexpensive items, often having only a remote connection to cherokee culture. by the summer of 1941, there. were 17 stores in cherokee selling less expensive, culturally generic souvenirs. the stores stayed busy from spring until the fall but usually closed in early winter when tourist season ended.en it is unclear, at least from my research, what the cherokees in general thought about the exploitation of a false culture for retail reasons or how it affected self-conceptions. for some, it must have been uncomfortable. visitors were certainly sympathetic and legitimately interested in indian culture, but they also carried skewed terceptions. outsiders expected to see certain images and satisfy ethnocentric taste. cherokees sometimes accommodated, such as in the selling of certain types of arts

and crafts. sometimes they attempted to educate by explaining their actual culture, and sometimes the they resisted. cherokee leaders sought to balance developing a tourist economy, asserting their power, protecting their identity and working cooperatively with outsiders all at the same time. it was a very difficult task. the debate over authenticity and what was real culture played out most visibly in the retail trade on the reservation. initially, the cherokee council had very little control over this commerce. individual cherokees did not own land, but they did own possessory control over allotments, so they could lease their possessory rights to outsiders relatively free from regulation initially. in the 1930s, however, the tribal council asserted its new power under the i.r.a. and began regulating commerce in cherokee.

store owners previously operated their businesses autonomously, but it is clear from the meeting minutes that tribal council members expanded their regulatory powers while also encouraging retail activity. world war ii marked the transition from the second period, chapter two, to the third, chapter three. after the war a bipartisan group of congressmen attacked the indian reorganization act and instituted a new federal policy. dubbed termination, it was marketed as a plan to emancipate native americans from the shackles of the reservation system. the larger goal, however, was to end the historical relationship between l the u.s. government ad indigenous nations, to end tribal sovereignty. the policy of termination had three parts. first, the federal government established a commission to

investigate and resolve all outstanding land disputes between the u.s. government and indigenous nations. second, the federal government established a plan for urban relocation. and finally, the federal government would terminate its government-to-government relationship with all tribal nations. termination began with nations being divided into three categories; those ready to be terminated immediately, those who would be ready in 2-10 years and those who would not be ready for more than 10 years. the eastern cherokees were placed in the second category, so once again there was a looming threat over their existence as a tribal nation. meanwhile, the national economy boomed after the war, and with we core responding baby boom, family tourism became an important part of that growth. north carolina officials actively promoted the states as a family tourist destination.

north carolina's motto became variety vacation land. each year more than one million people visited the great smoky mountains, and excited by these numbers, a group of prominent civic leaders in north carolina met to discuss the region's economic future. seeking to take advantage of the cherokees as an attraction, they met with tribal leaders and founded the cherokee historical association, the cha, a nonprofit dedicated to attracting visitors to the reservation, expanding thes tourist industry and preserving the history and culture of thean cherokees. the cha included several cherokee members including the principal chief, but all of its officers were non-indian. the cha's first project was the development of an outdoor historical drama. they leased land from the tribal council for the construction of an ever after theater and

contacted paulhi green, the fams author of the successful drama "the lost colony" to see if he would be interested in the project. green declined but recommended a unc graduate student, kermit hunter, to draft the play. on july 1, 1950, the symphonic outdoor pageant, unto these hills, debuted at the brand new mountainside theater. and that night a crowd of 2400 watched the two-act, 14-scene production dramatize cherokee history. in its first year, "unto these hills" drew 107,000 spectators at 54 performances. more than the lost colony. emboldened by the success, members of the cha discussed with tribal leaders a second attraction on the reservation, a historically and culturally accurate replica of an 18th

century cherokee town. members sought the expertise of scholars from the university of north carolina, the university of georgia and the university of tennessee in developing a living absolutely an on a 40-acre site near the amphitheater. opening in the spring of 1953, it consisted of several structures including family dwellings, a sweat lodge, an open-air temple and a seven-sided council house. from may through october, visitors could pay a small price to watch eastern cherokees weave baskets, dig canoes, shoot blow guns and mold pottery using 18th century techniques. in addition to this, the cha established a museum to complete its trio of cultural tourist attractions. in the 1950 the cha bought a private collection of artifacts from a non-indian businessman for $25,000 and created the

