niclas kristof and sherwood done on their book type rope about facing the working class and rural america. they were interviewed by jeff merkley and then tara westerberg recalls growing up in idaho mounds and her introduction to formal education at age 17 in her book educated, memoir. later turning point usa founder charlie kirk and his book the market doctrine about the new conservative agenda, watch book tv this week and every weekend on c-span2. >> next journalist david zucchino on wilmington's lies on the 1898 right wilmington north carolina where white supremacist killed black men and displaced hundreds of african-american families, this is one hour.

>> good evening and welcome to crow ridge books, it is my honor to introduce to you jim jenkins who is editorial writer and columnist on the editorial page of the news observer for 31 years. he will introduce our special guest, please help me wake welcome jim jenkins caugh. [applause] >> , on up. in 1973 i saw him first they crossed a loud profane filthy newsroom in downtown raleigh, he was right out of school, i was still in school and i looked across inside to someone who is that and i said that is zucchino and he will be the new star.

he had long dark hair over his shoulders and thick jet black mustache and it was a long time ago. david is a grad at the umc journalism school and a member of the hall of fame. in raleigh he became famous very quickly in the newsroom when a new young editor came in and sent out a memo to the recording stuff saying each reporter will submit to his editor every morning and itinerary for his plans for the day. david even then impossible to tame sat down at the manual typewriter, it's a legendary story, many people they remember it. and said what i will do today by

david zucchino. 1015 try to sneak in a little late. 1040 get a son drop. 11, start talking about where to go to lunch. he is writing all this down. he went to poole's diner yesterday but the blue plate special one over $40. today we might go to. >> all written down. young editor goes crazy. goes into the office and the very severe serious editor who is that the new york times waving the memo, we cannot have this kind of insubordination. sit down. he has a pipe. well i have to be honest with you. he is one of the best young reporters i've ever seen and he

might be the best i've ever seen and i did work for the new york times. so if we have to fire him or if we have to fire you. [laughter] better start packing. luke was in raleigh, five years in raleigh and then on quickly up the ladder, philadelphia, los angeles, although this is a foreign correspondent which if you been a contract corresponded to the new york times, he has been under fire, he has been underwater, it has been quite a career. and delete jimmy said of the chicago paper when they were doing a column and trying to get quotes he said he is the best as

any. that's all he said. and that's what they say about david zucchino. [applause] >> thank you jim for the stories. it is true. thank you everybody for coming out tonight, i appreciate your interest in the book and i would like to ask how many people have been watching the impeachment hearings. i think they are still going, do i hear a motion to call the whole thing off, we will go to the bar, turn off the tv and watch the emotion. i usually like to start off by asking people, how many of you were aware of the mastic here before you came across this book. so most of you. i have to admit i had not heard about this until about 20 years

ago. i went to high school and college in north carolina and never heard about this in the history class, any history teacher. when i went to unc many years ago i was assigned the morrison dorm, maybe some you also live there. i had annoyed you who morrison was and i knew he was a governor and that's all i knew about it, years later when a research is book i find out he's one of the needing speakers on the white supremacy campaign which is the subject of this book in 1988. when i was in school i went to king stadium to watch football games. i did not know who he was and i really did not care. but years later as a research the book it turns out he's a character in my book as well. he is a member of the machine gun crew that went through town searching out black and to kill. after i left school as jim told

you, i went to the observer whose founding publisher was the chief of daniels who was reviewed at the paper and there were tributes to him all around the newsroom. nobody ever mentioned that he was the leader of the white supremacy campaign and let the propaganda campaign between 1898, i had no idea until he researched the book. i found out recently that the student at capitol hill and had no idea. it is one of 30 buildings i'm told by the daily power heel on the campus that are named after white supremacist and many of them who were active in the white supremacy movement of 1898. i bring all this up to make a point that this book is not really into history. it is right now.

