is the goal, it may not be the business model, where it is going to put our hands up. bring conservatives into the pool, they go for it by hiring them. they have to back them up when they say things unpopular and i think that can help. >> just to distinguish between skepticism about 30, which i think is journalism and that bias you are talking about, we've all talked about washington through most of his conversation, a city county and state, all of which are controlled by the democratic party and all of them have similar purchases from what you heard today. >> thank you very much. i wish we had another hour. thank you. [inaudible conversations]

>> you are watching tv on c-span2 with top nonfiction books and authors every weekend. book tv, television for serious readers. >> good evening, welcome to covered books. it's my honor to introduce to you jim jenkins who was an editor, editorial writer and columnist on the editorial page 431 years. he will introduce our special guest, help me welcome jim jenkins. [applause] >> in 1973, i saw him first across a loud profane my filthy newsroom in downtown raleigh. right out of school, i was still

in school. i looked across and set to someone, who's that? that's david. he's going to be the new star here. he had long dark hair over his shoulders, thick jet black mustache. as a long time ago. [laughter] david is a grad of the journalism school and a member now of the journalist of hall of fame. in raleigh, he became famous very quickly in the newsroom when a new young editor came in and sent out a memo to the staff saying each order, submit to the editor every morning and itinerary for his plans for the day. david, even then, impossible to

tame, sat down at the typewriter, it's a legendary story. he said what i will do today by david. 10:15 a.m., tried to sneak in a little late. 10:40 a.m., get a sudden drop. 11:00 a.m., start talking about where to go to lunch. he's writing all this down. we went to the diner yesterday but the special went over $4 so today we may go somewhere else. all written down. young editor goes graded. crazy. the very severe serious editor from the new york times, the memo, we can't have this kind of insubordination. he said sit down.

he got a bite, well, i've got to be honest with you. he's one of the best young reporters i've ever seen, he may be the best i've ever seen. and i didn't work for the new york times. if we have to fire him, but we've got to fire you? [laughter] better start thinking. he was in raleigh five years and then quickly the latter, this is a correspondent which he spent a contract correspondent for the new york times. he has been under fire, he's been under water, it has been quite a career. the late jimmy said royko of the

chicago paper when they were doing some of his columns, they were trying to get flurry in everything, he said he is the best, isn't he? that's all he said. that's what they say about david. [applause] >> thank you for the story. where those true? all right. thank everybody for coming out tonight, i really appreciate your interest in the book. i've asked to asked about the impeachment hearing. we'll go and turn on the tv and watch the impeachment. [laughter] i like to start off by asking people how many of you were aware of the massacre before you

came across this book? all right, so most of you. i have to admit, i hadn't heard about this until about 20 years ago. i went to high school and college in north carolina. never heard about it. never heard about it in history class about any history teacher. many years ago, i was assigned this review. i have no idea who morrison was, i knew he was a governor and that's all i knew. years later, i find out he's one of the leading speakers of the white supremacy campaign in 1898. when i was in school, i went to king stadium. i didn't know who came in and didn't care. years later, as i'm researching this book, it turns out he's

campaigning my book as well. crews that went through town, searching out back. i went to the news there, the founding publisher was daniels, who was revered, there were tributes around the newsroom. to him. nobody mentioned he was the leader of the campaign. i had no idea until i started researching this book. i found out recently the story at chapel hill were in the student store. i have no idea. thirty buildings on the campus, they are named after white supremacist, many of them who were active in the white supremacy movement in 1898.

i bring all this up just to make the point that this book isn't really ancient history. it's right now. the legacy of this book is all over the state, all over chapel hill. some people who managed to read the book, asked her impressions and they usually have two questions. first, how did i not know about this? the second is, how could this happen in the united states of america? the only thing i can tell is that this is a foregone chapter of american history, not just north carolina history american history i was covered up or mischaracterized for more than a century. most of you know the basic sto story, i'll go through it quickly. 1898, white supremacist, the multiracial government in flemington. up to 60 black men and wounded dozens more. the black daily newspaper and the affected city leaders at

gun. appointed the mob leaders as mayor, police chief, sheriff and black-and-white political leaders, they marched them with militiamen at gun.to the train station, they put them on the train and said if you ever come back to wilmington, we'll shoot you on site, not one of them ever came back. you can imagine during this period when it must have been like for the black families lived in flemington. the men were being shot down on the street and gunmen were running through the streets, terrorizing people and hundreds of them fled into the swamps and cemeteries outside the city, trying to hide. this was in november, you can imagine it was cold and the first day they were there, it was raining. there were some reports that babies died from exposure.