museum of the cherokee indian. anthropologists from ut expanded, reorganized and redesigned the artifacts and gnexhibits. they moved the collection to a building leased from the tribal government and began seeking funding for the construction ofg a modern museum which opened in the 1970s and is now owned and operated by the cherokees. visitors to cherokee -- excuse me. visitors to cherokee in the 1950s found numerous places to spend money on souvenirs and gifts. by the midey 1950s, visitors were spending $750,000 per year mostly on souvenirs and gifts from places such as red bear trading post, the reservation trading post and the medicine man craft shop. tribal members were free to open businesses on their possessory rights. non-cherokees who wanted to open a store on the reservation had to lease possessory land rights

from a tribal member and procure a trading license from the tribal council. and eventually, the council started charging sales tax. by the 1950s cherokees esactually owned a small majoriy of the 50 retail outlets on the reservation. some did well, others poorly. the key was, as always, location. holdings located adjacent to the highways running through cherokee became valuable for their access to traffic. more remote holdings were less successful in attracting traffic. for example, in 1951 the lampert family opened a trading post on their possessory holding which was not in a prime location. they stocked it with $600 worth of imports purchased on credit from a businessman. the lamberts did okay, but they struggled to compete with businesses with better locations. therefore, they paid a man $1

per day to dress like a, quote-unquote, chief and stand outside of their store to lure tourists. the lamberts were not the only ones who used chiefs. esin order to attract customers, business owners hired men dressed in colorful gash -- garb to stand near their stores. while store owners paid them a daily wage, they also earned money posing for photographs with tourists, as you can see here on the left. cherokees, including the chiefs themselves, knew that the clothing was not culturally or historically accurate, but they also knew when what white tourists wanted to see. those who participated in chiefing consider it an effective promotional tool and a way to make a modest income, but there were limits.

in the early 1960s, the tribalhe council passed a resolution warning business owners, quote, not to hire white men to imitate indians or to act as chiefs, suggesting that had been done. in the postwar years, cherokees and non-indians worked together to use indigenous culture to attract tour u.s.es to western north carolina.te tourists to western north carolina. white politicians is and businessmen exploited the cherokees to promote tourism, but cherokee leaders used them to promote their economy and protect their interests. jim crow limited the cherokees' political and economic power, and termination threatened their very existence. in this context, cherokeeen leaders needed allies and support. some critics have argued that economic changes in postwar cherokee were another episode of white colonialism and

institutional racism. there is certainly evidence of this. and in the 1950s, the cha controlled the major attractions on the reservation. but the cherokees were not passive players in this process. this was not imposed but, rather, was contested and negotiated. council members acted to make the reservation more open to tourism, working with the local indian agents and the cha. but they did so while simultaneously asserting their authority to regulate commerce, define identity and control resources. that brings us to the fourth period, chapter four. in 1960 american voters passed the torch to a new generation of political leaders. the inauguration of jfk, the first president born in the 20th tcentury, coincided with shiftg attitudes on issues connected to race, ethnicity and poverty. lbj proved to be even more

dedicated than his predecessor to attacking poverty, especially among historically oppressed groups. in the 1960s lbj's great ansociety programs waged a war n poverty. the office of economic opportunity directed this war, and the community action programs -- the c. a.p.s -- became the primary weapons. federal officials used c.a.p.s to bypass washington and funnel dollars directly to community groups. these in turn established and administered anti-poverty programs designed locally to fit the particular needs of the e community. native americans could form c.a.p.s and apply for funds without involvement or interference from the bureau of indian affairs. consequently, and perhaps accidentally, lbj and great society officials decentralized indian decision making and funding by weakening bia authority and strengthening the

power of tribal governments. in 1964 the cherokee tribal council founded its own community action program. funds came with guidelines for how they could be used, but recipients had control over specific plans and implementation. in 1966 cherokee prompts received -- projects received a total of $484,000. the next year, $586,000. the cherokees used these grants to establish and operate several local projects; transportation, education, childcare, job training and housing. according to an editorial in the cherokee one feather, the official tribal newspaper of the programs, quote, are giving hope tog a people who have suffered much in the past. the programs are reaching all groups and are giving them courage to make the improvements that they've long denied. a cherokee leader reinforced

