needed. i've got you stash all right, go ahead. >> united states f35's moving, check capabilities in the baltics -- could you talk about the effects it had and what they are doing. >> it is long-standing and something we been doing for quite a while and remains valid mission for pilots and aircraft, they set some of them are coming from the navy side as well and we will continue to work -- >> we are going to break away from this program to provoke our decade-long commitment of live gavel to gavel coverage of the u.s. senate. today lawmakers are scheduled to

vote to begin work on legislation to prohibit states from restricting access to abortions as well as reformed the u.s. postal service. this is live coverage of the senate here on c-span2. the chaplain, dr. barry black, will lead the senate in prayer. the chaplain: let us pray. our father in heaven, you are our place of safety during our seasons of trouble. we trust you for security, clinging to your precious promises that energize us to persevere. you are all we have, and you supply all our needs.

you are near, so nothing should intimidate us. please surround our nation and world with the shield of your divine protection. may the weapons that come against those who trust in your might fail to prosper. today, show our lawmakers the paths that lead to life. teach them to serve you with reverential awe, as you provide them with the courage to please you in all they say and do. we pray in your powerful name. amen. the president pro tempore: please join me in the pledge of

allegiance to the flag. i pledge allegiance to the flag of the united states of america, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation under god, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. the presiding officer: under the previous order, the leadership time is reserved. pursuant to the order of the senate of january 24, 1901. as amended by the order of february 10, 2022, the senator from vermont, mr. leahy, will now read washington's farewell

address. mr. leahy: friends and fellow citizens: the period for a new election f a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed wih that important trust, it appeas to me proper especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprise you f the resolution i have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

i beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the consideratios appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, i am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have beena uniform sacrifice of inclinatin to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.

i constantly hoped that it woud have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which i was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then-perplexd and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of yor concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety and am persuaded, whatever partiality

may be retained for my service, that in the present circumstances of our country. you will not disapprove my determination to retire. the impressions with which i first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. in the discharge of this trust, i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. not unconscious in the outset f the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in y own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and

more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to e as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, i have the consolation to believe that while choice and prudence invie me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the momet which is intended to terminate the career of my political lif, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferrd upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for te opportunities i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and

persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to or country from these services, lt it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which te passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead -- amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which, not infrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism -- the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by which they were effected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong

incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union ad brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to then the glory of recommending it to the applaus, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

here, perhaps, i ought to stop. but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude urge me, on an occasion like the present, o offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all importat to the permanency of your felicity as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. nor can i forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of yor safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. but as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken n your minds the conviction of this truth -- as this is the point in your political fortres against which the batteries of

internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed -- it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various

parts. for this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens, by birth or choice, f a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. you have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together. the independence and liberty yu possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. but these considerations, however powerfully they address

themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefuly guarding and preserving the union of the whole. the north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal laws ofa common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritie and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of te

national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. the east, in a like intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and watr will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings frm abroad or manufactures at home. the west derives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential

advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. while, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and effors greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greatr security from external danger,a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but whih opposite foreign alliances,

attachments, and intrigues woud stimulate and embitter. hence, likewise, they will avod the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. in this sense, it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind ad exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object f patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation n

such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope thata proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary ageny of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and ful experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its hands. in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations -- northern and southern, atlantic and western -- whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests

and views. one of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves to much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. they have seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain, and in the universal satisfaction t that event throughout the unitd states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general governmet and in the atlantic states unfriendly to their interests n

regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties -- that with great britain and tht with spain -- which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations toward confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union y which they were procured? will they not henceforth be def to those advisors, if such thee are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? to the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.

sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimae union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free n its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendmen, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws,

acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic at of the whole people, is sacredy obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposs the duty of every individual to obey the established governmen. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency.

they serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of te community; and, according to te alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of te ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usup for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjut

dominion. towards the preservation of yor government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but alo that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious te pretexts. one method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system and, thus, to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. in all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing

constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that, for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in suh a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

i have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. let me now take a more comprehensive view and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the stronget passions of the human mind. it exists under different shaps in all governments, more or les stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge naturl to party dissension, which in different ages and countries hs perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. but this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. the disorders and miseries whih result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute powr of an individual; and, sooner r later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able r more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs

of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract te public councils and enfeeble te public administration. it agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and fale alarms; kindles the animosity f one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. it opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to te government itself through the channels of party passion. thus, the policy and the will f one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. there is an opinion that partis in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. this, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with

indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. and, there being constant dangr of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. a fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warmin, it should consume. it is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a fre country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another.

the spirit of encroachment tens to consolidate the powers of al the departments in one and, thus, to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing ad distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. to preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them.

if, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in te way which the constitution designates. but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain would that man claim te tribute of patriotism who shoud labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. the mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where s the security for property, for reputation, for life, if te sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?

and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. the rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. who, that is a sincere friend o it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in proportion, as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential

that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timey disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to your representative; but it is necessary that public

opinion should cooperate. to facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought o be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which te public exigencies may at any time dictate. observe good faith and justice toward all nations. cultivate peace and harmony wih all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct. and can it be that good policy

does not equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? can it be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. alas! is it rendered impossible by is vices? in the execution of such a pla, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate

antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. the nation which indulges towad another an habitual hatred or n habitual fondness is, in some degree, a slave. it is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasios of dispute occur. hence, frequent collisions; obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.

the nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. the government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it maks the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister ad pernicious motives. the peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. so, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common

interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the formr into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. it leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with

the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for publc opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolih compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. as avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. how many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe te public councils! such an attachment of a small r weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the formr to be the satellite of the latter. against the insidious wiles of

foreign influence (i conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. but that jealousy, to be usefu, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided instead of a defense against i. excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and

dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. the great rule of conduct for s in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. so far as we have already formd engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. here let us stop. europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. our detached and distant situation invites and enables s

to pursue a different course. if we remain one people under n efficient government, the perid is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take suh an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibiliy of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? why, by interweaving our destiy with that of any part of europ, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of european ambition, rivalship,

interest, humor, or caprice? it is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, i mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; fr let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. i hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. i repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. but, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable

establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safey trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. but even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to defie the rights of our merchants, ad to enable the government to support them, conventional ruls of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutul but temporary and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned

or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, i dare not hope they will make

the strong and lasting impression i could wish -- that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. but if i may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good -- that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism -- this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. how far in the discharge of my official duties i have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world.

to myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that i have at least believed myself to be guided by them. in relation to the still-subsisting war in europe, my proclamation of the 22nd of april, 1793, is the index to my plan. sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. after deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights i could obtain, i was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. having taken it, i determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with

moderation, perseverance, and firmness. the considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. i will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. the duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations. the inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. with me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent

institutions and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. though in reviewing the incidents of my administration i am unconscious of intentional error, i am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that i may have committed many errors. whatever they may be, i fervently beseech the almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. i shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after 45 years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must

soon be to the mansions of rest. relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, i anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which i promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government -- the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as i trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. and it was signed united

states, 17 september, 1796, signed by g. washington. i suggest the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll

mr. schumer: madam president. the presiding officer: the majority leader. mr. schumer: thank you. i ask unanimous consent the quorum be dispensed with. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schumer: before i get into my remarks, i have one bit of business. madam president, i understand that there is a bill at the desk that is due for a second reading.

the presiding officer: the clerk will read the title of the bill for the second time. the clerk: h.r. 4521, an act to provide for coordinated federal research initiative to ensure continued united states leadership in engineering biology. mr. schumer: madam president, in order to place the bill on the calendar, and this is h.r. 4521, the competes act that came over from the house, i would, under the provisions of rule 14, i would object to further proceeding. the presiding officer: objection having been heard, the bill will be placed on the calendar. mr. schumer: for the benefits of the public, that is done so we can actually move forward on the bill in the arcane of the senate, that's what we have to do. okay, madam president, first i want to compliment senator leahy, our senate pro tempore, for his wonderful reading of george washington's address.