terrible conditions and it took them to fights and three days before they felt safe enough to return. the days and weeks following, 2100 black people fled the city and never came back. it was hard to believe that no one was ever punished. nor prosecuted much less convicted for the murders. it's also hard to believe that they announced it all ahead of time. they said they would overthrow the rule by the ballot or both. they said they were going to do it and they did it. the whole country watched. because they announced it, while before, this was in the spring and fall of 1898, all the major newspapers since their white reporters to correct. the washington post, philadelphia inquirer, baltimo baltimore, washington, charlotte

and atlanta and of course the news and observer, they were all fair. these reporters from out of town would arrive at the train station and they would meet them there and handout cigars, give them flickr and they would embed them with the gunmen going around patrolling the city's. these reporters would go out with them, never interviewed a black person as far as i could talk but they would go out and swallow the stories these white supremacist were telling them, there was going to be right, boxer incapable of governing, they didn't have a right to vote in this was reflected in these newspapers and the stories they sent back. the nation got this whole story that was basically the talking points of the white supremacist

to the white press. for a century, this was called race, it was a racial massacre. it was a planned murder strict. in our nations history, in the 19th and earliest centuries, almost all of these were spontaneous outbursts of white rage. many cases, it involved real or supposed contact between a black man and a white woman. the only tuesday unique was different, premeditated, carefully orchestrated racial evolution. planned well in advance. it was by far the most successful and permanent of an elected government in history. there's never been anything like it. i think it was an outlier in the

late 19th century, a rarity in the south. it was a majority of blacks, 56% box. very few big cities in the south have a black majority but more important, multiracial government, blacks were in position of authority. the 26 police officers were black, three of the ten were also black. black warriors, merchants and there was the daily black newspaper. 1898, the publication, the freest town for a negro in the country. they were not going to let it stand. they had a goal, the vertical was to overthrow the government but that was just their first goal. it was a big article in a major

goal to deny black people the right to vote the right to hold public office forever. by those standards, it was an incredibly successful crew. 1896, there were 126,000 registered black voters in north carolina. 126,000. 1906, 20 years later, 6100. it went downhill from there. black citizens in north carolina did not vote in significant numbers for 70 more years. until after the voting rights act of 1965. the black majority, white supremacist stronghold almost overnight. 1828, warmington was 56% black. anybody have a guess as to what it might be today? wow, somebody knows. 18%. 1898, america had one black

congressman. joined henry white. he represented a district in the southeastern part of the state adjacent to wilmington. he was harassed, he and his family were harassed and run out of office by white supremacists. he said in 1900, is not going to run for reelection. he's leaving for state and his words were, i cannot live in north carolina and be treated as a man. after he left office in 1900, no black citizen in north carolina served congress until 1992. ...

cigna government intrusion of the time.

but that made them in the summer of 1988, they were prominent and was really seen as too closely with the back of black officials. they remember and a pistol on them. on the card it said, the white republicans, the sons of the white race and they said, that they were coming and they would pay and putting black office and they would be managed. and this turned out, the work. the white mayor and white federal commissioner they were marched at gunpoint and forth trying and said to come back will kill you. one of them never came back. the main weapon or one of the

main weapons for the white supremacist campaign let he played an observer about blacks. and for loot the nearly 25 percent who were illiterate, curtains. i like to read a brief passage in the book. more than a century before the attacks attacked social media, they were through funny or misleading newspaper stories and disinformation campaign. the most sensational stories focused on the black beast race. daniels understood implicitly white southern males. they occupied the town, the

blackman were elevated. a black man who held public office by their logic, would become a rival to the white women. and on the front page outrageous, all that was required was contact with the white woman in black men. with each cartoon in each provocative article, the day was coming in the observer when a white man will take the law in our own hands and organize force make the negros behave themselves. a race war was inevitable. they were coming between the racist. ", and in such clashes, the white race would often have

their own fake news. the other media campaign with the also have their own militia. they were called redshirts. and there basically a group of sons or relatives of confederate veterans. they were basically white supremacist. their job was to write out at night, drag out blackman, beat them in with them and tell them that they would be killed if they dared to vote on election day. and this in november 1898, the blackman was 20 at the polling station and they continued to beat them. by doing so, the crushed the black man that day and stole the election. in the redshirts, the first was