this view writing, quote: c.a.p. programs start add slow candidating and -- advocating and doing things bia should have been doing for years. the cherokees also used federal funds to recruit and subsidize light industry, another aspect of the new south economy. by the mid 1960s, three factories were opening on the reservation, or operating on the reservation, saddle craft, vassar and white shield. all three leased land from the tribal council. saddle craft manufactured indian-themed suv -- sue nears, vassar made women's hair accessories, and wide shield made infant items and quilted products. these operations employed more than 300 full-time workers, 80% of whom were cherokees with a yearly payroll of more than $650,000. for a community of 4,000, the creation of 300 jobs was notten insignificant. said one official, quote, this

is the first indian reservation to be industrialized. while lbj waged a war on poverty, the threat of tribalhi termination generated widespread native american opposition and strengthened pan-indian identity and activism. the national congress of american indians, the largest pan-indian group in the country, lobbied state and federal officials against termination and in favor of the protection of indian rights. the ncai typically sought to affect change within the u.s. political and governmental system. some younger native americans, however, argued that the group acted too pass we'vely -- passively. in the early 1960s, young african-americans disillusioned by the slow progress of the civil rights movement, adopted more confrontational tactics. young native americans founded groups dedicatedce to more diret

public action. the american indian movement, a.i.m., became the most well known of these red power groups. a.i.m. orchestrated several national events including the trail of broken treaties caravan from min p minneapolis to washi, 1972.n whether it was because of the ncai, a.i.m., other native american groups, lbj, jfk or the civil rights movement, the moment for tribal termination slowed in the 1960s, and the federal policy itself was eventually terminated. at the same time though, the national economy -- which had enjoyed steady growth after world war ii -- stagnated. american prosperity was disappearing in the 1970 under rising inflation, escalatingng energy costs anding increasing unemployment. energy costs have a devastating impact onf a tourist economy.

two of the three plants in cherokee ceased operations in the 1970s, and the third was also hurting. the political atmosphere in washington changed yet again. politicians blamed federal deficits for the nation's economic problems and significant budget cuts appeared likely. cuts that threatened the future of great society programs. that takes us to the final period, my final chapter. the 1980 election illustrated a changing electorate in the united states. republican presidential candidate ronald reagan benefited from the conservative resurgence, winning an easy victory over incumbent jimmy carter. reagan, like the majority of his predecessors, had little personal interest in or understanding of native american culture. but he had a tremendous interest in reducing the size, scope and cost of government. federal officials argue that spending on reservations was

wasteful and inefficient. consequently, in the 1980s the budget for indians was cut more than $500 million. facing these cuts, some native american leaders looked for alternative methods for funding tribal programs. inspired by the seminoles of florida, the cherokees began operating high stakes bingo games. these succeeded in generating revenues, and in the 1980s cherokee tribal council members began discussing the possibility of expanding the reservation'sf gaming operations beyond bingo. big question, was this legal? could tribal nations operate gaming facilities? in a landmark case, the supreme court ruled that indians could operate games of chance free from state regulatory oversight if those games were legal within the state.

native american lands were immune from state regulatory laws, but they were not protected from prohibit story laws. most forms of p gambling were illegal in north carolina, but bingo had been legalized in certain situations. therefore, it couldbi not be regulated on native american lands. in addition to bingo, the state government also legalized the operation of video gaming machines, and these popped up in various locations across the state in north carolina. since state laws regulated these machines but did not outlaw them, tribal leaders investigated the possibility of opening a casino of video machines. similar things were going on across the country. consequently, state leadersng taliban to complain to federal -- taliban to complain to federal -- began to complain to federal officials about the lack of oversight and control of

indian gaming. consequently, congress passed the indian gaming regulatory act which set federal guidelines for tribal governments that wanted to operateed gaming facilities. initially, no one liked the igra. state government saw it as a violation of their sovereignty, it as aovernment saw violation of their sovereignty. according to the igra, the cherokee government could petition the north carolina government for a gaming compact, and the north carolina government had to negotiate in good faith. in 1991 the principal chief of the eastern band notified the governor, jim martin, of the tribe's intention to open a casino of video machines. martin, who personally objected to gambling, asked his general counsel, james trotter, to investigate and report on the issue. trotter advised the golf -- the governor that, quote, the q decision of whether there is to be additional gaming on cherokee reservation was made in