this is a tradition in the senate, and i'm very glad we're continuing it. now on world affairs, madam president, today i chose the colors of my suit and my tie in honor of the ukranian flag and in solidarity with the people of ukraine during these hard times. i'll have nor say about this later on in my speech, but first i was deeply saddened this morning to learn of the passing of my friend and our dear colleague, dick blum, husband of over 40 years to our friend and colleague, senator feinstein. senator feinstein is our senate colleague but dick was also a colleague because he was friends and advisors to so many of us. in his 86 years, dick truly led a remarkable life. he was a force of nature, gifted with a winning smile and keen intellect that he applied to the benefit of california, america, and even international causes, including the american himalayan foundation because he

cared so much about those folks. every now and then he would call me with his frequently insightful often brilliant ideas. the only problem was his enthusiasm was so intense, it was sometimes hard to get him off the phone. it was a strong and wonderful partner to senator feinstein, and he fought valiantly against illness in the final chapters of his life, a life so well lived. our thoughts are with our friend, senator feinstein. she and he were so close. she so depended on him and he on her. our thoughts are with her during this time of mourning. we join her in both our grief and in remembering dick's wonderful legacy. i talked with senator feinstein this afternoon, and i told her that when my father passed away a few months ago, i felt the loss, but some of the pain, a little bit was sad because i feel i was so close to him,

he's still with me. and i told her that's how i believe dick will be with her, and she told me it gave her a little solace, so that made me feel okay. now, next, madam president, on judge ketanji brown jackson, on friday joe biden, president biden made history, wonderful history by announcing his nominee to replace stephen breyer on this u.s. supreme court. judge ketanji brown jackson, as promised, president biden named for the first time in history, the first time in history a black woman to sit on the high court. as promised, his nominee is beyond qualified and brilliant. and as promised, the senate will now begin the work of quickly confirming judge jackson to the supreme court of the united states of america. appointing individuals to the high court, as we all know, is

truly one of the awesome responsibilities of any president. and in choosing judge jackson, president biden has hit a home run with an evenhanded and so gifted jurist. more importantly, i congratulate judge jackson for this historic honor, one that reflects her skills, her accomplishments, and above all, her dedication to our democracy. i've been doing a lot of reading on judge jackson over the last month, and i cannot recall any one of her colleagues, anyone from her private life or anyone in the public sphere say anything negative about her. it's amazing. that's how fine a person she is and how fine a mind she has. judge jackson encapsulates the two b -- brilliant and beloved. that's a rare combination. and her nomination is a cause for immense, immense celebration.

i'll be meeting with judge jackson wednesday when she comes to the capitol for the first time. meanwhile i'm working with chairman durbin to schedule confirmation hearings on judge jackson as soon as we can. once the judiciary committee completes its consideration of judge jackson, i will move to have her nomination come immediately to the floor of the senate so the senate wastes no time fulfilling its constitutional duty. we are going to have a fair but expeditious process where members from both sides will get to ask their questions and explor the judge's -- explore the judge's record. of course, judge jackson is no stranger to the senate. this is the fourth time she comes before this body. in each previous instance, republicans and democrats together voted in favor of her various nominations. we voted last year to confirm judge jackson to the d.c. court

of appeals and she received support from all 50 democrats and three republicans and, of course, the first time she came before us as a district court judge, it was a voice vote, which meant that no one objected to her getting on the federal bench. no one in the senate. judge jackson's various nominations have won bipartisan support in the past and her nomination now merits bipartisan support in the present. i hope that both sides can work together in a fair and expeditious way to make it happen. i'll have more to say on judge jackson's remarkable profile in the days and weeks ahead but today i want to con grat late her -- congratulate her. i look forward to visiting with her on wednesday. ukraine. today is the fifth day that

vladimir putin launched an unprovoked assault on ukraine. this evening the senate will receive a classified update from the administration that senator mcconnell and i have requested and we will be briefed on the situation on the ground and the steps that president biden has taken to help the ukrainian people. in the coming weeks, the senate will also work on a bipartisan basis and in lockstep with the biden administration to build a robust assistance package for ukraine. the administration has asked for a $6.4 billion package of humanitarian aid, of economic aid and of the kind of military aid that will help the ukrainians defend themselves. we intend to work on a bipartisan basis to include it in the upcoming omnibus bill.

already, the reports of ukrainian civilians have been killed. amidst the violence, one thing is clear, the ukrainian people are giving putin are giving a tougher fight than he bargained for there are two people who that deserve recollection nation, president zelensky and president joe biden. on the one hand president zelensky is facing the worst nightmare anyone can face, a the full assault on his country's sovereignty. but his bravery is inspiring. many thought he would leave the country. putin thought he'd run away. he said even though i may be their number one target, i'm staying.

what strength. it gave people in ukraine and across the world to unite and do everything we can in each way to help the ukrainian people keep their independence, freedom, and sovereignty. president zelensky is admired all around the globe and most by the ukrainian people who he stood so strong for. but president biden also deserves credit -- credit that is due him for successfully bringing democracies together against putin with crushing sanctions and outpouring of security assistance. today, president putin is more isolated than ever before while democracies have rallied together and this is much to the credit of president biden. he's done an amazing job. here in the u.s. we stand unflinchingly with the people of ukraine. 21 years ago in the aftermath of

9/11, americans rallied together after our democracy was attacked here at home. today, as democracy is under assault, we must -- just as like come together in solidarity with the ukrainian people. we should come together. as i said, when the president did an amazing job, here's one thing i was referring to. no one thought that the europeans would go along with removing parts of the swift system from the russian financial system. no one thought that we -- that we would sanction the russian central bank, two of the most powerful weapons we have, but the europeans will -- were going to be reluctant because president biden was strong, patient, was persistent. didn't let himself get push around by would-be critics.

that's now happening. over the next several months, even now today, but even more so as time goes on, those are going to have severe effects on president putin -- on putin. and so he deserves a lot of credit and i just hope we will all -- all of us come together, just as we did after 9/11 when freedom was under assault in our own country, and rally united in supporting the president and what he is doing. okay. on women's -- on the women's health care protection act. later today the senate is going to vote on a simple, yet urgent question. will this chamber agree to begin debate on protecting a woman's right to make her own health care choices. across the country, it's a dark, dark time for women's reproductive rights. last year we saw the most

abortion restrictions passed by straight legislatures in a single year. some of them were almost vicious, the vigil antism. many of these new laws are down right extreme, effectively extinguishing women's ability to exercise their rights at all and the new extreme restrictions fly largely in the face of public opinion. they also fly in the face of commonsense health practices and frankly, they fly in the face of common decency itself. it looks like the supreme court is close to drastically restricting this right in the coming months. so the senate today is going to take action because abortion has never been more at risk in america. indeed, this will be the first time the senate will take a vote on a stand-alone bill to codify

roe. this will be the first time that the senate will take a vote on be a stand-alone bill to actively codify roe. every american -- every american deserves to know where his or her senator stands on an issue as important as the right to choose, and today's vote will do that. from the moment that roe is decided in 1973, the most extreme elements of the republican party have plotted its demise. the federalist society was found with the intent of cultivating a generation of lawyers loyal to conservative causes. sadly, it looks like the supreme court will limit abortion rights in the coming months. that's why this bill is essential. congress must codify into law what most americans believe, that abortion is a fundamental right and that women's decisions over women's health care belong to women, not -- not to

extremists, right-wing legislatures. we must vote in favor to hold a debate on this bill. i will proudly, strongly vote yes. i urge my colleagues do the same. and, finally, on postal. madam president, this week the senate is also going to keep working to pass long overdue postal reform to take care of our postal workers and put our postal service on a path to long-term security. i want to be sure that this bill has enough bipartisan support to ultimately become law. it is the product of weeks and months of good-faith negotiations by my colleagues, especially senator peters many we could have passed postal reform if it were not for the obstruction from the senator from florida.