the williams infantry. these were basically they were reporting to the governor in raleigh but in fact, they went to the crew leaders. that summer in the spanish war, they were to doubt. this was "wilmington's lie". they were told they were backing willington, and they had planned it for two days. and then during the riots, and on the day of the coup, they were in federal service, they were federal soldiers. they wouldn't be coming back for a week or two. they murdered american citizens inputting data black riot. black soldiers also were in

segregated units. wightman made sure that they were in a training camp in georgia. so that left the black community defenseless. he had all of these young men trained soldiers and weapons. they were defenders for the black community. in one of the things that was the black publisher and as a journalist, i thought he was a fascinating character who is a courageous man. just an amazing character. he demanded civil rights with blacks. and to live up to its promises with the black citizens. in august of 1898, he wrote an editorial about race. he wrote the many blackman were supposedly ripping white women. he also pointed out that whites

raped black women. within his thoughts, to see a white woman in georgia, god used with that one trump. thousand times. i would like to read briefly now, i'll read a short selection from this is very long. every negro lunch is called a big burly roots. when in fact, wightman for the fathers, were not black and burly the work sufficiently attracted to white girls of culture. and it's very well known to all. more than an excuse for them to intimidate rather than help people.

until human that for a black man to be intimate with the white woman then for him white man to be intimate with a colored woman. what a hypocrite. you cry a lot in the virtue of your women. and you seek to destroy the morality of ours. you can tell what it would take for a black man to write something like that. at that time and people often ask me hi researched it. common journalist as jim mentioned, i'm used to interviewing people about events that they have been experience. obviously this case, there are no witnesses love from 1998. so everything that's in this book, are from documents. i have piles and piles and piles of paper in my office. i spent a lot of time in libraries, in southern historical collection which are

amazing. and i really recommend that to go. the whites were proud of their accomplishments. they put it in memoirs and diaries and newspaper columns. there were some very rich and detailed rhetoric. they left behind or fewer information because they were running for their lives. some people are finding things now. what i was able to do thankfully, there were black newspapers around the country, you could obviously not send black reporters to willing when ten. they would've been probably killed around town. but after the coup when all of these black families mostly in the eastern seaboard, they would

interview them and this was in very rich and detailed stories about what is happened. in addition they were black lawyers who left very interesting memoirs. and this was an incredible detail. alex malley's wife who wrote these beautiful serious letters to her sons in the 1950s. "some of them in the book. through all of this i was able to balance the whites narrative with the black narratives. what i tried to do also was an willington as a journalist, and i also tried to use the novels, characters and dialogues to create built environment entirely from documents. this not a historical fiction

book. this is a nonfiction book. everything in this book comes from the work of journalism and stop fake news to use the popular term of the day. and before closing, when read two short passages from the book. first electoral speech given to the troops by col. alfred. he's a former congressman in a newspaper editor of confederate general who led them off. and again this is the night of the election when you give a speech to the hall of bullington. you must do your duty. the city, county and state shall have domination once and for all. you have the courage, you're right, you are the sons of noble

ancestry. you're armed and prepared and you will do your duty. go to the polls tomorrow and if you fight and they grow out running, tell him to leave the pole. and if he refuses, kill him. him down. never show the renters responded, this about blackman was a very fascinating character. he was encouraging blacks to register to vote. on the day the right, three white men persuaded him to go with them door-to-door in a black neighborhood to plead with brought black residents. in many great public show for blocks about. early in the stay, he concluded that further resistance would

only get him killed. it going from house to house accompanied by a group. at one point a group of black men held infant hostage. he surprised them and he told blackman to release their captives. after a series of negotiations the three, escorted them to a white gunman. instead, several wightman taken for lynching. they were plunged into the mob. on behalf of the white hostages, went to the campaign. just before the dark, escorted them to the city jail. a short time later the infantry soldiers taken from jail in

march to make the flight to the boat where he was placed just before the train departed, they made the situation even more dire. he was told they would be killed on-site if he ever returned. then it gang of redshirts just rolled out of the depot, after they departed they left him alone for the hunters. a few hours later his body filled with bullets was discovered in the woods. on williamson's northern outskirts. the moving train stop by the renters. it was more likely that he was executed on board. finally you think this major event and in american history would've been mentioned in the north carolina information. when in fact it was barely

mentioned. it was, it was portrayed a black race right and big government effort. as a public school textbook in 1933. quote there were many negro people fitted for the task. here's some textbook. the massive negroes, to vote better than scalawags, the worst crimes were not punished. when the whites in the south were no longer south. the number of blacks were part of the riot and it was over at wilmington government. and finally, from 1936 about the

kkk. this was in a public textbook the children read. into this terrible condition, white people at a club name the ku klux klan. [laughter]. members of the best, sorry, members dennis dressed as ghosts, they were acting distantly. there were large back writing back into the lives of the people. they would frighten negroes into living better lives. and then a negro or white you are done wrong, the clan would visit these men and let them know the wrongs they have done. crime became less and less. again public school textbooks. 1940. you can see how the white mythology lived the "wilmington's lie" for so long.

