on the nomination of linda thomas greenfield to be u.s. ambassador to the united nations. also on the agenda, annual meeting of george washington's farewell address. now, live senate coverage here on c-span2. ******************** the chaplain: let us pray. eternal god, as we cross the grim milestone of 500,000 lives lost to the coronavirus, we continue to look to you for strength, guidance, and wisdom. lord, use our senators to bring healing to our nation and world. give them the creativity and

wisdom needed to do what is best to end this global pestilence. inspire them to permit their out this, words, and -- their thoughts a, worded, and actions to please you. may they receive the smile of heaven's approval because of their faithfulness. and, lord, we thank you for the life of our first president of the united states, george washington. we pray in your marvelous name, amen. the presiding officer: please join me in reciting the pledge of allegiance. i pledge allegiance

to the flag of the united states of america, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation under god, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. the presiding officer: the clerk will read a communication to the senate. the clerk: washington, d.c., february 22, 2021. to the senate: under the provisions of rule 1, paragraph 3, of the standing rules of the senate, i hereby appoint the honorable a senator from the state of hawaii, to perform the duties of the chair, signed: chuck grassley, president pro tempore. the presiding officer: under the previous order, the leadership time is is reserved

the presiding officer: under the previous order, the leadership time is reserved. morning business is closed. pursuant to the order of the senate of january 24, 1901. as amended by the order of february 13, 2021, the senator from ohio, mr. portman, will now read washington's farewell address. mr. portman: friends and fellow citizens: the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprise you of the resolution i have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has

not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. i constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the

strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then-perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my determination to retire. the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say that i have, with good intentions,

contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for

the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead -- amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which, not infrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism -- the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by which

they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. here, perhaps, i ought to stop.

but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation

of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth -- as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed -- it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of

your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens -- by birth or choice -- of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which

belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together. the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. the north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in

the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. the east, in a like intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. the west derives from the east supplies requisite to its

growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and, what is of inestimable value,

they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense, it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind and

exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should

have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations -- northern and southern, atlantic and western -- whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. they have seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the

suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the atlantic states unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties -- that with great britain and that with spain -- which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisors, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.

sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at

any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. they serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the

public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.

one method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system and, thus, to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such

a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its

greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the

common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus, the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this, within certain limits, is probably true; and in

governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume. it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon

another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one and, thus, to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution

designates. but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness -- these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.

let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? promote, then, as an object of

primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims

belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. observe good faith and justice towards all nations. cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct. and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?

it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? in the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place

of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is, in some degree, a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. the nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through

passion what reason would reject. at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. so, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained and by

exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils!

such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided instead of a defense against it. excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and

dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. so far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.

if we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances

with any portion of the foreign world, so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of

commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation.

it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression i could wish -- that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but if i may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good -- that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism -- this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. how far in the discharge of my official duties i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public

records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. to myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. in relation to the still-subsisting war in europe, my proclamation of the 22nd of april, 1793, is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and

firmness. the considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions and to progress,

without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. though in reviewing the incidents of my administration i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after 45 years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love

towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government -- the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

the presiding officer: under the previous order, morning business is closed.

under the previous order, the senate will proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination which the clerk will report. the clerk: nomination, department of state, linda thomas-greenfield of louisiana to be the representative of the united states of america to the united nations and the representative of the united states of america and the security council of the united nations.

mr. schumer: madam president? the presiding officer: mr. majority leader. mr. schumer: we in a quorum? no. okay. madam president, it's only been a month since president biden took the oath of office and democrats assumed the majority in the senate. but we've already taken some major steps to repair and rebuild our country. i said this chamber would begin its work by accomplishing three immediate tasks. confirming president biden's nominees, addressing the covid pandemic with bold legislation, and conducting a fair and honest impeachment trial of donald trump. the senate has made steady progress on all three. a little over a week ago we concluded the second impeachment trial of donald trump. the house managers presented a powerful, harrowing reconstruction of the former president's role in inciting an attack against our democracy. the greatest offense ever, ever