nevertheless loafs, postal reform -- postal reform remains on the right track. i yield the floor. and note the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll. quorum call. quorum call:

mr. mcconnell: madam president? the presiding officer: the republican leader. mr. mcconnell: i ask that further proceedings under the quorum call being dispensed with. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. mcconnell: last week putin again invaded the sovereign last week who invaded the sovereign territory of her neighboring country. sadly, it t was long clear attet to invoke international norms

not move this bizarre. he only cares about norms and policy once you rewrite them. he only cares about peaceful international order so far as he wants to disrupt it. like his soviet predecessors the post-war order that held up state sovereignty and territorial integrity as sacrosanct. putin and xi of china both want to replace this peaceful order with spheres of influence. they want to bend other countries to their will and redraw borders by force. make no mistake, this crisis does not and will not end with

ukraine. and the reason isn't simply that appetites grow with eating. confrontation with the west is putin's main objective. he wants to restore the russian empire. he said explicitly he wants nato to roll back to its 1997 borders. we have a dictator trying to dismember a u.s. partner, trying to decapitate its democratically elected government. does anybody really think it stops here? does anybody think that europe, for ma -- for that matter, taiwan, will be safe? if world lets this stand? we will only deter further russian and chinese aggression if putin is made to pay a

significant price. sustained sanctions that undermine his ability to wage war now and into the future will be necessary. but sanctions alone will not suffice. russia has massive currency reserves. it has options to blunt economic pain and to impose counter-costs on america and our partners, at least in the near-term. the sanctions that would hurt moscow the most would also have a significant impact on our friends in europe. so there will continue to be resistance to maximalist sanctions. to date the biden administration has sent mixed messages about its own sanctions policy. for months, we heard that perspective sanctions were being drafted to deter putin's aggression. but last week the president said he and his advisors never thought sanctions would deter

russia. now they're finally imposing some sanctions a, but short of everything that's available. so to what end exactly? what is the administration's coherent plan? i believe we should have used more of these tools prior to this brutal escalation to deter putin and to weaken his capacity to wage war. now we must use these tools aggressively to impose massive costs for putin's aggression, to demonstrate to other aggressors that we mean business, and to degrade putin's longer-term ability to threaten nato and compete with the west. but ultimately sanctions are no substitute for military power. they're no substitute for the steps we must take to help ukraine now and to defend ourselves in the future.

moscow and beijing will only be deterred from aggression if they see concretely that military force cannot achieve their objectives and the cost of military aggression will be too high. in the immediate term, we must ensure the ukrainians are adequately defend themselves and impose costs on russia that prove prohibitive. the administration brags about giving $650 million to ukraine last year, but the manner in which it did so deserves scrutiny. when putin built up forces along ukraine's border last spring, the biden administration delayed an arms assistance package literally for months. a headline from last june read, white house freezes ukraine military package that includes lethal weapons. even as putin began directly threatening ukraine last fall,

an assistance package languished for weeks at the white house before it was approved. this weekend, the administration rushed to announce another $350 million in military assistance for which weapons, on what time line, and how will the weapons reach the brave ukrainians who have lost ground? so congress must use its oversight tools to ensure we are providing ukraine the weapons it needs as quickly as possible. the same goes for helping to shore up our nato allies' defenses along the eastern flank. and we need to identify what shortfalls, red tape and limiting factors have slowed our assistance so we are better prepared to help the next partner in need. as i've warned repeatedly, we cannot afford to move at the speed of bureaucracy. beyond the immediate crisis in

ukraine, american presidents beginning with president biden must recommit our nation to longer-term challenges that we face. 72 years ago harry truman led the west in rebuffing the communist assault on south korea as well as contesting soviet domination over europe. america made sure nato would not be a toothless political alliance but, rather, a capable military fighting force. this meant sustained investment in american and allied military strengths, defense funding was the precondition for impactful diplomacy that kept the cold war from going on. now it is this president's job to seriously meet the growing threats posed by russia and china. the united states and our allies and partners must understand that the core of our competition with russia and china is the military die mention d.

dimension. h. -- dimension. president biden's first budget proposed to cut defense spending in real terms. congress had to take bipartisan action to beef up the ndaa to correct his error. clearly more investment is needed. congress must keep strengthening defense capabilities as we work on appropriations. president biden must lead by example. the president's next budget request must include at least a 5% increase in defense spending above inflation. russia and china have prioritized military modernization literally for decades. they've invested in specific tools like long-range air defenses and hypersonic weapons that are designed to push the u.s. and our allies further away from the fight.

we're actually behind in this competition. we are actually behind. hypersonic weapons, nuclear force modernization, power projection, global presence -- these things cost money. it is a small price to pay for keeping security threats off of our shores. i've criticized nato allies who fail to contribute fully to our collective security, but i'm a strong support of the trans-atlantic alliance. i'm encouraged by how our partners have responded, however belatedly, to the threat posed to our collective security. for example, special praise to the courageous decision by chancellor scholz this weekend to seek an emergency appropriation of 100 billion euro for the german military.

this effectively doubles germany's military budget this year. doubles germany's military budget this year. he wants germany to fulfill its pledge to spend 2% of g.d.p. on defense. he wants to build liquid nitrogas terminals and make other energy investments to finally dial down germany's dependence on russia. if our wary european friends are finally shaking off their slumber and getting serious, then certainly the united states of america can do the same. president biden must lead the charge and lead it now. now, on an entirely different matter, with a cascade of major crises testing our country, senate democrats are protesting a show vote on mandating nine months of abortion uneager demand across america. senate democrats want to go on record supporting the radical and massively unpopular

proposition that we should have if you pleasally unknow restrictions on -- functionally no restrictions on abortion whatsoever. democrats already the united states one of seven nations who allow abortion, after 20 weeks this. radical policy places us in company with countries like china and north korea. now senate democrats want to go even further than chairman xi and kim jong-un. 90% of americans support some restrictions on abortions during the third trimesters. yet again our colleagues wish to demonstrate that the radical left fringe runs today's a democratic party. as the world prays for ukraine and debates consequences for putin, as american families contend with violent crime, open

borders and runaway inflation, washington democrats want to spend their time arguing for unly. ed abortion on demand. i want to thank the senate majority leader for making it see clear where his party's priorities lie. on yet another matter, last week the distinguished senior no h. from oklahoma, the ranking member of the armed services committee, announced he will retire from the senate at the end of this congress. by this autumn, senator jim inhofe will have been a stalwart champion for oklahomans and a hugely impactful senator for 28 years. he's led crucial committees, shaped major legislation, and helped keep the needs and concerns of middle america at the forefront of this institution. and its work. the fruits of jim's labors are apparent across his beloved home state and our whole country. most recently, atop the armed services committee, he's been a remarkable advocate for fellow

veterans, for today's servicemembers, and for the needs of our national security. we'll have much more to say about senator inhofe's storied service as we move through the remainder of this year and this congress. but for now i just want to congratulate our colleague, his wife kay, and their 20 kids can and grandkids on a well-earned retirement to which they are now looking forward. and i'm very glad we'll have the senator's wisdom and leadership to call upon for 10 more months, especially at a time such as this. now, one final matter -- i was saddened to hear this morning that richard blum, the husband of my friend and colleague, senator feinstein, has passed away following his fight with cancer. for 30 years he will lane and i have been privileged to cross paths with diane and dick in a number of ways, both

professional and personal. it was always a great pleasure to break bread together, compare notes, and catch up. our colleague's very loving husband was, simply put, a fascinating person. he was highly successful, adventuresome, brave, and curious. for years he moved seamlessly between such things as creating major value in the highest rafergs of the private -- rank, of the private sector and studying tibetan buddhism. his passion for the himalayans led him to befriend both the dalai lama and -- he even made his own attempt on mount everybody rest. his appetite was for adventure, philanthropy, civic engagement and business success, all seemed to be truly boundless.

he was full of life and kept impossibly busy with a wide array of projects that were both interesting and impacted his community for the good. so i know all senators are grieving with and praying for our colleague senator feinstein and their entire family at this very difficult time. elaine and i join in those thoughts and prayers in a particular way. the presiding officer: morning business is closed. under the previous order, the senate will resume consideration of the motion to proceed to h.r. 3755 which the clerk will report. the clerk: calendar number 139, h.r. 3755, an act to protect person's ability to determine whether on continue or end a pregnancy and to protect a health care provider's ability to provide abortion services. mr. durbin: madam president. the presiding officer: the senior senator from illinois.