washington. you have and will have no role in that decision. trotter was partly correct. he was correct that both congress and the supreme court in washington had provided the context, but the final decision would actually be made by the tribal council. their sovereignty. in the 1990s the cherokees vigorously debated the issue on the reservation. broadly, members were divided into three groups, those who supported opening a casino, those who resisted for moral reasons and those who opposed for cultural reasons. but ultimately, the tribal council voted to approve, and council members negotiated after failing with one company, negotiated a deal with harris casino -- harrah's casino. the decision was really controversial because the tribal council did not hold a referendum on the issue. according to the deal signed with harrah's, 50% of the profits would go directly to

tribal members in the form of per capita payments. minors would have their shares deposited in a mutual fund until they turned 18. the other 50% of the profitsts would go to the cherokee government to fund tribal goprograms, programs that had bn cut or eliminated because of previous budget cuts. that takes us back to the beginning. prior to the late 20th century, the tribal council of the eastern band of cherokee indians could never have dreamed of successfully carrying out such a notion. the opening of harrah's symbolized the 100-year culmination of the growth of th cherokee tribal council and the evolution of their, as i call it, interdependent sovereignty. this was not without controversy. when native americans adopted new economic strategies, critics often fretted about the loss of indigenous identity. indians were culturally and economically compared to and

measured against their 18th and 19th century ancestors. thus, they were often denied their own modernity, their ability to evolve, adapt and survive, a practice that was the consequence of colonialism. but it was no fairer to evaluate and compare modern indian bonomies and cultures based on early 19th century practices than it was to do the same to others. too often we expect native americans to be trapped in time. casino success stories attracted media attention and led to the creation of a new native american stereotype, the rich indian. according to author alexander harmon, indians generating wealth created a problem in american culture. some viewed native american poverty as evidence of indigenous spirituality, generosity and willingness to lead simple lives free from

materialism and harmful or immoral practices. the pursuit of economic success using modern approaches appeared inconsistent with indigenous, quote-unquote, traditional values. in short, real indians were supposed to be poor. but harmon argues that many indian nations historically enjoyed success even in the post-contact period. the popular image of indians as impoverished economic outsiders was a more recent phenomenon, perhaps partly developed to categorize indians as economically different, thus, justifying colonialism and poverty on reservations. but indigenous nations had a diversity of historical economic experiences. this was especially true for southern indians. as harmon notes, many southern indians -- including the cherokee nation prior to removal -- achieved significant economic success. historical accuracy and complexity were typically

trumped by embellishment and exaggeration though, and the rich indian stereotype created a backlash. native americans connected to casinos were often portrayed negatively in television, movies and other forms of popular media. in 2002 time magazine published a scathing and sensationalized expose of indian gaming in the united states. according to the authors, only a few indian with leaders and white investors actually benefited from casinos while the majority of native americans suffered. i do not find this in cherokee at all. the journalists even questioned the indie yes nayty of some native american leaders. overall, the legacy of indian gaming -- still only act three decades old finish remains contested. some of the most vocal supporters of native americanri gambling occasionally refer to casinos as, quote, the new white

buffalo. critics, though, characterize it as a golden calf or a false savior that would cause spiritual and structural destruction. for cherokee leaders, however, gaming was neither. rather, it was a practical way eito address economic problems. it did, however, mark an important moment in cherokeen history. theme casino was a physical monument to their interdependent sovereignty. in the 20th century, cherokee leaders relied on tourism to support the reservation economy and insure the survival of the eastern band owned their homelands. the decision to pursue gaming, though obviously important, was an extension of that process, not a white buffalo. the 20th century history of the eastern band of cherokees is distinctive, but it is also part of a broader narrative involving indians in the contemporary south. 2 h i hope that my book and my presentation have offered some meaningful thoughts about the

eastern cherokees. one of the reasons i was excited to be invited to this particular festival is because it is discussing indians within the broader context of the south. this is the festival celebrating southern literature. the original southerners are still here, and scholarship on the native south is flourishing. during the 20th century, the eastern cherokees evolved economically just like other residents of the new south, and they did so while protecting and maintaining their identity. native americans have been part of the south from time immemorial, and that is not changing anytime soon. according to one cherokeeer, quote: -- cherokee leader, quote: i think it would be fair to say that today the tribe is moreol financially secure and politically powerful than it has been in the last 500 years. thank you. [applause]