committed by a president of the united states. despite the final verdict of this chamber, donald trump deserves to be convicted, and i believe he will be convicted in the court of public opinion. history will judge mr. trump harshly, deservedly so. and everyone who condoned the dangerous final acts of his presidency will live with that in history as well and live rather dishonorably. even during the impeachment trial, the senate advanced the ball on the two other priorities i mentioned. our committees conducted several confirmation hearings and worked closely with their house colleagues to draft covid relief legislation. that process is ongoing. among senate members as well as over in the house. now that the trial is complete, we're going to move forward on both fronts. democrats remain hard at work preparing the desperately needed

covid relief bill, which is on track to go to the president's desk before the march 14 expiration of unemployment insurance benefits. and starting this evening, the senate will continue the process of confirming president biden's nominees with a vote on linda thomas-greenfield to serve as the next u.n. ambassador. ms. thomas-greenfield has spent three decades in the u.s. foreign service. she's exceptionally qualified and that was reflected in the bipartisan support she received from the foreign relations committee. if confirmed she'll assume the role of u.n. ambassador at a time when the nations of the world must deepen their cooperation in the fight against covid-19 and the fight against climate change among other critical priorities. she will have no time to waste in rebuilding america's reputation and reasserting the first instrument of american

power. diplomacy. i look forward to voting in favor of her nomination. after that, the senate will immediately proceed to the tom nation of tom vilsack to serve as secretary of agriculture. mr. vilsack is no stranger to the senate confirmation process or to the department of agriculture. having served as its secretary under president obama. the former governor of iowa has made a career out of caring for and supporting our nation's farmers. mr. vilsack was approved by the agriculture committee by a unanimous, a unanimous vote. i expect he will receive the same bipartisan reception by the full senate. for the rest of the week we will continue to confirm members of the president's cabinet. first, jennifer granholm to serve as the secretary of energy. second, dr. miguel cardona to serve as secretary of education. both nominees have been advanced by the respective committees

with bipartisan votes, a pattern this week and at a time when our nation is gripped by a once in a century crisis, the president deserves to have his nominees approved quickly by this chamber so they can immediately get to work healing our great country. on another matter entirely, today, madam president, the united states will surpass more than 500,000 deaths from covid-19. half a million souls, half a million souls. how as a nation do we grapple with this enormous tragedy? how do we even comp mend a number that big or a loss that great? do we imagine five of our largest football stadiums filled to the max, wiped out in an instant. the city of atlanta or sacramento erased overnight. a 9/11 attack every single day

for 169 days in a row? they say a single death is a tragedy but a million deaths is a statistic. we must not let this tragic milestone wash over us like just another awful statistic stacked on top of a year's worth of awful statistics. instead we must treat this moment as 500,000 individual tragedies. the empty chair at the dinner table, the empty half of the bed at night that people are suffering through. the unplayed pianos and uncelebrated birthdays, funerals that were never held. the neighbors and colleagues and friends and families who died without a chance for their loved ones to hold their hands. the grandchildren wrapped in protective gear waving goodbye to grandparents across the silence of a hospital room.

500,000 american souls and counting. there is no way, no way to properly account for the loss of so many lives in so short a time. but i would ask my fellow americans to mark this terrible day by doing two simple things. first, keep in your hearts, in your hearts the families who have lost a loved one. reach out to that colleague or friend. offer sympathy, support. stop for a moment and grieve for your fellow citizens or for someone you've lortd personally -- you've lost personally. we all have learned of someone who is gone. i heard of another one yesterday, another one yesterday. and second, let us strive to end this pandemic as swiftly as possible. for us in the congress, that means moving forward with legislation to speed vaccine distribution and help the american people during this time of economic crisis.

that is what the american rescue plan is all about. but every american can contribute by continuing to follow the guidelines and staying safe, by not losing hope or patience as we round the final corner. we will, we will get through this but today, today let us mourn the 500,000 americans we've lost and commit ourselves to a future when the days of these tragic milestones are finally and firmly behind us. i yield the floor.

the presiding officer: the majority leader. mr. schumer: i move to proceed to legislative session. the presiding officer: the question is on the motion. all those in favor say aye. all oppose no. the ayes appear to have it. the ayes do have it. the motion is agreed to. mr. schumer: madam president, i move to proceed to executive session to consider calendar number 9. the presiding officer: the question is on the motion. all those in favor say aye. all those opposed no. the ayes appear to have it. the ayes do have it. the motion is agreed to. the clerk will report the nomination.