mr. durbin: i want to begin my remarks by joining senator mcconnell by expressing my condolences to our friend and colleague senator dianne feinstein on the passing of her husband and partner richard blum. dick blum was a trailblazer in the senate family, one of the first men to join the senate spouses club. he was proud of senator feinstein's historic career in public service. he was a success at business and invested his wealth and easing human suffering from the streets of san francisco to some of the poorest corners of the globe. he founded the american himalayan foundation to assist the people of the himalayas. he also founded the blum center for developing economies at u.c. berkley to help teach students about microlending, social enterprise and other ways for poor people in developing nations to lift themselves from poverty. his passing, the story includes an anecdote that captured his kind and generous spirit.

he said in all the conversations he had over the years with buddhist friends in the himalayas, no one convinced him of the likelihood of incarnation. maybe that's why he worked so hard to achieve so much good in this one lifetime he was given. demore to ease human suffering than others might do in a dozen lifetime opportunities. to senator dianne feinstein, beloved daughters and grand children and all who knew and love him, loretta and i offer our condolences. dick blum's friendship was a gift and his memory will be a blessing. madam president, on another note, there was a historic announcement last friday when president joe biden announced that judge ketanji brown jackson is his choice to serve as associate justice of the supreme court. i'm going to speak about her nomination at length tomorrow but a few words now. she's an extraordinary person to become the first african american woman to serve on the

supreme court you have to be the best. and she's proven throughout her life that she is. she was a clerk to the retiring justice stephen breyer whose seat she now aspires to. she worked in the practice of law in so many different aspects and then on three different occasions, came before this united states senate for approval, advise and consent on all three occasions she emerged with bipartisan support. we certainly hope to see that revisited again. she's authored some 500 different opinions so there will be no mystery about her jurisprudence or her judicial philosophy. she's also been a person who has come before our committee just even as soon as last year. she's recently -- as recently as last year when she was approved by the committee in june to serve on the d.c. circuit court. i think she's an exceptional choice. i want to make sure that the hearing that is given to her is

respectful and fair and professional. i reached out to senator grassley, my friend and the ranking member on the committee, to work toward that goal. and i hope that all the members of the committee will join us. on a separate topic, madam president, i just returned from the munich security conference and a visit to our nato allies in poland and lithuania. on the latter part i was joined by senator chris coons of delaware and senator jeanne shaheen of new hampshire. many have heard me talk about my connection with my mother's birth in lithuania and the fact that i've cared about that country in a special way ever since i served in congress. life was bleak and oppressive for the lithuanian people and all the others in eastern europe living under the bootheel of the russian czar. countries such as poland which saw such devastation during world war ii found themselves suffering decades of communist dictatorship. so it was no surprise that when the soviet union finally

collapsed, these nations were determined to join the community of democracies and nato. in fact the baltic states lithuania, lafia and estonia that helped lead this historic path to freedom, i remember so many aspects of it. and the shivering cold winter of 1991, millions of people joined hands to form a human chain connecting all three nations in the baltic area. they called for change. then on january 1991, the soviets sent their tanks into lithuania and lafia and other places. the net result was deadly. those soviet tanks killed 13 innocent people and hundreds were injured. what were they asking for? freedom, a chance to vote for their own future. well soon the baltic states stepped out even further. and courageously declared independence from the soviet union. they wanted to reclaim their freedom. i remember visiting lithuania in

those days, seeing sandbags stacked up outside the parliament which they called the samist. and kids, schoolkids who were taking a break from class to come, pray the rosary in front of those barricades, light little candles, basically to be there for their country at that moment of testing. if this sounds familiar with what we're hearing in ukraine today, it is. those early days of independence had many brave souls coming forward with nothing but determination. their small arsenal of freedom which they brought me in the back door to show me consist itself of a broom class set with eight or ten rifles. i was so honored on that trip -- on this trip recently to visit with one of the champions of the restoration of freedom and lithuania's first post-independence leader. he is a music professor and a

leerd of their revolution back to freedom in lithuania. at 95 years of age, he remains a fierce champion of democracy as he was in the early days confronting the soviets. i also met with former lithuanian president who left lithuania for chicago as a teenager and returned decades later to serve two terms as president and shepherded his nation lithuania into the european union and nato. i visited military bases in both poll lad and lithuania where i met u.s. troops supporting the mission to protect young democracies from russian aggression. among the several servicemembers were several if our state of illinois, near detator, montgomery, illinois near aurora and they came and told stories of their service in the regular army and how they were now working in lithuania to prepare

their armies for any possible battles in the future. it's been a wonderful strong relationship. in poland when you mention you're from illinois, virtually every military officer says they've been our friends for a long time and they have been because for over 20 years the illinois guard has been in direct contact with the polish military forces modernizing them and preparing them for any challenges that might come. eastern european allies know the russian threat far better than we do. look at these maps of russian troop movements in and around crearn and -- ukraine and the borders of our nato allies. as you can see here, keeve, they're in the news virtually on a constant basis. you can see the troop movements, the hundreds of thousands of troops that are moving from the russians front into ukraine these days. with the russian troops now flooding into belarus in the area up in the far corner here,

they are essentially taking over that country, too. and the nations on the other side, poland you can see on that map, poland, lithuania, and lafia understand the threat today is very real for them. they share a 60-mile border that connects the russian territory with belarus. and that's -- that corridor is one they're very concerned about keeping peaceful. it's a real threat. and they worry that the russians are going to take this opportunity in ukraine to extend their forces into poland and into lithuania and into lafia. poland is particular live hosting hundreds of thousands of ukranian refugees crossing the border. it is an inspiration to me to see this country of poland reach out to accept these ukranian refugees. the united states has to step into this picture with

humanitarian assistance for poland and all the other countries, moldovia, romania and others taking ukranian refugees. we've got help them feed and clothe these people during the period of the invasion by the russians. russia is unleashing a brutal war of choice against a free nation that wants to choose its own path, the path of democracy of the result is sickening. this shows what's going on in the subways of ukranian cities. people bringing their children to escape the bombing that putin is initiating above. we have many millions of people in that country under -- in peril and some are taking their kids and trying to escape to a safe place like poland. there's been terrible destruction that's gone on there as well. we've seen it on television regularly. this lady was in front of her own home at the time a rocket attacked it on february 25. this is a picture which i saw in this morning's "washington

post." it is the most touching scene. you can barely see this father down here covered in blood bringing his daughter to this paramedic. the paramedic really tried to perform c.p.r. on this little girl who was injured in the shelling by putin and his troops. unfortunately she did not survive. that is the reality of what vladimir putin is doing today. the american people know it. and the strength and courage of the people of ukraine resisting his advances is an example to the world. we are seeing celebrations across all of the world for the people of ukraine. eiffel tower, empire state building. i'm going to move some of these charts around. this is impressive in berlin. look at the crowds. supporting the people of ukraine. and it isn't lost on us, madam

president, because we have a wonderful ukranian community in chicago. here they are at the church on chicago avenue just this last week and they've been coming back on a regular basis. i was there on friday and i spoke to many of these same people about the situation which they're facing in ukraine. they would come up to me afterwards and say they'd been on the telephone with members of their family who are frightened for their lives, didn't know if they could survive this aggression by vladimir putin. when you think about what he has done, sadly he has failed on so many fronts. how can he get so many things so wrong? he has unified nato and support for nato in a way which was unimaginable just a few years ago. nato stands unified now in defense of ukraine in confronting the aggression of vladimir putin. he's also unified the european union, countries like sweden, switzerland which -- famously

had been neutral in most of these conflicts are now openly supporting the european union's efforts to put pressure on vladimir putin, sanctions that will stop him from this aggression in ukraine. and he is certainly in the process to destroy the reputation of his country as a reliable partner in the future. the germans had entered into an agreement for a gas pipeline. many of us questioned it from the start but that was their decision. nord stream 2, to bring natural gas from russia into germany. well, that pipeline is closed down now. chancellor schultz announced he's looking for other sources such as l.n.g. to replace the gas sources which were supposed to be sent in from russia for a long time to come. it's going to lead to more energy independence in europe, independence certainly from the unpredictable and unimaginable vladimir putin. madam president, i remember not