i truly believe we have to confront the ugliest to understand the roots of racism. today politicians are using social media to demonize people. especially with white nationalists on the rise. in charlottesville, they would fill ride home in 1998. some extremists, it say that america's white country. and the outsider and the threats to the traditional way of life. they're using some of the same tactics as in 1998. for one example, the many death threats he received, was told many times to leave. just a summer these women were told to go back to the countries . in 1898, the whites of the

blacks, to leave the room alone and quit stealing their jobs. >> today, the same thing. across the border and still jobs. synagogue's can play the race card, and were blatantly violent and so disgusted just destructi. thank you very much. you've been very good. [applause]. i think were going to open it up to questions now. hi two quick questions. first is i heard on npr is difficult to even obtain the information that you researched. in some of the libraries have captives from people. is that true.

it was there any realization from the federal government and politicians in the state that this was going on and did they do anything about it. >> i did not have any trouble getting this information. they're very well catalogued. there also in the public library. and in a museum, and the national archives. there was more documents than i can handle. the second question on the federal government, so how the administration was warned repeatedly before hand during the summer and fall of 1898, the congressman mentioned the personally in the white house, morning him about what is going to happen with a group of black people. and warned him about the same thing as did the white republican congressman from

north carolina. the senators print they'll warning. after the right in the coup, george henry white went back and asked mckinley for help. for intercession. other black ministers did the same. as far as i can tell, mckinley did not make one single public statement about race in wilmington. if you remember this was the aftermath of the market work in the peace negotiations with the spanish were going very poorly. the ministration is being accused of not taking care of the troops in puerto rico and they were dying. he said it was a huge controversy that was surprising that he reacted that way because he was an abolitionist list for a unit officer and campaign for

black vote. any supported them but he was also trying to be in bring the nation together. the confederate veterans and union forever. you have to remember 1998, it was after the civil war and sell the northern's are were fighting together in the work. in his mind he didn't want to risk and antagonize the southern whites. and for all of these reasons, in answer to your question, no there was no intercession by the federal government. >> i would like to know about governor daniel russell with a coup. the reaction from him.

>> governor russell was a republican. in fact he was put in office with the help of the black vote. he was from wilmington and he was from a slave owner family. he was under threat by the whites and completely they intimidated him. they threatened him with assassination. he carried a gun with him because he was so afraid. they threatened him with impeachment. he tried to go to wilmington on the date of election. he barely made it home after voting. it go through richard townes. yet hide in the train and they hide hide in the baggage carts. at every stop, he would board the train and try to lynch him. he was a glitch that son of a

bench. the governor's mansion was surrounded by a mob and he barely got inside. so that was his reaction. in order for the federal troops to come down and order anything about the right, it was not to because he was terrified. next. >> i am wondering if the renters were so successful in suppressing the roads, when they felt it was necessary to do this. >> because the initial offices were not part of the election. they didn't want to wait that long. they stole the election and they were entirely in a position to do whatever they wanted. no one in raleigh would stop them. they planned the coup, days

after the election in a forcibly removed the officeholders rather that than to wait for it. >> i appreciate the fact that they were sounding the alarm and ringing the bell, bringing us into awareness of this issue. obviously, our local newspaper has on its votes to be the tocsin for missed beats. is there any role for reparation that nature from the sentence or owners of the newspapers that basically cause the striate. >> i was just in bloomington

over the week. as you can imagine, in 1998, they celebrated that or mark the 100th year anniversary there was quite a debate in the city and that debate is still going on. at one time you could possibly compensate all of these families who had their lives ripped apart. and they were run out of town. you can possibly compensate all of them. it's an important issue . think you need to be discussed and i don't have answers for it. but again in wilmington, it is a very big issue. new mentioned, this even with mcdaniels, a quote run on the editorial speech, and if you read the words, you might not stop laughing. >> as you mentioned in the epilogue, they came down from the unc campus, i would

historian myself. but perhaps the statute in that square print. >> i have not going to get into that one. it is not for me to decide. i will say i did answer the question about col. sam. many of you might know this. the speaker when this was put up in 1913 on the main speaker was shakespeare. might've heard of him. tobacco company, he was a very vocal supporter of the white supremacist companion. a champion to white supremacy. in 1913 he delivered it speech and inaugural. it was portrayed as a tribute to the students at the university. it was because of a lot of them fought norbert he made it clear that could beat white supremacy.