the clerk: nomination, department of energy, jennifer mulhern granholm of michigan to be secretary. mr. schumer: i send a cloture motion to the desk. the presiding officer: the clerk will read the motion to invoke cloture. the clerk: cloture motion, we, the undersigned senators in accordance with the provisions of rule 22 of the standing rules of the senate do hereby move to bring to a close debate on the nomination of jennifer mulhern granholm of michigan to be secretary of energy signed by 16 senators as follows. mr. schumer: i ask unanimous consent the reading of the names be waived. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schumer: i now ask unanimous consent that the senate resume consideration of the tho thomas-greenfield nomination as provided under the previous order. the presiding officer: is there objection? without objection.

mr. mcconnell: madam president? the presiding officer: the republican leader. mr. mcconnell: families across kentucky are recovering from a week of punishing winter weather. as many as 154,000 kentuckians lost heat and power, particularly across the eastern parts of the commonwealth. treacherous road conditions, fallen power lines made it a challenge to get help to those

in need. over the weekend we learned that multiple lives were tragically lost in the aftermath of these storms. but as they always do, kentuckians spring into action. electric co-op linemen, first responders and kentucky national guard worked around the clock to clear debris and to restore power. crews set up warming shelters and performed countless wellness checks. churches, local businesses, and citizens distributed food, blankets, and other supplies. so we're grateful for those who joined the response to help their neighbors and to help them stay safe. unfortunately while temperatures are climbing above freezing, thousands remain without power. my staff and i continue to stay in close contact with local and state officials along with the rest of the kentucky delegation we're focused and ready to help. in the recovery.

now, on an entirely different matter, madam president, the year just behind us will be remembered for the suffering, grief, and sacrifice it forced on our nation. today, as our covid-19 death toll passes 500,000, millions of americans are feeling the pain of personal loss. but as we mark this terrible milestone, we stand here in early 2021 at what increasingly appears to be a crossroads. far brighter days ahead appear to be close at hand. so far more than 63 million vaccine doses have been administered and another 1.8 million americans are now receiving a shot every day. at the same time, the rolling average of covid-related deaths has fallen to barely half its january high. and mounting evidence suggests

our economy is chomping at bit to rebuild the prosperity we lost last year. we reached this threshold because in part of the historic bipartisan work congress built just last year. from the job-saving paycheck protection program program to the operation warp speed and its historically successful sprint toward vaccines to cushioning the blow for unemployed americans and so much more, we spent roughly $4 trillion last year. the largest peacetime fiscal expansion in american history by far. and the five bills that passed the senate passed 96-1, 90-8, 96-0, by voice vote, and 92-6. that got us to the crossroads.

with a truly terrible 12 months behind us but in a better position to move forward than many experts had pre-intelligence committee distinguished, now the policies that washington puts forward will help determine what kind of year 2021 will be for american families. so, are we destined to spend a second year in a national defensive crouch? are we going to surrender another school year to the pandemic, another year of elevated unemployment, another year of diminished social and community life? or -- or are we going to plant a flag and say, this is the year that america comes roaring back? are we going to make this the year we reclaim our lives and retake country in a way that is safe, smart, but determined? washington gets a major say in this, but, unfortunately, there seems to be some impulse on the

democratic side to act as though we're still stuck back in april of 2020, and we're going to be stuck there for all of 2021. the partisan legislation democrats are preparing to ram through looks like something you'd pass to blunt another year of shutdowns, not to help guide a smart and proactive recovery. it looks more like another big bandage for a mostly shutdown country rather than a launching pad to help us get back on offense. look at schools. all the facts and hard evidence show that with simple safety precautions, k-12 schools can and should be reopening safely right now. yet the biden administration is going out of its way to avoid getting kids back in school. they have their own experts contra-intelligence committee didding their own -- contradicting their own recent