so many years ago, 30 as a matter of fact, when countries like the baltics, poland were finally getting an opportunity for freedom. there were extraordinary examples of courage in each of those countries. i was lucky to be there to witness some of it. what we're seeing now today in ukraine is exceptional. the military experts thought they would last a matter of hours. now it's days. maybe it's weeks. i hope it's months and even longer, because they have the courage to stand up. ordinary citizens who are showing up at recruiting office for homeland defense, being given weapons and sent out to stop the russians. you can see that they are inspiring the world as they should. and it's a reminder to all of us that vladimir putin and his brand of aggression has been seen so many times in history, when someone like him or lukashenko in belarus think they

are so powerful they are above accountability, that is not the case. we've got to make certain as we go forward that we stand with the people of ukraine, that they know we are their friends, that we aspire to the same values. and i want to thank president biden for his leadership. i'm going to be calling on him with many others. the first thing i'm going to do is send a letter which will be headed out this evening, signed by colleagues on both sides of the aisle. what we are asking the president to do is to grant temporary protected status to ukrainians now on visas in the united states. some of them are tourists, some of them are students, some are on work visas, but oftentimes they expire and they're supposed to return to their home countries at the moment of expiration. if there are circumstances in those home countries, the president has the authority to give temporary protected status to allow them to stay in the united states. the senators who are joining in this letter will ask president biden to extend temporary protected status to the people

of ukraine who are on visas in the united states and are present in our country. that, to me, is a way to give them some peace of mind. we certainly wouldn't want them to return to that war scene that we've seen over and over broadcast on television. and there's more to do, whether it's humanitarian assistance to countries like poland or lethal aid to help the insurgents in ukraine protect their country, the united states needs to be there. madam president, i yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum. i withdraw that. the presiding officer: thank you. a senator: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from montana. mr. daines: madam president, this evening the united states senate will be voting on the most extreme legislation on abortion ever considered in the history of this body. the deceptively named women's health protection act is more

accurately called the abortion on demand until birth act. it's no wonder it's being held on a monday. we call these the fly-back votes. in the midst of this crisis in ukraine, that it would be tonight they want to slip in this vote, the most extreme abortion vote ever, ever considered in the history of this body. this bill would force every single state to be a late-term abortion state. this bill allows abortion up until the very moment of birth itself. that's simply infanticide. this legislation goes beyond codifying the wrongly decided roe v. wade case and would ban many lifesaving state laws

currently in effect that limit abortion and enjoy the broad support from americans, i might add. when our founding fathers laid out the founding principles of america in the declaration of independence, they talked about life, they talked about liberty, the pursuit of happiness. and the bottom line is you can't have liberty and you can't have happiness or even the pursuit of it without first having that unalienable right given by god, and that is the right to a life. the abortion on demand until birth act would impose a horrifying abortion regime across the land. it violents the right to -- it violates the right to life and is completely contrary to the kind of nation america is and aspires to be. in this bill's america, every state, despite the voices of

its own citizens, would become new york or california, where abortion is celebrated and unborn children are denied the most basic human rights. in this bill's america, a pregnant mother could elect to have a birthday abortion for a full term eight-pound baby on the baby's due date. in this bill america, abortion could be given on demand through brutal dismemberment procedures in which the unborn child bleeds and feels excruciating pain as she dies from being pulled apart limb from limb. in this bill's america, an unborn baby could be cruelly targeted for abortion because the parents learn she was a girl or that she might have down's

syndrome. in this bill's america, parents would not know or have any say over whether their young daughter has a life-altering abortion. in this bill's america, vulnerable women and girls could receive dangerous do-it-yourself chemical abortion drugs by mail without ever seeing a doctor in person. in this bill's america, pregnant mothers would be denied the opportunity to see ultrasounds of their babies. in this bill's america, a doctor or a nurse who doesn't want to perform an abortion could be forced to do so in violation of his or her deeply held moral and religious beliefs. that is specifically struck down in this bill, the religious exemption. in this bill's america, we would be only one of seven

countries -- seven, including brutal regimes like north korea and china that allow abortion on demand after five months of pregnancy. in this bill's america, a baby bald eagle or a baby sea turtle still in its egg shell would be protected under federal law, while an unborn child at any stage of pregnancy could be brutally killed with no repercussions for the abortionist. in a nutshell, this radical bill would make the united states of america one of the most dangerous places in the world to be an unborn child. according to a poll just last month, the overwhelming majority of americans reject abortion on demand up to birth, and especially its imposition by the federal government on the

states. 71% of americans, including 70% of independents and 49% of democrats, want abortion to be limited at most to the first three months of pregnancy. 61% of americans say abortion should either be illegal or the policy decision should be up to the states. rather than listen to the american people who don't want late-term abortion or a federal abortion mandate, the abortion on demand until birth act would enshrine in federal law the most far-reaching goals of the predatory abortion industry. we're just a few weeks or months away from a pivotal point in our nation's history. i pray in the dobbs, mississippi, late-term abortion case, we will see the supreme court right an historic injustice and overturn roe v.

wade. this would return the power to protect unborn children to the people's representatives at the state and the federal lerls, to modernize our laws, to catch up with great advances in science, technology, and medicine that indisputably show the humanity of a child in the womb. i would challenge anybody listening to these remarks tonight to take their smartphone and google 15-week baby or 20-week baby. just put in 15-week baby and press on images, and look at that image. instead, the abortion on demand until birth act ignores the science entirely and would erase unborn children and even the most modest protection to their rights to life in the laws of every single every single state. it's completely indefensible,

it's extreme, it's an egregious violation of the most fundamental of all human rights, and that is the right to life. i pray and i urge that my colleagues reject this horrific, barbaric, extreme legislation the senate will vote on here in the next couple of hours and take a stand for defending the most vulnerable among us. i yield the floor. ?oo of

mr. lankford: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from oklahoma. mr. lankford: madam president, a week ago the senate went on a short one-week recess back in our state. it was already scheduled for us to be in our state, getting a chance to be able to just interact with the people at home. it's a good week to be able to interact with a lot people back home for me personally, but we all watched as we were scattered around the country in the past week russia roll tanks into ukraine. and we watched in horror as russian aircraft flew over ukranian cities, as they fired missiles into ukranian apartment complexes, as they have slaughtered their neighbors because putin wanted their land and to dominate the region. all of us, as we got back

together this week, were ready to be able to speak into the issues with ukraine, ready to be able to stand with the people of ukraine, ready to be able to talk about the sanctions and what was going to happen and how we were going to actually respond to the russians' murdering their neighbors and a dictator thug trying to dominate the region. but instead of that, my democrat colleagues decided not to talk about ukraine when we got back together, but instead they want to talk about expanding abortion in america. how incredibly tone-deaf is that? the whole world is talking about ukraine and the oppression they're experiencing, and the united states senate is talking about how do we get more abortions in america. that's what we're going to vote on? that's what we're going to debate, is how do we get and increase abortions in america

when the world sees what's happening in ukraine. what in the world? how tone-deaf can we be? this body should be the place where we're actually debating the biggest issues of the day, and apparently to my democratic colleagues the biggest issue of the day is how many more abortions can we get in america, because that seems to be bigger than ukraine, bigger than 7.5% inflation, bigger than $30 trillion in debt, bigger than anything. the most important thing is how can we take the life of more children. what has this body become? when there's an obsession with abortion. this is the most pro-abortion president this country has ever had in the most pro-abortion democratic party our country has ever seen. it is now impermissible to be a democrat and to support the life

of children. you're pushed out of the party, and it's moved from -- there used to be the vast majority of democrats were pro-life democrats. to then it was fewer and fewer and fewer. and now it's moved from you can't just not be pro-life, now you have to actually be pro-abortion, well beyond pro-choice. now you have to find ways to increase abortions in america to be accepted in the party. this is not where america is. the bill that's being brought to the floor in just minutes from now, in the middle of a war in ukraine, is not about protecting ukrainians. it's not even about protecting children in our country. it's about destroying children in our country. this bill as being advertised, it's just going to codify roe. it's not going to codify roe. this is talking about stripping