it's about the legacy of the book all over the state and chapel hill. some people who managed to read the book, i asked for their impressions and they usually have two questions. first, how did i not know about this. in the second, how can this happen in the united states of america. the only thing i've been telling is this is a forgotten chapter of american history, not just north carolina history but american history that was covered up or mischaracterized for more than a century. i think most of you know the basic story, i'll go through quickly, 1898 white supremacist overthrew the multiracial government in wilmington. they killed up to 60 black men and wounded dozens more. they burn down the black daily newspaper and evicted city leaders at gunpoint. they appointed the bob leaders as mayor, police chief and sheriff. and they banished black and

white political leaders, they marched them with militiamen at gunpoint to the train station, they put him on the train and said if you ever come back to wilmington we will shoot you outside and not one of them came back. and you can imagine during this period what it must've been like for the black family who lived in wilmington and remember being shut down on the street and the gunmen running through the street terrorizing people and hundreds of them flood into the swamps in the cemetery outside the city trying to hide from the white government. this was in november you can imagine it was cold and happen to be the first date was there was raining, there were some reports that babies died of exposure. they were there under terrible conditions and it took them two nights and three days before they felt safe enough to return. and in the days and weeks following, 2100 black people

fled the city and never came back. what is really hard to believe about all of this is no one was ever punished. no one was prosecuted much less convicted for the more untrue murders or the violent coup. they announced it all ahead of time. they said they would overthrow neither rule by the ballot or both, they said they would do it and they didn't. so the whole country watched. since they announced it will before and this was in the spring, summer and fall of 1898, all the major newspapers said their white reporters wanted them to cover, new york times, washington post, chicago tribune, the adelphia inquire, the baltimore sun, the washington evening star, atlanta and enforce the news and observer. they were all there.

when his wife reported him from out of town at the train station, the leader of the white supremacy unit would leave him there, handle cigars, give him liquor, arrange their lodging to use a modern term they would embed them with the white government who is going around patrolling the city's in these reporters would go out with them, never interviewed a black person as far as i can tell but they would go out and swallow the stories of these governments and white supremacists were telling them that there will be a black writer and black were stockpiling weapons and blacks are incapable of governing they did and how have the right to vote and this was reflected in the northern newspapers and reflected in the stories that are think back. the nation got the whole story that was basically the talking point of the white supremacist to the white press. in first century it was not. it was a massacre, it was a planned murdered spree.

in our nations history in 19 early 20 centuries there were many so-called race riots. almost all of these were spontaneous outburst of white rage. in many cases and involved real or contact between a black man in a white woman. but it was unique, is completely different, is premeditated, carefully orchestrated racial revolution planned well in advance. it was by far the most successful and permanent violent overthrow of an elected government in u.s. history. there has never been anything like it. why was wilmington such a threat to watch. i think it was a bold experiment, one was an outlier in the late 19th century, a rarity in the south and first of all it was a majority of black city, 66% black and very few big

cities in the south have a black majority. more importantly how to multiracial government waxwing to position of authority. three of the ten were black. the black magistrates, black lawyers, doctors and lawyers in the daily black newspaper. in 1898 a publication called wilmington the freeze time for any growth in the country, of courses is intolerable to white supremacists and they will not let it stand. now they had a goal, the first goal was to overturn the government in wilmington. that was just their first goal. there was a bigger goal in a major goal was to deny black people the right to vote in the right to hold public office forever. by those standards it was an incredibly successful coup.

in 1986 there were 126,000 registered voters in north carolina, 126,000, 19 06, ten years later, 6100. it went downhill from there. in fact black citizens in north carolina did not vote a significant number for 70 more years until after the voting rights act of 1965. it also turned the black majority into a white supremacists almost overnight. in 1898 as i said before, it was about 66% black, anybody have a guess of what it might be today? [laughter] >> 18%. in 1898 america had one black congressman in the entire country and his name was george hindering white and he was from north carolina. he represented his district in the southeastern part of the

state that was adjacent to wilmington. he was harassed, him and his family were harassed and ran out of office by supremacists so he said in 1900 he was not going to run through the election, he was leaving the steam parting words that i cannot live in north carolina and be treated as a man. after george henry white left office in 1900, no black citizens in north carolina serving congress until 1992. after the three black aldermen were evicted at gunpoint in 1988, no black citizens seller on the city council until 1972. it was not that long ago. it also installed white supremacy and jim crow as official state policy for nearly 50 years. it inspired weiser premises across the south, let me give you one example. in georgia in 19 06 with her was a statewide election campaign in