statements and their own c.d.c. backpedaling from the science all to accommodate big labor's goalpost moving. look at the proposed known in their partisan bill for k-12 schools. they call it an emergency relief fund, but just 5% of the money they want to would be spent in fiscal year 2021. 95 of this so-called emergency relief for schools would go out in fiscal year 2022 and beyond. or take the economy. experts is across the spectrum say that incomes, savings, job opportunities, and industry outlooks are already rebounding. further aid needs to be smartly targeted so government doesn't get in the way. but democrats want to double down on band-aid policies like they're planning for another year of stagnation instead of trying to set up success. almost every part of their draft reads like democrats took the things they ideologically wanted

to spend money on and work backwards instead of starting with the actual state of the country, the actual needs of american families, and working toward that. not terribly surprising, remember one senior house democrat told everybody last spring the pandemic would be, quote, a tremendous opportunity to restructure things to fit our vision. so i guess that's why they've gone heavy on non-covid-related liberal wish list items like the job-killing minimum wage policy, the environmental justice grants, the wheelbarrows of grants for state and local governments. multiple times any serious estimate of remaining need, the attempts to expand taxpayer funding for abortions. they go heavy on all of that but light on practical solutions that gets kids back in schools, workers safely back on the job, and help the american people reclaim their lives from this

microscopic foreign invader. the american people do not deserve policies that presume 2021 will be just like 2020. our nation needs this year to be different. if the administration were interested in policies to make that happen, they'd find the same kind of bipartisan support that every historic covid-19 package has received so far. i suggest the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll. quorum call:

quorum call:

>> were gonna take a look at the government's response of the covid-19 pandemic and how they have gone about the vaccinations and today were talking about the fda and cdc advisory committees, a senior writer with stat news to talk about the two advisory committees, let's begin with the fda helen, what is the advisory committee? the advisory committee that helps them on issues related to the approval of vaccination is called the vaccines and related biological products advisory committee people refer to as the pack. >> they are expected to meet this week, what are they expected to talk about. >> the fda was under a lot of political pressure to fast-track the vaccine and then

commissioner stephen hahn who is trying very hard to safeguard the process to approve vaccines and make sure based on science not on political expediency, he made a commitment that the time that the pack would meet every time there was a new covid vaccine to be considered for an emergency use authorization and since then he kept the problem under promise every time any vaccine, he's no longer in there but every time a new covid vaccine is ready to be studied by fda to consider whether or not to issue an emergency use authorization convened a meeting of the verb pack and that's what's happening to look at the johnson & johnson vaccine. >> we will have coverage of that meeting on c-span, who sits on this advisory committee and how

do you get a post. >> is a variety of experts, there are 15 voting members and if you members but the fda also has the right to add people to the committee on a case-by-case basis if they feel there is a need for more expertise mr. durbin: i ask consent the quorum call be suspended. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. durbin: madam president, yesterday would have been john lewis' 81st birthday. that fearless young man who was threatened, jailed, beaten half to death so many times for the cause of love and justice actually lived to reach the age of 80 seems like a miracle. now as america celebrates our first black history month since his passing, we miss him. but we still have the moral force of his message.

john made sure of that. two days before he died, he wrote an essay for "the new york times." he asked the paper to print his words on the day of his funeral, of his homegoing, as he said. it was his last message to america. in his essay, john lewis recalled how when he was a little boy in alabama, the threat of white supremacist violence and government-sanctioned terror was a fact of everyday life. he also remembered the moment that changed his life. hearing a young minister named martin luther king jr. on the radio. from dr. king's sermons, he learned about the philosophy and discipline of nonviolence. he also learned that when we tolerate injustice, we are complicit. when we see something that is wrong, he wrote, quote, each of us has a moral obligation to stand up, speak up, and speak out. john lewis spent the next 65 years on earth following

dr. king's teachings. i never met anyone in my life so unshakeably committed to nonviolence and the transformative power of love. there was another person who inspired john lewis to spend his life getting into what he called good trouble. he said he was inspired to end race discrimination by the brutal death of emmett till in mississippi in 1955. when emet til -- emmett till was supposedly murdered for whisling at a white woman. he visited relatives from his home on the south side of chicago. when his body was returned to his grieving mother, she made a decision that changed the world. she demanded that her son's