away every protection from any child in the womb from any state in the country. this particular bill prohibits parental notification. if a child wants to get an abortion, this bill says to the parents, you don't get to know if your child is having an abortion. by the way, name another medical procedure that the parents are not allowed to be able to know about for their own child. this takes away waiting periods. it takes away health and safety standards for abortion clinics so abortion clinics in every state can't have health and safety clinics because we don't care about the health and safety standards. it takes away ultrasound requirements. it says expect -- expectant moms you don't need to know what's going on. a state is not allowed to inform

a mom what is happening in her own body. the goal is not getting information to the moms, the goal of this is increasing abortions. because all that happens with an ultrasound is to give information to the mom and let her choose. oh, no, that's not acceptable because she may choose life and this bill is determined to increase the number of abortions in america. i remember a time when democrats used to talk about safe, legal and rare. now they just want safe, legal and common. what have we become? this bill is the one minute from infant infanticide bill. this allows abortion up to the moment of birth. that north korea, that china,

not the united states of america, except for this senate, they want to be more like north korea and china, apparently, to be able to follow their great humanitarian example and to be the nation that takes the life of children rather than protects each life as precious. they look in the womb and see a business model. i look in the womb and see ten fingers and ten toes and a beating heart and a functioning nervous system, and d.n.a. that is different than the mom's or dad's d.n.a. that is a unique person and unique child, but it only seems to be a nuisance to some. i don't think children are a nuisance. i think children are precious. and in a day when we should be talking and debating about protecting life in ukraine, this

body, instead, and my democrats -- my democrat colleagues don't want to talk about ukraine. they just want to talk about abortion. again. it's heartbreaking that's where we are. it's also heartbreaking that this body has become this focused when the rest of the country is saying, how can we add limits to abortion? the latest poll, 71% of americans want at least some restriction on abortions. but, oh, no, not in this body. apparently there are people here who disagree with the american, they say no limit any time on any child. i don't believe a single person in this chamber should vote for this bill, not only because of

what it does to the states but what it does to just decent people. if you're an individual working in a hospital today and when you were hired you said, i went into the medical profession to save life, not take it and when you were hiring as -- hired as a doctor or nurse, you could say, i don't want to perform abortions. if you go into the medical field, you will perform abortions when democrats in d.c. tell you they want abortions because they want more. and so conscience protections are taken away in this bill. people of conscience, people of faith that say, i don't want to take the life of children will be required or they'll lose their job. and, oh, by the way, if you try to slow someone down from getting an abortion, this bill actually gives the right for someone to sue you if you try to limit them from having an

abortion. this is by far the most extreme pro-abortion bill that has ever been put in front of congress ever and it was done when we should be debating ukraine, but ukraine's not important. abortion is. and so my democrat colleagues did this instead today as the callback vote and the response to putin's aggression. well, i disagree. i disagree. i yield the floor.

marlboro madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from -- mr. marshall: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from kansas. mr. marshall: at a time when putin is killing ukrainians, my democrat colleagues want to kill more babies up until the moment the baby takes its first breath. indeed, this bill should be called the abortion on demand until birth act. this is the most egregious, horrific attack on the lives of unborn children and the health of moms in american history. in fact, if my democratic colleagues had their way, this baby i delivered years ago could have been murdered, aborted the moment prior to the c-section. listen for a moment what this bill would do.

it goes far beyond roe v. wade by -- it would likely lead to taxpayer-funded abortions at home and abroad. it will tie up faith-based hospitals in courts for not offering abortion services. this bill fully blows open the door to sex-based abortions. it eliminates the requirement for informed consent or parental consent and eliminates conscience protections, and i can tell you, as a physician myself, i wouldn't be surprised if half the medical students in the nation, half of the nursing students in the nation would quit medical school or nursing school if they were going to be forced into participating in abortions. this bill is a total disregard for women's health. instead of the standards of a

surgery center, this bill would allow for these services to be offered in a garage or backroom apartment rather than the standards of a surgery center. and the bill provides the right to provide abortions by any health care provider. no longer would it take a physician to do abortions. it would allow nurse m.d. wives and -- mid-wives and nurse's assistants to do abortions. i had to do that and this is not a job for a nurse mid-wife, a physician assistant, a nurse practitioner. before we would let residents take care of this type of a miscarriage, they would have went through four years of medical school and most likely in their second or third year of training before we enthursday trusted them to this -- entrusted them to this kind of procedure, a woman who had a

miscarriage, the risk of hemorrhaging or creating infertility is too late. this bill would allow for telehep prescription, it is malpractice without seeing a patient, seeing how big the uterus is, seeing how big the size of the baby is. this procedure is wrought of complications. wichita, kansas, was home to one of the biggest abortion clinics in the country and two roads down was a clinic and time after time people would show up in our emergency room with complications from the procedure or i never imagined i would fight to save the lives of moms and babies than i did in the

emergency room or delivery room. i want to say a heart-felt thanks to all of the pro-life advocates. especially those folks who are part of kansans for life and all the pro-life constituents who want to protect the lives of moms and babies. this bill would wipe out with one swoop. aim so proud of the kansans for life, again, protecting the life of the mom and the baby. but our work is not done yet. we can't let up. we've got more work to do. i can promise you, i've only begun to fight to protect the lives of unborn babies and protect the health and well-being of mothers. i urge my colleagues tonight to vote no on this most extreme antilife legislation. thank you, madam president. and i yield back.

a senator: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from minnesota. ms. smith: i rise today in support of the women's health protection act. so i'm here today because i believe, as do most in this country, that people should have the freedom to receive the reproductiving health care -- reproductive health care they need. this bill would protect that freedom. now, i'm the only senator in this body who has ever worked for planned parenthood and i learned first hand that if people don't control their reproductive lives, they don't control anything in their lives. working at planned parenthood was a privilege and i heard personal reasons for receiving an abortion. this is still the case for the patients that visit these clinics today. here is one story about a woman

named liz in minnesota. at her 18-week appointment. her doctor told her her pregnancy was incompatible with life. she would either miscarry or the baby would die moments after birth many because of this diagnosis, liz decided to have an abortion. it was an agonizing decision for her but she was able to make the decision on her own terms. another story comes from a patient in minneapolis. she was in an abusive relationship and she went to planned parenthood and that helped her to break from the affiliation from their abuser. they got back on their feet. they could pursue their dream of going to law school and starting a marketing firm and have a family with somebody they loved. these are the stories of people facing one of the most decisions

we humans will ever make, whether to become a parent. they were able to make these decisions free and for themselves and we should all have this freedom. we should all be able to make these decisions for ourselves, free from politicians or judges looking over our shoulders deciding for us. and a majority of americans, madam president, agree with this. they agree that abortion should be legal. they understand that preproductive health care, including abortion, is health care. yet today, the reproductive rights of women in this country are at their greatest risks since roe v. wade was decided decades ago. and it's no mystery how we got here. what's happening today is the culmination of a nearly 40-year effort by conservatives in the republican party to radically remake the courts. it is 2022, and that moment is here. the supreme court seems poised to overturn roe. and if that happens, half the

states in this country will ban abortion entirely -- half the states. so in anticipation of this moment, right-wing republican state legislatures have been working to pass laws that will gut women's health care and severely restrict our freedom. what this means women's freedom and autonomy over our own bodies to the right of health care will depend on who we are and where we live. and make no mistake, madam president, abortion care will always -- it will calls be available to women who have money. it will be poor women and women of color who lose this right. this is why women's health protection act is so important. we need to listen to the voices of the majority of americans who agree. women deserve the freedom and the dignity to make their own decisions about their own bodies

and their own lives. but the reality is we can no longer rely on the courts to protect this right. that is why we need to pass the women's health protection act. now in a few minutes, we will vote on this bill, which would protect the right to the abortion in every state. it the would advance racial justice, it would limit the structural barriers to accessing abortion care and protect everybody's freedom to make the best decisions for themselves, for their health, for their families, for their futures. colleagues, i urge you to vote to pass the women's health protection act. madam president, i yield the floor.