save the very life of the anglo-saxon rates in the south. and to preserve the pure strains of the anglo-saxon. in his speech he also bragged about raping a black woman when he returned to campus from civil war. he said i forced the negro because upon the streets of this quite spreadsheet publicly insulted another. he said it was his duty. this is an ancient history this is very much alive today. it still stands. >> wilmington happened, you mentioned georgia, and we had tulsa, you comment about the interrelationships of wilmington

happenings, and subsequent white supremacist massacres. >> i can only assume the so-called brides would've happened regardless of wilmington. but as i pointed out before, wilmington was unique in that it was this outburst of rage on behalf of whites. it was planned, it was premeditated over a period of months. but to say what effect it had because a lot of these riots had no effect and whether it had the effect or somehow contributed, i really can't say. >> hi david. i was wondering if you could talk more about the role of the north carolina democratic party

and the militia of the democratic party, was it different than it was back in 191898. can you talk a little bit more about that. any subsequent things that were not overturned via the documents. >> i think is most of you know, the democratic party in 1998 was a part of white supremacy. the republicans was party of lincoln and blacks. now daniels was the on the executive committee on the demented democratic party. in fact in my mind, he was a politician who have known the biggest most powerful newspaper in the state. and he met regularly with the democratic office of the observer and the plan strategy and to align the box in the

campaign and he did it as a member of the democratic party working with men it was the chairman of the democratic party. after the coup, whites had to figure out the democratic party they had to figure out how to permanently violate to keep blacks from voting. those were used to keep blacks from voting. it also affected white voters. they were illiterate lit, a quarter of the whites were illiterate. a lot of whites were also part. so daniels had to go to louisiana which the year before, had been the grandfather clause was a brilliant piece of legislation. that law in louisiana said any person whose father or grandfather had murdered before

1867 would be exempt in 1868 was the year of the vote. so obviously that law exempted people from voting. they thought it was wonderful that the democratic party sent him together to do what they portrayed as an investigation on this. and daniels didn't want to pay for it. he broke these amazing stories about how wonderful the grandfather clause was and how it had completely stuff that the black vote. instead we've really got to go back to north carolina and in 1900 the past amendment. it is passed into law. and that was used up until 1915 when by the way, they inspire the state to do the same thing. and the supreme court later had out on it.

and at least until 1965. >> on the flipside, wilmington, people found manley and galloway talks about this much earlier and honored, is there. there that were honored and remembered for the role they played. >> alex has a mark on third street in wilmington, but calls would happen in 1898, a race riot. there's a real movement in wilmington now to ask about abraham galloway. a statute or something. if you have read the book, he was amazing character he was from just outside of bloomington. he escaped on a ship.

any get to philadelphia and came back and was a spy during war. i believe he was or one of the very first black senators in north carolina after a new constitution was written. he was an incredible man in his essay there is no movement to have a monument just to him. >> reparations, speaking of that, is a documentation of african-american property that was compensated in the current value of it. >> that is been an issue for many many years. and on the black community, there is evictions and that whites compensated their property after the flood and took it over. there was a researcher named at

wilmington who did a study of all property records at the time. surprisingly in this is in the 2006 state commission rates report. he found that there's very few examples of this and that the white supremacist mart depriving blacks of their civil rights. and i think according to this analysis even black families left, they can leave the property and have it taken over by a black relative. so according to the study, most of the property stayed in the black camps. anybody else . >> i can't hear any questions being asked on the site. secondly, united states senator

19 oh one - 1931. [inaudible]. >> the question was about the head of the democratic party, one of the leaders of whites the primacy, he catapulted the same with a lot of other people in 1898 as you mentioned, he served 30 years as a u.s. senator and rob christiansen record the macro, has a traffic book who has politics in north carolina recommend it highly. he became secretary of the navy to woodrow wilson visit spent eight years as a human in wilmington and also in mexico,

nationally known figure. many other, will there were three who came in catapulted this of the role in the campaign. >> i have a couple of comments and a question for you mentioned earlier something about brooklyn. i grew up in brooklyn. >> i think about north carolina. >> personal the story is outrageous. is it possible first my comment, it sounds almost like a blueprint for the holocaust. almost. a lot of similarities. on a small scale. my question is this. mckinley didn't get involved,

the actions in wilmington because the states rights and because he saw there were good people on both sides. [laughter]. >> he may have thought that but he never said to my knowledge. i think is a good point. it is highly possible but he really think he did not want to antagonize white voters. natalie north carolina across the south. it was a politician pretty was running for reelection. i think i have a lot to do with it. >> young people, we did a pilgrimage to wilmington this past summer. i was wondering if you heard from rivers of the community. articulates a mark. this last year, two defendants came up and apologized for what their ancestors had done. the living history there.