coffin remain open at his funeral so the world could see what racism and injustice did to her child. this launched the civil rights movement of the mid-20th century. it was one of the greatest period of reckoning in our nation's history. months later rossa parks refused to give up a seat on a montgomery alabama bus, she said that she thought of emmett till and that covered his like a quilted blanket. their plans to preserve it as a museum. five years ago the smithsonian museum of african american history, and it represents america's first attempt to tell the story of african americans. you don't have to go to a museum

to see racial injustice in america or to see people bravely getting into good trouble for justice. you see that all around us. nine days before he died, a week from his chemo treatment, john lewis made his last public appearance at the newly renamed black lives matter plaza in front of the white house. he complained the reason for his visit in his final letter to america. it begins with these words. while my time here has now come to an end, i want you to know that in the last days and hours of my life you inspired me. you filled me with hope about the next chapter of the great american story when you used your power to make a difference in our society. lewis went on, that is why i had to visit black lives matters plaza in washington. i just had to see and feel it for myself that after many years of silent witness, the truth is

still marching on. john lewis drew a direct line from the civil rights movement to the black lives matters protest of today. and he said emmett till was my george floyd, sandra bland and brie owna taylor. as we celebrate this month, we celebrate -- we can see the changes of racial injustice in this pandemic which has hit our black, brown brothers and sisters. african americans still live sicker and die younger in america. the average black family still possesses only a fraction of the wealth of the white families even after a of lifetime of back breaking work. taxafrican americans face vote

intimidation after john lewis fought for voting rights. weeks ago armed nationalists held an insurrection and a man in that mob had a confederate flag that he carried through the halls in the capitol. black history is racial violence and discrimination and it is resilient people who created a rich and vibrant culture. from the first american to give his life in the revolutionary war to officer eugene goodman, one of the heroes on the januara harris to barak obama, our first

black president, from onlewis, the young -- john lewis, the youngest speaker, to amanda gordon, our youngest poet, they have been in every field of thought and every walk of life, made us freer, more prosperous and truer to our founding prosperity. i celebrate black history month and i yield the floor. mr. grassley: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from iowa. mr. grassley: tomorrow we're going to be taking up the nomination of former iowa governor tom vilsack, former secretary of agriculture tom

vilsack and now the nominee to be secretary of agriculture again. i fully support this nomination. he has received support from farm and commodity groups across the country, but more important to this senator, he received praise from family farmers in iowa. however, a few critics of the former iowa governor have raised questions about his record on addressing racial inequities during his time as secretary of agriculture from 2009 till 2017. i'd like to take this opportunity to set the record straight. i've long worked towards enshiewrg black farmers -- ensuring black farmers receive justice for the decades of discrimination that occurred through many different

administrations of the u.s. department of agriculture, both republican and democrat. people have often asked me why in the world a senator from iowa would get involved in this issue. while there aren't many black farmers in iowa, my state has a long history of fighting against oppression of african americans dating to the underground railroad. there's no reasons to stop that trend. in my first discussion with then-to-be secretary of agriculture vilsack in 2009, i brought up my work in what is called the pigsford consent decree, i led in the farm bill, allowed more black farmers to

bring their claims toward and authorized the u.s. department of agriculture $100 million for additional settlements. mr. vilsack, at that time talking to me privately, vowed then to work closely with me and other senators on issues and then immediately got to work doing just that, helping black farmers. under the leadership of secretary vilsack, the u.s. department of agriculture discovered that the $100 million at that appropriated wasn't enough to cover the settlements that black farmers were entitled to under that consent decree. so in 2010, part of secretary vilsack's budget request, included over $1 billion to

ensure a robust settlement for all black farmers who were discriminated against for a previous two or three decades. the claims resolution act was signed by president obama december 2010 and implemented successfully by secretary vilsack. besides the pigsford settlements, a top priority during secretary vilsack's previous tenure, was ensuring a comprehensive plan to improve the usda's record on civil rights, and that record on civil rights wasn't very good based upon what i've already said about the pigsford case, but in a lot of other areas as well. secretary vilsack made it clear to all employees that discrimination of any form would not be tolerated at the u.s.