mr. moran: madam president? the presiding officer: the senator from kansas. mr. moran: thank you, madam president. i rise today to celebrate the pass of the 688 gold medal act, this honors the black women who served as part of the bataan on-. pass passage of this legislation is long overdue and will award the congressional gold medal to these women for their devotion to duty, military service, and their extraordinary efforts to boost the morale of personnel stationed in europe during world war ii. today it's easy to connect with our loved ones through texts and e-mails or social media. communications is more convenient and consequently many of us take the ease of that communication for granted. but during world war ii, the

only connection people like my mom and dad had while my father was employed -- deployed in europe was our mail system. mail delivered love and inspiration to our troops covered in foxholes and fighting for our freedom. the mill kept them -- the mail kept them going and connected their troops to home. the women of the 6888 delivered the mail though the deck was stacked against them. the troop convoy carrying the 6888 carried german u boats. shortly after their arrival in the european theater, a german b-1 dove at them forcing them to take cover out of fear of being bombed. physical dangers aside, the women of the 6888 faced sexism and racism. in birmingham england, the very same soldiers they were committed to helping spread vile

rumors just because they were black women. on top of the dangers and social injustice they faced were the challenges of the mail mission themselves. handling and sorting the mail was no easy task. the 6888 found warehouses crammed with mail whose delivery was long overdue, sometimes over years. they found giant rats tearing apart the undelivered christmas care passages. there was hardly any organization. the warehouses were poorly lit and damp and without heat. undeterred, the women of the 6888 rolled up their sleeves and dug in. the fixing of the system was expected to take maybe a year and the women organized the mail and packages in just three months. they believed in the motto, no mail, low morale. their diligence, commitment to excellent and class and their

delentless drive to get the minimum -- relentless drive to get the mail to the troops. they connected the servicemembers with their families back home. i want to thank the representatives in the house and i want to thank my colleagues in both the house and senate who have supported this bill and made awarding the congressional gold medal to these brave women possible. lots of challenges, black women serving in the military, only ones seemingly willing to volunteer to go to europe to meet the needs of those who served. i'd also like it thank colonel edna cummings for her dedication to make sure the stories of the 6888 are remembered and honored. i was at fort levinnen worth in kansas to dead late the 6888 monument. i was inspired to make sure more

americans knew of their incredible service during world war ii. of the over 300 members of the 6888, i'd like to recognize and thank the surviving members and make sure their names are included in the record. hilda griggs, hana robertson, romaid davis, cynthia garcia, fannie mcclinton and lena kings. the 6888 served our country selflessly and were a crucial asset in the war effort. this is one more way our nation can say to these incredible women, thank you for your service. we respect you and we love you. it is my honor to celebrate the passage of this bill today. madam president, i ask unanimous consent that my following remarks appear separately in the record. the presiding officer: without objection.

mr. moran: vladimir putin is a thug and is slowly responsible for the invasion of -- and is solely responsible for the invasion of ukraine. putin, i condemn him and he's even being condemned by his own people in russia for the growing -- and a growing's a lines around the world. -- and a growing alliance around the world. there is nothing that justifies russia invading ukraine. this is the most significant intrusion into -- from one country to another since the beginning in the 1930's of what resulted in world war ii. i pray for the safety of the ukrainian people and a rapid end to this unprovoked war. as we hear stories about their bravery and resolve, i'm inspired by the dedication to defend their freedom. the united states is making it clear we stand with and support them. this war is a terrible tragedy,

but it is also a wake-up call for the united states of america. when it comes to defense spending, energy production, and humanitarian assistance, our commitments to these issues demonstrate our commitment to global security. we must recognize that we have adversaries who seek to use force to reclaim territory. they possess weapons to destabilize our country. for those of us to ignore these threats would be derelict. we would be derelict to the people of the united states of america. this recognition begins with a strong national defense. it's unacceptable that we have failed to pass appropriations for the pentagon, state department, and other national security agencies essential to protecting and projecting our strength abroad. as a result, new programs necessary in meeting the

challenges in the years to come are stuck in limbo. in classified briefings we have heard about the advances they are making and it is alarming. for six months congress has imposed a spending freeze while other countries press ahead. when the latest continuing resolution expires in ten days we need an agreement on this spending, and we should not allow -- and we cannot afford -- another delay. as we prepare to receive president biden's budget for the coming fiscal year, it will be important that his top-line figure for our nation's defenses exceed inflation. mackenzie evelyn writes that $2 billion to $4 billion are being lost per month to cover inflationary cost oz, reducing the buying power of our military. president biden must take this into account. he fay mustily said, show me your budget and i'll tell you what you value. when it comes to our national spending, our enemies are

watching also. our values extend to our concern for the people impact by this war. russia's war with ukraine is already a humanitarian calamity. children have been killed and wounded, families split apart, and some free and some loved ones stay. as of today, this conflict has created nearly 400,000 refugees and the u.n. predicts that could climb to 5 million. i commend our european allies for their response in welcoming refugees, and i expect our own nation will be generous with financial support for those seeking safety. but this war will have a humanitarian consequence that goes beyond those directly impacted by the fighting. ukraine and russia account for more than one-quarter of the world's wheat production. it is impossible to believe that such production won't be impacted by the fighting and sanctions, especially as we've seen ports close.

this will make food shortages around the world more severe. no government is more generous with its resoarses for international food assistance than the united states. but the excess production of our american farmers can be shared. there really is no excess production. the need is so great. whatever we produce will feed people. our government should utilize the resources of its farmers and promote stability where hungry societies are fragile. russia's aggression must also be a wake-up call to our dependence on foreign oil. prior to invasion, the united states was directly paying russia one-third -- i'm sorry, prior to the invasion, the united states was directly paying russia, our third largest supplier of oil, around $70 million per day for oil and refined products or over 700,000 barrels of petroleum products her day. we are financing with our oil purchases the ability of russia

to do harm around the world. combined with our european allies, where there were even more provision -- providing the money for this intrusion, our european allies are even more dependent upon russian energy and putin's profits before the invasion were $330 million each day. we are subsidizing aggression in moscow, and it extends to the middle east as well. this must end. i believe an all of-of had-the-e approach must play a role. the biden administration must -- it would be help until our battle against inflation here in the united states. each of these challenges can be met if we in the senate are unified in purpose. the american people and the world view this body as divided,

unable to come together on many important issues. i don't believe it has to be that way. i certainly stand willing and able to work with my colleagues to find a common ground as we respond to this invasion. we know lots of examples we can point to which we do work together and pass critical legislation. we must find compromise and immediately move on sanctions legislation. we must pass defense appropriations. we must focus on an all-of-the-above defense strategy. we've done it before and we can do it again. winston churchill, the most inspiring leader of the 20th century, i thought of him as i watched ukraine's own inspirational president and the response of his people, and i share today a quote from churchill that meets the occasion. very few wars have been won by

mere numbers alone. quality, will power, geographical advantages, the command of the sea and above all a cause which rouses the spontaneous surgings of human spirit in millions of hearts -- these have proved to be the decisive factor in the -- factor in the human story. americans of all stripes share that spirit with ukrainians today. i ask god to bless ukraine and its people and god bless the united states of america as we do our part to support the ukrainian people. madam president, i yield the floor. mr. blumenthal: madam president? the presiding officer: the senator from connecticut. mr. blumenthal: thank you you madam president. i ask unanimous consent that the following senators be permitted to speak prior to the scheduled vote -- myself for up to five minutes, senator murray for up to five minutes, and senator schumer for up to three minutes. the presiding officer: without objection.