the weiser premises were trying to figure out a way to deny blacks to vote and still the election. they consulted with the leaders of the wilmington group to figure out how to do it. now the weiser premises governor who got elected and he is in a direct quote, we can handle the black the way they handled them in wilmington where the woods was black with her hanging carcasses. not all likes and wilmington were white supremacist. white republican officials but because of the black vote what help put republicans in office. some wipe whites help them escae government. but that made them targets, during the summer of 1988 white was prominent and seen as

working too closely with black officials received postcards in the mail and they were called remembered the sick and they had of bone and a pistol. it was a doctor. on the card they said these six men, the republicans of the town called and the generous funds of the white race. and they said that they were coming when they would pay for putting blacks in office and they would be benefiting from the town. as it turned out, they were, the white mayor, the white police chief, the white federal commissioners and several white lawyers were marched at gunpoint to two train stations, put on the train and said do not come back, we will kill you and not one came back. the main weapon for the white supremacy campaign was a fake news campaign led by daniels who played with blocks to a fight

whites and attack them. in the nearly 25% of voters who were illiterate, they required cartoonist as cartoons. i would like to read a passage from the book about the propaganda pam pain. >> more than a century before since desiccated steak news, targeted social media website, dino's manipulation of white readers through phony or misleading newspapers was perhaps the most daring and effective disinformation campaign of the era. the most sensational stories focused on what daniels and other democrats claim to have the black beast races. in the native -- emasculated by troops who had occupation their towns, with bachmann were elevated to something approaching equality. a black man who can vote or hold

public office was a man who might, bathe a logic, become a writer for the affections of white woman. his turbulent incident went to our ages, was required was incidental content between a white woman in a black man. with each cartoon and with each provocative article, the day was coming daniels wrote in the new entry news exerted for in the white man's will take the law in their own hands and organize force meet the negroes behave themselves. . . .

they were the private militia of the white supremacists. all summer job was to write out through the countryside at night, drag out black men and beat them and with them and told them they would be killed if they register to vote and on election day whic day which is e november of 1898 they intercepted any black man who was trying to get to the polling station and intimidated and beaten them and by doing so, they crushed the turnout that they stole the election. in addition to the red shirts there were two state militias in wilmington. first was the naval reserve and these were basically the national guard of the day they were supposed to report to the governor and rally the.

they served in the spanish-american war if you remember it played out at summer but they made sure they were back in wilmington from the war and they have planned for two days after the election. on the pretext of putting down the block right. they also served in the spanish-american war and segregated union but they made sure that they were far from wilmington on the day of the coup at the training camp in georgia hundreds of miles away so that left the community defenseless and here you have

all these young men trained in soldiers and weapons but they were miles away. now there were defenders of the black community and one was named alex manley. as a journalist i was drawn to him. i thought he was a fascinating character and a courageous man, just an amazing character. he challenged them in print and demanded civil rights and eventually demanded that the country live up to its promises to the citizens. in august of 1898, he wrote in an incendiary editorial about race and almost got him lynched. he wrote many men lynched for the women that were in fact consensual and also pointed out that the rate white women with impunity. this editorial was in response to a speech by a white woman in

georgia. every negro lynched is called a big burly black fruit, and in fact many of those that have nothing dealt with headlight and for their father and for not only black and burly that were sufficiently attractive for white girls with culture and climate to fall in love with them and very well-known tool. and amidst the worst to be intimate with a white woman angry white man to be intimate with a colored woman. you set yourselves down as he was for the kurds in the queue cry aloud for the virtue while

you seek to destroy the morality of hours. people have asked me how he researched this book. there are no witnesses left from 1898. i spent a lot of time in libraries boast significantly at the wilson library and the southern historical collection. they were proud of their

accomplishments and they bolstered about it and memoirs and diaries and letters and newspaper columns. there were some rich and detailed. but blacks left behind fewer documents and the daily record was burned and they find those copies now. there were newspapers around the country that obviously couldn't send reporters to wilmington to cover these because of the very least they would have been beaten and run out of town and probably killed. but after the two win over these families spread around the country mostly on the eastern seaboard, the newspapers would interview them and get some very rich and detailed stories, very fresh stories about what had happened so that was a great resource for me.