department of agriculture. my support for justice to those who have faced discrimination remains constant and i am looking forward to working with secretary vilsack and leaders in the congress to ensure equal rights for every farmer and family in this country. i'm glad to have the opportunity to set the record straight on secretary tom vilsack's solid record in pursuing justice for victims of discrimination. mr. vilsack is the right person for this job. i know that secretary vilsack will continue to work for family farmers and spotlight these farmers' contribution to agriculture and what agriculture does for society as a whole. as an iowan, that's part of mr. vilsack's very nature. i urge my colleagues to confirm

secretary vilsack once again so that the department of agriculture has the necessary leadership in place to continue the important work, and that is supporting those who feed and fuel the country and indirectly a lot of people around the world. i yield the floor. i suggest the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll.

quorum call:

quorum call:

ms. thomas greenfield is spent three decades in the u.s. foreign service . linda thomas-greenfield is exceptionally qualified. bipartisan support was seen from the foreign relations committee. confirm she will assume the role of human ambassador at the time of the nations of the world must have cooperation in the fight against covid-19 in the fight against climate change. among other critical priorities. shall have no time to waste in the building of america's reputation and reasserting the first instrument of american power, diplomacy. i look forward to voting in favor of her nomination. after that, the senate will immediately proceed to the nomination of tom.

to serve as secretary of agriculture. it is no stranger to the senate confirmation process by the department of agriculture. having served as a secretary under president obama for unit the former governor of iowa has made a career out of supporting our nations farmers. he was approved by the agriculture committee by unanimous vote for unit i expect he will receive the same bipartisan reception that is tom vilsack . for the rest of the week we will confirm jennifer serving as a secretary of energy . in second another to serve as a secretary of education. both nominees have been advanced by the committees . better this week and time in our nations once in a century crisis. the president deserves to have his knob approved quickly by his

temper. so they can immediately get to work handling our great country. on another matter, today madam president, the united states will surpass 105,000 deaths. from covid-19. half a million souls. how do we grapple with this enormous tragedy. ahead of even comprehend the number that big role is that great. to imagine five are our largest football stadiums filled to the max wiped out in an instance. this event planet erased. overnight. and 911 attack every single day for 169 days in a row. they say a single death is a tragedy but a million deaths is a statistic . with must not let

this tragic milestone wash over us like just another awful statistics stacked on top of the year's worth of awful statistics instead, we must treat this moment, 500,000 individual tragedies. empty chairs at the dinner table. empty half of the bed at night as people are suffering through. the unplayed pianos and on celebrated birthdays, funerals that were never held. the neighbors and colleagues and friends and families, who died without a chance for their loved ones to hold their hands. the grandchildren protective gear waving goodbye to grandparents across the hospital room. 500,000 american souls and county. there is no way to properly account for the loss of so any

lives and so short of a time. if i messed my fellow americans to mark this terrible day by doing two simple things. first, keeping your hearts, the families who have lost a loved one. reach out to a call your friend in efforts of the in support and stop for moment and grieve for your fellow citizens. we all know some but he was gone. i learned of another one yesterday. and second, let us strive to in this pandemic as quickly as possible. and for us the congress, that means moving forward with legislation to speed the vaccine distribution help the american people during a time of economic crisis. that is with the american rescue plan is all about. but every american can contribute by continuing to follow the guidelines and

staying safe . but not losing hope and patience is around the final quarter. we will get through this. but today, let us more than 500,000 americans we have lost. commit ourselves to a future when the days of these tragic milestones are finally and firmly behind us. i yield the floor. mcconnell: members across kentucky. >> the committee will vote for linda thomas-greenfield. and i will oppose her nomination. too often the un is at its best when debating society but at worst, and is more common sadly, youpo and is for tierney corruption and hypocrisy. our investor must give voice your interest priorities and conscious of the united states

and regularly on our world stage . foresight and judgment and courage is what needs. the courage to be true and a den of liars. unfortunately, linda thomas-greenfield us these qualities when it comes in the world most notorious liar, communist china printable more than a year ago, linda thomas-greenfield delivered a speech in china funded confuciusom institute at savannah state university. in her remarks, she could've talked about china's economic aggression. but flirting are streets with deadly drugs like sentinel. objected to the think funding . cultivating to uphold their commitments of the autonomy or criticize their predatory lending practices. instead, she praised china . she excused in their ring heavier in africa and said there is much of