in your research, have you seen evidence of how infective 1898 play into the 1970s . >> i got asked that question in bloomington last week. about the wilmington camp. i remember it under the outline of the story. from 71 or 72. i won't go into the whole story. you can only assume that some of the hate and the racism from 1898, let over into whites in 1971 by falsely accusing ten people, who were later exonerated coming because of land marching. lots of white people bring their friend i see a line of that hate and going right into the

1970s. >> tenant young people, there is a white woman, but that's me and people, they discuss their grievances and no charge would help. they said they were afraid. >> i think this road as you mentioned, black defendants, devin bullington, i tried really hard to go to the city and talk to me are a few blood. but now the way down there, all of these people are coming forward and telling me all of these incredible stories i wish i had that before the book. the black newspaper in record, i witnessed several times and in person phone calls and e-mails, and they did not want to talk to me. and i think it was the legacy of

the white people telling the story and i don't think they wanted that. yes ma'am. with care. >> our students have been researching documents. in the last two weeks, daniels, secretary of navy, was less than an one of the leaders in the plan, and in raleigh, and the clan was waiting for him and this woman who accused of being raped, said it wasn't him. they were waiting for him at the driveway and that night he was murdered. he was lynched with the 300 person mob in a town of hundred 20. this is a painful. what he think now that you've done this work.

white supremacy campaign at the time. [laughter]. kylo ren this room and i have to say god called out by an african-american. he said what people are finally getting involved. when is it declining. >> in 1998, but as you know, the clan sort of went underground after reconstruction. in a came back in a big way and everything in the 1920s. there in the state and around the south. and today, obviously there's not the old racism and the violence that we had in 1858, but you have the state legislature here that just passed recently are a couple of years ago, and id law that ruled specifically designed

to have one black turnout. that is one example. obviously is this not the same level of racism. but it was to keep black citizens from voting. >> pressure for one more question. >> i need the microphone. i maybe don't need the microphone. this is more on the personal level. four years ago i moved here. and mcdaniels, had been a member of the jaycees previously. everything that i whispered when i moved there was how liberal the raleigh observer was . having hear you talk about the past and the things that were done in the past, posting to the daniels family said that their

generation offspring, if you haven't run into any of the daniels as a in the younger ones and if you have, and they read your book, i just wanted on a personal basis, to see the difference in the writing in the newspaper today as a journalist. and if you run into any of the family. >> whenever there, and today, i worked there in the 70s, today was a very progressive liberal editorial. when i was there, thought it was a terrific paper. it was a force. particularly covering governments, state governments, and exposing fraud by republicans and democrats. the remainder democratic paper and i think editorial page, over the years pretty much traditional mainstream liberal

democratic opinions and values are in. [inaudible]. >> daniels died in the 40s. his family did taken over and there was a period that they were still conservative. i think was the democratic party change, the segregationist wing in the states rights wing of the democratic party, bolted for the democratic or republican party. the liberals, and at the same time the voters abandoned the republicans to the democratic party. in the observer had a choice to make. stay with democrats with republicans or at the time i worked there until this morning.

the paper is mostly editorial is and i think most of us would agree this mainly liberal progressive. i work for frank daniels junior is grandson, very gracious. committeeman's office and he took all of the terminated. and you can read about it in the book. he is mentioned. >> thank you so much. [applause]. thank you all very very much. [applause]. >> great questions. starting out, it is book tv primetime. just a minute, technology reporter anna wiener recalls her experiences in san francisco and then on c-span's indicators program, is a discussion on the future of technology and some of the internet issues in a

political campaign. after that, financial times columnist and cnn analyst, will argue large tech companies are feeling to keep consumer data privacy can secure. followed by an "in depth" interview author and professor, on capitalism and socialism. we will wrap up the evening with journalist andrea, the chronicles rise to prominence. look at your program guide for more information. now here is anna wiener. >> we are honored and excited to be here today. she's an author but regular customer in our bookstore as well. recovered culture and her work has appeared in time magazine among other publications. at the new york times,