in addition, there were ministers and lawyers that left an interesting memoir and incredible details. one of the great sources i have are these beautiful letters to her son in the 1950s that are playing into reed and i quote some of these in the book. i was able to balance the narrative with the experience and what i tried to do also is to put myself in as a journalist in 1898 and tried to use the tools as a novelist to create a narrative that still felt from the documents. this isn't a historical fiction book. everything comes from documents into the work of journalism and it is in fake news to use a popular term of the day.

first is the speech given by colonel alford, he is a former congressman and newspaper editor and former confederate colonel who led the mob and installed themselves as mayor. and again, this is the night before the election when they gave the speech. the crisis is upon us. the city, county and state should be rid of the domination once and forever. you had the courage. you were brav brave to me were e sons of noble ancestry coming for anglo-saxon. they were armed and prepared and you will do your duty. go to the polls tomorrow and if you find a negro out of voting, told them to leave the polls.

this is about a black man who was a very fascinating character. he spent a summer encouraging them to vote and this made him a target. but on the day of the ride they persuaded to go door-to-door in the neighborhood to plead with residents not to resist a black government. he made a great show urging them to vote but he concluded for the resistance would only get him killed. he had gone from house to house in brooklyn accompanied by three white men pleading with the residents not to oppose the gunman. at one point a group of enraged

black men seized them and holds them hostage. it was the sort of act that might be expected if he himself. but he surprised everyone by pleading to release their captives. after th the series of associations, they were set free. he escorted them to the gathering of white gunman expecting a round of thanks. instead several attempted a lynching. they were intercepted by two of the three hostages who plunged into the mob and pulled him free. they didn't spare him from the banishment campaign. the infantry detachment escorted him to the city jail. a short time later the infantry soldiers took him from jail and marched him at gunpoint to the train depot where he was placed on a departing train. he was terrified. just before the train departed,

to ominous developments made the situation by your. he was warned by the soldier that he would be killed on sight if he ever returned to wilmington and the redshirts boarded just before they rolled out of the depot. the infantry detachment departed leaving him alone with the redshirts. a few hours later his body riddled with bullets was discovered in the woods near hilton park on wilmington's northern outskirts. one account he had moved and was shocked by the redshirts. it's more likely that he was executed on board and his body was flown from the speeding train. you would think this major event in north carolina history and in american history would be mentioned in the north carolina public history books in schools. but in fact, it was barely mentioned. and it was and if it was that was portrayed as the response to black race riots in, quote, the good government efforts to replace the negro rules.

here is the public school textbook from 1933. quote, there were many officeholders, some of whom were poorly suited for the task and this naturally aroused ill feelings between them,." hear is a textbook from 1940, quote, the massive negroes became poorer citizens. to keep their vote, the carpet bagger is allowed him to do very much as they pleased. the worst crimes were not punished. the white people of the south were no longer safe. here's from the 1940s were textbook. they were jailed for starting a riot and the administration took over the government. and finally, this from the 1940 textbook about the kkk and redshirts and remember this is a public school textbook that children are reading. to put an end to the terrible condition committee joined together in a sort of club which they named the ku klux klan.

[laughter] members dressed as ghosts and scared men into acting decently. on the moonlit nights they could be seen on horseback riding to bring order back into the lives of people. such sights frightened them into living better lives. the names of these men, negro or white to have done a wrong were listed. the next moment they would visit them and punish them according to the wrongs they have done. after this they were not so bold and crying became less and less. again, public school textbook, 1940. so, you can see how the white mythology kept the false narrative alive for so long. i wrote this book to correct the historical record. i believe we have to confront the chapters in history that understand the roots of racism and hate and learn from it. today politicians are using

social media to scapegoat and the nice people of color. especially with white nationalism on the rise. in fact, some of the white nationalists chanted jews will not replace us in charlottesville and would have probably felt right at home in 1988. now go stud those do they are bd by some extremists that america is a white country and people of color are portrayed as outsiders and threats to the traditional american way of life and a few politicians are using some of the same tactics as 1988. i will give you one example. alex manley in addition to the threats that dc was told many times to go back to africa. just this summer three congressmen of color were told to go back to their home countries. one more example. in 1898, they were told they were raping the women and stealing their jobs and today they were told they were pouring across the border. if we don't learn the demagogues