if you would like to ask a question, you can come up to this mic over here on your right, my left. >> hi. >> hi. thank you for the presentation. i was recently in canada, in british columbia, and went to an indigenous museum there and was struck by the fact that at least a few of the tribes, first nations have renegotiated treaties with the canadian government. i mean, one small tribe, the new treaty that took up that much book shelf and had been negotiated over ten years. is there any, given our history of treaties in this country, is there any movement to renegotiate treaties, or is all of this subject to these

changing congressional policies over time? >> a couple things you note there that are really important. one is how this pendulum has swung back and forth regarding federal indian policy over, well, really since the constitution was signed. the constitution recognized tribal nations as domestic southern nations, and -- sovereign nations, and for the first roughly 100 years, the united states government, you know, felt with tribal nations on the treaty basis that you mentioned. directly treating them as governments. that stopped after the civil war. from that point, from the 1870s, '80s, after the plains wars forward, basically federal policy, the treaty positive was done away -- process was done away with, and indian issues were handled by the congress and the president. personally, i would like to see it go back to that process, but if you're asking me what are the

odds of that happening in the united states, unfortunately, i would say slim. but we're still living -- i'm not as familiar with the first nations in canada, so i can't speak intelligently on that. i struggle to speak intelligently on end grab case law -- indian case law, because in terms of legal matters the relationship between tribal nations and the federal government is one of c the most complicated legal matters that we have, and i still don't understand all of it. but thank you for the question. >> thank you. and i was just -- one more question. is the relationship between eastern band and oklahoma cherokee nation, is it, it traditionally was adversarial, right? >> much better now. >> do they collaborate? >> yes. you're correct thatco for a whie it was tense. the federal government, just to explain what he was talking about, the cherokee nation was removed in the 1830s, part of the trail of tears. but, of course, not all

cherokees were removed. a number of them had separated themselves already from the cherokee nation prior to removal. after the civil war, the federal government recognized the eastern band as a separate tribal nation. they obviously have a historical relationship with the cherokee nation in oklahoma, but they are two distinct tribal nations today. >> well, if there's no more questions -- >> one more. >> one more? sorry. >> again, two questions. one, when this was being developed, the gaming system, what was -- in terms of looking at the archive, from thinking of what was being said at the time, did they talk about how this would affect who was enrolled and how enrollment would happen? did they predict what was gown to happen in terms of if people have money, they want to reduce the number of people sharing it. >> they were certainly aware of it. and, of course, that is -- if

you're interested in those kinds of issues connected to enroll. , there's a really good book by someone called michaela adams -- that's her name, i shouldn't say someone called -- who's writing about that. clearly, when there becomes a financial benefit to being an enrolled member, you're going to have more and more people seeking to establish that connection. the irony is that the cherokees cherokees -- this isab what michaela does so wonderfully -- shows how the cherokees began using this process that initially was imposed on them to their advantage to try to keep people away. initially, cherokee identity had nothing to do whatsoever with, quote-unquote, blood quantum. if your mother was cherokee, you were cherokee. it was a kinship system. but the federal government began to impose on the cherokees in the late 1800s a tribal enrollment system. were you a member on a tribalou roll. a i do write about that in the book a fair bit. i didn't have time to address it

today. but, so it didn't just start recently. it actually goes backing to that period because it t had to do wh connections to land allotments. cherokees don't own land individually, but they do have allotments. and so if you were on the rolls, you had the ability to get an allotment. so it's been a controversial issue all the way back to the 1880s. >> which makes it possible to dilute people out of entitlement. it's -- in terms of economic strategy. >> if you define indian identity based solely on biology, which traditionally they did not. >> was not done. >> correct. >> second quick question. when this was being developed, was there an effort to set in place ideas for how not to have money siphoned to people who were not a part of the nations, who were, who were coming -- like harrah? >> my story ends -- where my story ends, i don't deal with that as much. and i guess if ever there would

be a sequel or volume two, that's where i would pick up the story. in the early 2000s. my assumption would be yes, but i can't definitively say. >> okay, thank you. >> thank you. >> okay. thank you. >> thank you. thank you. appreciate you coming. [applause] >> we want to introduce you to professor walter block whose most recent book is called space capitalism. but this is not your only book, is that correct, professor? >> guest: this is, i think, the 25th book. who's counting? >> host: and you've written a new series, you're writing a new series. >> guest: well, this is third in a series of three. i've got 22 other books, but the series here is privatization. and my idea is that if it moves,