the u.s. can learn from china. it is beyond me how anyone especially a seasoned diplomat could answer such a grotesque line. america has nothing to learn from a genocidal communist tierney. she excused it china's diplomacy and said that she could see no reason why china should not help spread values, gender equity in the role of operated gender equity. with what would that include the barbaric one child policy which led to the elimination of millions of unborn girls over decades of selection abortion. or, china's policy systematic right of religious and ethnic minority women in in the province. gender equity indeed. she had a similar lack of tact

and understanding of trade with china. she asserted that the u.s. china should separate understandings . and without entering network, not even a syllable of criticism. china's illegal economic aggression against our workers, and companies. she also said were not in the cold war. thwith china, the statement alog with the rest of her speech shows a strategic blindness a disqualifying for senior foreign-policy person. linda thomas-greenfield regrets her speech and some people say a single speech should not define an entire career but this is not some ancient speech dug up from a long-lost era. she gave it just 16 months ago. the whole world knew and certainly a career diplomat would've known about china's long dark catalog of crimes against america international order stability and its own people.

and these remarks were not isolated mistakes or a flip of the coin. this company has spent years minimizing the threat of china's option and is spoken repeatedly in favor for this initiative. ri. and the biden administration's attempt to excuse this speech has done ms. thomas-greenfield no favors. after a speech came to light, president biden's transition team stated that ms. ms. thomas-greenfield was repulsed by what she saw at the confucius institute. really? repulsed? if that were true, why didn't she speak out then? why did she keep the money from the speech? so either president biden's team is misleading the public or this nominee failed to speak up when it mattered the most on another occasion. neither possibility reflects favorably on the administration or the nominee.

to be honest, i doubt that ms. thomas-greenfield or the administration is particularly repulsed by confucius institutes. that's why, after all, in his first week in office, president biden withdrew a rule that would force universities to disclose their secret agreements with confucius institutes. this was an unnecessary, undeserved, and unwise gift to china, as well as a payoff to higher education a client and patron of the democratic party. many colleges have become addicted to chinese communist money, and the biden administration isn't about to shut off that gravy train. after all, joe biden's son hunter takes chinese money, so how could he object to liberal universities taking chinese money? i'll conclude by saying that in the last month, we have witnessed a gradual erosion of america's resolve in confronting china. this nomination is just another signal of weakness to beijing. supporters of

ms. thomas-greenfield's nomination can pretend that this dove has talons, but any fair-minded observer and especially those in beijing know that that's not true. i will oppose the nomination. madam president, i yield the floor. i note the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll. quorum call:

the presiding officer: the gentleman from new jersey. mr. menendez: i ask the quorum call be vitiated. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. menendez: madam president, i have two requests for committees to meet during today's session of the senate. they have the approval of the majority and minority leaders. the presiding officer: duly noted. mr. menendez: madam president, i rise today to support the nomination of ambassador linda thomas-greenfield as u.s. representative to the united nations, the security council, and the general assembly of the united nations. ambassador thomas-greenfield's impressive career in public

service makes her uniquely and eminently qualified for this role. for over 35 years, she has served this country faithfully and ably, under both democratic and republican administrations, in senior senate-confirmed positions such as ambassador to liberia, director general of the foreign service, and assistant secretary of state for african affairs. ambassador thomas-greenfield understands that her -- at her core that foreign policy is about forging connections and building relationships. so i have no doubt that what she calls her personal brand of gumbo diplomacy which emphasizes connecting with others to solve problems will be of tremendous service to the united states that an institution like the united nations where personal relationships matter a great deal. our country is truly fortunate that the ambassador has agreed to return to public service,

especially at this critical moment. we face an array of formidable challenges, both around the world and at the u.n. that demands someone with her skills and commitment to democracy, good governance, human rights, and anticorruption. over the last four years, the united states has accrued more than $1 billion in peace-keeping arrears, tried to pull out of the world health organization in the middle of a pandemic, undermined international protections for women, girls, and lgbti individuals, defunded or cut funding to key agencies like the u.n. population fund, and the office of the high commissioner for human rights, and pulled out of the paris climate agreement. meanwhile, china and other authoritarian countries have filled the vacuum left by our absence. we must regain u.s. leverage and