can play the card again and again to insight sort of hate and violence that was so destructive 122 years ago. so i if there's one thing i thee you do take from this book, this is it. thank you very much. you have been patient. i think we are going to open up for questions. i had heard on npr there was difficulty obtaining the information that you researched going forward today at some of the libraries they kept us off the shelves if that is question number one is there any realization of the time that this was going on and did they do anything?

>> i didn't have any trouble getting the documents. there's plenty there that are catalogued and i mentioned the wilson library and the public library in wilmington and the library at duke and the national archives. there are more documents and i can handle and the federal government. i write in the book about how the mckinley administration warned repeatedly before and during the summer and fall of 1898 george henry white, the congressman i mentioned that purposely in the white house with mckinley who warned him about what was going to happen if the clergymen also warned him about the same thing as did the white republican congressman from north carolina, the senator, sorry. they all warned him and george henry went back and asked

president mckinley for help to send troops and other ministers did the same. as far as i can tell in the records, he didn't make one single public statement about the situation in wilmington. you have to remember this was in the aftermath of the spanish-american war and the peace negotiations were going very poorly. his administration was being accused of not taking care of the troops were dyin that were f yellow fever and they were poorly fed and it was a huge controversy. it was surprising that mckinley reacted that way because he was an abolitionist and had been a union officer and in fact he campaigned for the black vote. and he supported black suffrage. but he was also trying to bring the nation together and during his campaign, he met with

confederate veterans and gave them each a knife that was ingrained union forever, trying to heal. you have to remember in 1898, 30 years after the civil war in the white southerners and northerners are fighting together in the war. so, i think in his mind he didn't want to risk antagonizing the southern whites. he had to run for reelection. so i think for all these reasons they did not intercede but in answer to your question, there was a procession by the federal government. >> i'm sorry. yes, sir back here with your hand at. >> i'd like to know about the reaction of governor daniel russell that owned the two. >> governor russell was a republican, and in fact he was put in office with the help of the black votes. he was from wilmington and a

slaveowning family. he was part of the white gentry in wilmington, but he was under threat by the white supremacists that completely intimidated him. they threatened him with assassination. he carried a gun with him he was so afraid. they threatened him with impeachment and he tried to go to wilmington on the day of the election. he barely made it home and was almost killed on the way because he had to go through the redshirts towns to get back on the train and they have to hide him on the baggage car. every stop they would board the train and try to lynch pin and would scream lynch the bad son of a bitch and they would find in rally they were surrounded and he and his wife had to stay there so that was his reaction. in order for the federal troops to come down and restore order

or do anything about the riot, the governor woul governor woulo request them and he wasn't about to because he was terrified. next, you yes ma'am. >> wondering if they had been so successful suppressing the vote why they felt it was necessary. >> because municipal offices were not part of the election. there was a municipal elections scheduled for next march. they didn't want to wait that long and the new ones they stole the election they would be in the position to do whatever they wanted because nobody in the city was going to stop them because they had taken over the state government. so, they plan the two for two days after it forcibly removed the office holders rather than waiting for the march election. let me go over here if anybody

has any questions. >> appreciate the fact you are sounding the alarm and ringing the bell for awareness of this issue. the hope to be the toxin for the misdeeds is there any role for the privations or anything of that nature from defendants were owners for those that form this riot? >> i was in wilmington over the weekend giving a talk on reparations came up, as you can imagine. in 1998, when they celebrated, not celebrated marked the 100th anniversary, there was quite a debate in the city over

reparations and that is a debate that is still going on. i just wonder how you could possibly compensate all these families. i think it's an important issue and it needs to be discussed. i don't have the answer to it again in wilmingtobut again in g eshoo. the quote that is ru code that e editorial page every single day if you read the words, you might burst out laughing. yes. >> as you mentioned in the epilogue, silent sam has come down from the campus in that complicated story in and of itself but perhaps it is time to talk about. >> i am not getting into that one, that isn't for me to

decide. i will say i did anticipate a question about silent sam. many of you might know this, but the speaker when the statue was put up in 1913 the main speaker was julian shakespeare, has anybody heard of him. he was a very vocal supporter of the white supremacy campaign, championed white supremacy in the 1913 he delivered the spee speech. it was portrayed as a tribute to those that left the university and it was because a lot of the students died in the war but he made it clear that it was also a tribute to white supremacy. they sought to save that life and preserve a the anglo-saxon. in the speech, he also brad

about when he returned to campus serving on the civil war in 1865. upon the streets of this quiet village she publicly had a maligned pleasing duty. just wanted to make the point again that this isn't ancient history, it's very much alive today there is a building on campus that still stands. yes, sir. >> we had rosebud and holds th pulsar. can you comment about the relationship of wilmington happening and setting the standard for the white supremacist massacre. >> i can only assume they would

have happened regardless but as i pointed out before, wilmington was absolutely unique in that it wasn't a spontaneous outburst of rage on behalf of whites. it was planned, it was premeditated over a period of months and that is the distinction but to say what effect it had, obviously it's had nit hadno effect. whether it had an effect or somehow contributed to those after, i really cannot say. yes ma'am. >> i was wondering if you could talk more about the role of the north carolina democratic party in fighting the militia and the democratic party is different today than it was back in 1898. if you could talk a little bit more about that and any

subsequent things to overturn it or not overturn the documentation that was spread out among the militia. >> i think as most of you know, the democratic part party in 18s the party of the white supremacy and the party of lincoln and black suffrage. in my mind he was a politician that happened to own the biggest and most powerful newspaper in the state and he met regularly in his office with the democratic executive committee. and for the phony news campaign he did it as a member of the democratic party working with simmons, who is the chairman of the democratic party.

after the two, they had to figure out how they could permanently by legislation keep blacks from voting. there were taxes and literacy tests, and those were used to keep blacks from voting but they also affected white voters goes as i said before, they were illiterate so they had to figure out a way to keep them from the test. they had to go to louisiana which the year before and passed the grandfather clause which was a brilliant piece of legislation. any person whose father or grandfather had voted before 1867 would be exempt from the tax while 1868 is the year that they got the vote. so, obviously that exempted almost all black men from

voting. he thought this was wonderful. the democratic party sent him down there to do what they portrayed as a journalistic investigation but he didn't want to pay for it, he got the democratic party to pay for it. he wrote these amazing stories about how wonderful the grandfather clause was and how it had completely snuck out of the boat and set we've got to try this in north carolina and in 1900 they passed an amendment into the past and the law and that was used up until 1915 when by the way that inspired for other southern states to do the same thing. the supreme court outlawed by the same time black voting had been snuffed out until at least 1965. front row.

>> did you find people look at some of these characters and is there a period of being honored or remembered for the role they played in trying to create this experiment in wilmington? >> he has a historic marker in wilmington, but it calls what happened in 1898, a race riot. there is a movement in wilmington now to have abraham galloway get a recognition or statute or something. if you haven't read the book he was an amazing character and slave just outside of wilmington. he escaped on the ship and got to philadelphia and was a spidering the war. he was i believe one of the very

first black senators in north carolina after 68 after the constitution was written so he was an incredible man and dare i say there was a movement to have a tribute or monument to him. >> lets go here in the back. >> speaking of reparations, is there any documentation of the property that was confiscated and karen to value. >> that has been an issue for many years and there was a conviction that they confiscated the property after they fled and took it over. there was a researcher at wilmington food did who did thf property records at the time.

and this was in the state commission report she found there were very few examples of this and the conclusion i came up with is the white supremacists wanted to deprive them of their civil rights and i think according to this analysis, what happened is even when they left, they would leave the property and have it taken over by friends or relatives, so according to the study most of the properties were in their hands. anybody else. way in the back. >> questions that are being asked on this side. it's not the senator they are after in this state 1901 to