influence at the security council where russia and china have used their veto powers and ability to bully nonpermanent members to stymie the council's work. they have shielded abusive regimes like the dictatorship in venezuela and the government of burma which committed genocide. our loss of influence at the security council under the trump administration was on full display in the disastrous attempt to end the u.n. arms embargo on iran where the u.s. could muster only -- or to extend the u.n. arms embargo on iran where the u.s. could muster only one other vote of support on the council. one other vote. including some of our most long-time allies -- germany, france, great britain, to mention a few. it was an embarrassment, an

embarrassment. meanwhile, china has increased its role and activities at the united nations and in other international organizations, and has worked to pervert and distort the core values that make the u.n.'s work so important, especially the u.n.'s long-held commitment to human rights. ambassador thomas-greenfield has a long history of express opposition to china's use of debt trap tactics and its increasingly maligned presence in world government bodies. she has spoken plainly about china's open authoritarian ambitions, its open hostility to human rights and democratic values and has committed to confronting them every step of the way at the united nations. what the united states desperately needs right now at the u.n. is renewal and reengagement with key alliances and institutions. ambassador thomas-greenfield has the expertise, the strength, and the character to deliver on

these priorities, to stand up for the challenges that we face from china, to regain u.s. leverage and influence in the security council, to reengage our allies and hold iran accountable, and to stand firm when israel is subject to biased attacks. ambassador thomas-greenfield has my full support, and i urge my colleagues to support the nomination. with that, i observe the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll. mr. menendez: with that, i would yield back all time. i ask the quorum call be vitiated. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. menendez: i ask that the vote be held immediately. the presiding officer: without objection. the clerk will report the motion to invoke cloture. the clerk: cloture motion.

we, the undersigned senators, in accordance with the provisions of rule 22 of the standing rules of the senate, do hereby move to bring to a close debate on calendar number 10, linda thomas-greenfield of louisiana, to be the representative of the united states of america to the united nations, with the rank and status of the ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, and the representative of the united states of america in the security council of the united nations. signed by 18 senators. the presiding officer: the yeas and nays are -- by unanimous consent, the mandatory quorum call has been waived. the question is, is it the sense of the senate that debate on the nomination of linda thomas-greenfield of louisiana to be the representative of the united states of america to the united nations, with the rank of ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, and a representative of the united states of america and the security council of the united nations shall be brought to a close. the yeas and nays are mandatory under the rule. the clerk will call the roll.

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the presiding officer: on this vote, the yeas are 75, the nays are 20, and the motion is agreed to. the majority leader. mr. schumer: i ask unanimous consent that upon the conclusion of morning business on tuesday, february 23, the senate resume consideration of executive calendar number 10, linda thomas-greenfield, that at 11:3e on the thomas-greenfield nomination be considered expired and the senate vote on the confirmation of the nomination. further, that notwithstanding the provisions of rule 22, at 2:15, the senate resume consideration of executive calendar number 7, thomas vilsack, with 20 minutes for debate as provided under the previous order, that upon the use or yielding back of the time, the senate vote on confirmation of the vilsack

nomination, and that upon disposition of the vilsack nomination, if cloture has been invoked on executive calendar number 11, the senate vote on confirmation of the thomas-greenfield nomination. finally, that if any of the nominations are confirmed, the motion to consider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate, and the president be immediately notified of the senate's action. the presiding officer: is there objection? without objection, so ordered. mr. schumer: mr. president, i ask unanimous consent that the senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business with senators permitted to speak therein for up to ten minutes each. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schumer: i ask unanimous consent, mr. president, that when the senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10:30 a.m. tuesday, february 23. further, that the following -- that following the prayer and the pledge, the morning business be deemed expired, the journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their

use later in the day, and morning business be closed. further, upon the conclusion of morning business, the senate proceed to executive session as provided under the previous order. finally, i ask consent that the senate recess following the cloture on the thomas-greenfield nomination until 2:15 p.m. speaker pro tempore is there objection? without objection. mr. schumer: if there is no further business to come before the senate, i ask that it stand adjourned under the previous order. the presiding officer: the senate stands adjourned until 10:30 a.m. tomorrow.