1931. the microphone isn't working. >> the question is about the head of the democratic party and the leaders of the campaign. he catapulted with other people and served 30 years as a senator and bob christiansen right here in the back wrote a terrific book that includes politics in north carolina and i recommend it highly. he became the secretary of the navsecretary of thenavy under wo was a segregationist who spent eight years as a young man in wilmington and was also the ambassador of mexico, became a well-known man, nationally well-known figure. many others there were three speakers during the campaign who became governor's and catapulted

as a result. i have a couple of comments into question. you mentioned earlier something about brooklyn. i grew up in brooklyn new york various >> i thought you meant north carolina. >> first of all, it is an absolutely outrageous story. and is it possible -- first my comment it is a blueprint for the holocaust. there's a lot of similarities. it's possible that mckinley didn't get involved in the states rights and because he felt there were good people on both sides.

it is entirely possible but i do think that he didn't want to antagonize white voters not only in north carolina, but across the south. he was a politician that was runninposition that wasrunning o with it. >> we did a pilgrimage to wilmington this past summer and i was wondering if you heard from the members of the community particularly saint marks. they said in the past year but descendents came to apologize for what their ancestors had done. so you might want to get in touch with st. mark's. they have a living history there. my question is in the research have you seen evidence of how the impact of dt 98 played on the looming in ten in the 1970s? >> i got asked that question in

wilmington last week about the wilmington ten. i'm not an expert on the wilmington ten. i remember it and i'm sure most people here are familiar from 71 or 72. you can only assume some of the hate and racism from 1898 bled over into what they called and 71 by the falsely accusing ten people that were later exonerated. we also had the clan marching in 71 and the rightful white people organization. as i said i don't know the details. i see a straight line of it going right into 1971. >> one of the things is when the ten young people, black and one was a white woman, actually they

wanted a place to meet and discuss their grievances and no church would open up. if the black descendents i tried really hard and went all over the city to get people to talk to me but very few words. i did talk to some interesting that when i went back they were telling me these stories but i wish i had in the book. >> there was a newspaper that replaced the record and there were several times there were phone calls and e-mails they completely ignored me and didn't want to talk to me and i think it was a legacy of a the

secretary of the navy with wilson and thomas dixon and also the clerk of court for rally and would have known george taylor was arrested and the clan was waiting for them. from the driveway that night he was murdered, lynched in a town of about 120. what was the peak of this campaign.

i'm glad white people are getting involved finally. they went sort of underground after the reconstruction and came back in a big way. the violence that we had we have a state legislature here that just passed recently the voter id law that the federal courts ruled were specifically designed to press and suppress the turnout and one judge said it targeted african-americans with surgical precision so that is one example.

obviously this isn't the same level of racism and hate but in an attempt to keep them from voting. >> when i moved to rally about 40 years ago i joined and the daniels had been a member of previously. it was how liberal the observer was. can you talk about the past and the things done in the past hoping that they have seen some light with their generation offspring have happened to run in and if you have, hopefully they've read your book and i just want to know on a personal

basis do you see any difference in the writing or the newspaper today as a journalist or have you run into any of the family? >> i worked there in the 70s and today it was a very progressive and liberal paper and still is on the editorial page. when i worked there, i thought it was a terrific paper. it was a force and particularly covering government, state government, covering and exposing fraud by republicans and democrats. it remained a democratic paper but today's democrats, and i think that they editorial page over the cheers have pretty much traditional mainstream liberal democratic opinions. yes, you have a follow-up.

>> daniels tied in the 40s. his family did take it over and there was a pure cod period thas still conservative in the 50s. but i think once the democratic party changed when the segregationist wing bolted for the republican party and became the voice of the progressive and liberal and at the same time african-american voters abandoned the republicans and came over to the democratic party. and i think that they have a voice. the choice to make there to stay with the democrats or as i say from the time i worked there until this morning, the paper most people would agree it is mainstream liberal progressive

and you asked about frank daniels junior he took all the time i needed and it is mentioned in the epilogue. >> thank you very much. [applause]

in congress at played a vital role in the victory in the civil war. this event hosted by the book passage bookstore in california is just over an hour. good evening, everyone. what a great crowd. welcome to book passage. thank you for coming out tonight on a tuesday night there are so many things you could be doing.