black lives-- mr. blumenthal: thank you, madam president. we will be voting in just a few minutes on the women's health protection act, which i have proudly sponsored, first introduced in 2013, and i want to thank particularly senator schumer for his leadership and senator murray for enabling us to have this historic vote. it is historic. the first vote that we will take guaranteeing the right of a provider to provide abortion care, which is health care, and the right of a patient to receive that care. and there are very few votes that we will take in the united states senate in the course of our career that will have as profound and dramatic an impact on the lives of all americans. yes, reproductive health care is

women's health care by and large, but it is human health care. women's rights are human rights. and the decisions that women make about when and whether to become pregnant are intensely personal. they should not be interfered with by any of us, anyone from the government, anyone else. that right is protected by the constitution. today's vote comes at a time of unparalleled attack on equal access to abortion care in this country. i clerked for justice harry blackman on the united states supreme court in the term after he wrote the majority opinion in roe v. wade. at that time we all believed that the decision would put an end to this controversy, this

debate, once and for all. and yet here we are five decades later. what was then unthinkable now has happened. the united states supreme court has voluntarily taken a case that calls into question a woman's right to choose. and the united states supreme court seems to be on track based on its refusal to stop implementation of the texas five-week ban on abortion to overturning roe v. wade. now, the united states supreme court will never say we hereby overturn roe v. wade. this majority influenced by right-wing ideology will in effect overturn it without saying so because across the

street in dobz vd jackson women's health care, the ban on mississippi abortion is constitutional is squarely before the court, and make no mistake, if the court upholds that mississippi law, roe v. wade will no longer be the law of the land. planned parenthood v. casey will no longer be the law of the land. 50 years of jurisprudence will be gone without ever telling us that roe is overturned. the court will move that goalpost and roe will fall and at least 20 states through trigger laws are prepared to immediately prohibit abortion completely and entirely. if you don't understand this threat, just ask the women of texas. they're currently living in a

state without protections of roe. that dangerous antiabortion law, s.b.8, contains a six-week abortion ban, six weeks. far before many women even know that they are pregnant. and even worse, the law is divisive bounty hunter provision depend tideses a woman's neighbors, friend, family and acquaintances. last year alone 19 states enacted 106 restrictions, including 12 abortion bans for the first time ever, states enacted more than 100 abortion restrictions in a single year. my bill, the women's health protect act, would put an end to this relentless and ever growing attack on reproductive rights. it would create a federal statutory right for health care providers to provide abortion care. it would be provide a right for patients to receive that care. free from medically unnecessary

restrictions. that single out and impede abortion access. let's not forget for one moment the reality on the ground. the reality is for millions of americans, their futures, in some cases their lives depend on accessible abortion care and the implications and ramifications affect men as well as women, families as well as moms. we've had enough meddling by politicians and politically motivated judges getting between americans and their personal health care decisions. we've had enough with the shameful assaults on people's freedoms and futures. we can't go back. and we need this action now. it is time, it is time, madam president, to pass the women's health protection act. thank you. mrs. murray: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from washington. mrs. murray: thank you, madam president. madam president, i want to first briefly address what's happening

in ukraine. the ukranian people are being plunged into a deadly and devastating war. we're already seeing hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing the destruction and leaving their lives behind. we've seen heartbreaking images of children huddled in baisms -- basements, all of this tragedy for no other reason than the cruel ambition of one dictator. make no mistake, every life lost, every community torn apart, the fault for this conflict lies solely at the feet of vladimir putin. i strongly support continued efforts to inflict severe sanctions on russia for this unjustified war of aggression. russia must pay a crushing price for invading a sovereign democracy unprovoked. this is a time for our country and the world to remain united in strong support of ukraine and firmly against putin. so today i'm thinking of my constituents with friends and family and loved ones in ukraine, and my heart is with

the ukranian people who only want peace. i want them to know i will continue to do everything in my power to make sure the united states is doing its utmost to support the ukranian people. and now, madam president, i want to address the vote that we are about to take. i will start with a few simple questions for my colleagues. do you trust women? do you trust patients? do you trust doctors? do you believe every american should be able to make deeply personal decisions about pregnancy and parenting according to their own beliefs without the government interfering? well, if you answer yes to those questions, then your job tonight is et easy. -- is pretty easy. vote for the women's health protection act. what this bill does is simple. it follows the constitution and nearly a half a century of precedent and gives patients the right to get an abortion and doctors the right to provide abortion care no matter where in america that patient or that

doctor lives. madam president, we might ask well, why do you need a bill like this if the right is already in the constitution? sadly, we need this bill because too many extreme right-wing politicians, too many well-funded conservative interest groups, and too many conservative lawyers jammed into our judicial system at every level clearly do not trust women or patients or doctors. now, you might say that assertion is unfair but i'm looking at actions, not words. and here's what i see. in 2021 alone, republican legislators across the country passed more than a hundred abortion restrictions. in texas there's a law that's been in effect for nearly six months that bans abortion before women even know they're pregnant. and not only that, texas has empowered citizens to sue one another personally for the, quote, crime of helping someone get an abortion or providing abortion care.

the supreme court has already rubber stamped this appalling divisive law and there's a very real threat that in a matter of months they will end the constitutional right to abortion in roe v. wade. madam president, what republicans like to say if roe v. wade is gone that abortions will end. that's not true. abortions will still happen. people will find a way. but many won't have safe options and their health and even their lives will be at risk. even more so than today women who don't have the money or the time off or some other way, don't have the means, won't be able to get them. and this cruelty will fall hardest on women of color, women who have low incomes, women in rural parts of the country, and the lgbtq community. to me and to many democrats here today, that's just so wrong. a person's ability to make the right decision for themselves about pregnancy and parenting

shouldn't only be available to the rich or depend on what zip code you live in. unfortunately that is the future the republican party wants for america. but madam president, it is not what democrats want. and it's certainly not what my constituents in washington state want. and it is actually not what the vast majority of americans across the country want either. madam president, some time in the next few months we will very likely see a historic reversal of a fundamental right americans have known for nearly 50 years. regarding one of the most personal decisions any individual can make. a right generations of women and americans have grown up on, depending on and want to see it protected. madam president, that means that this vote tonight is historic as well. in is -- this is each senator's chance to stand up for an individual's right to decide what to do with their own body and their own future.

tonight the democratic position is clear. we trust women and patients, and we believe that roe should be the law of the land. i hope senate republicans vote with us, but if they don't, make no mistake, 72 million americans of reproductive age today may soon lose a constitutional right every generation has known since roe was decided in 1973. and if they do, they're going to know exactly who's responsible, the republican party. i yield the floor. i note the absence of a quorum. the presiding officer: the clerk will call the roll. quorum call:

mr. schumer: madam president. the presiding officer: the majority leader. mr. schumer: i ask unanimous consent the quorum be dps pensed with -- dispensed with. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. schumer: madam president, the vote before the senate asks a simple question. as women's health care comes

under assault in ways we have not seen in living memory, shall the senate respond? the legislation we're considering today, the women's health protection act, is the first time, the first time the senate has taken an affirmative vote on stand alone legislation to enshrine the right to an abortion in law. and it's needed now more than ever as reproductive rights are on the chopping block in the legislatures, the courts and most dreadfully perhaps even in the supreme court. the right to choose is intensely personal and by and large the american people support the protections enshrined in roe. so americans deserve to know where their senators stand on this crucial issue. this vote because we are in the majority will for the first time accomplish that. the other side did not want to put this vote on the floor.

when the house passed abortion rights legislation last fall, i said the senate would act, and now we are holding a vote. i want to thank senators blumenthal, baldwin, and murray for their leadership in pushing the women's health protection act and it is with strong enthusiasm that i will vote yes. i yield the floor. the presiding officer: the clerk will report the motion to invoke cloture. the clerk: cloture motion, we, the undersigned senators in accordance with the provisions of rule 22 of the standing rules of the senate do hereby move to bring to a close debate on the motion to proceed to calendar number 139, h.r. 3755, an act to protect a person's ability to determine whether to continue or end a pregnancy and so forth signed by 18 senators. the presiding officer: by unanimous consent, the mandatory quorum call has been waived. the question is, is it the sense of the senate that debate on the motion to proceed to h.r. 3755,

an act to protect a person's ability to determine whether to continue or end a pregnancy and to protect a health care provider's ability to provide abortion services shall be brought to a close. the yeas and nays are mandatory under the rule. the clerk will call the roll. v: vote:

vote:

vote:

the presiding officer: on this vote the yeas are 46. the nays are 48. three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn not having voted in the affirmative, the motion is not agreed to. the clerk will report the motion to invoke cloture. the clerk: cloture motion, we, the undersigned senators in accordance with the provisions of rule 22 of the standing rules of the senate do hereby move to bring to a close debate on the motion to proceed to calendar number 273, h.r. 3076, an act to provide stability and enhance the services of the united states postal service and for other purposes signed by 17 senators. the presiding officer: by unanimous consent, the mandatory quorum call has been waived. the question is, is it the sense of the senate that debate on the motion to proceed to h.r. 3076, an act to provide stability to and enhance the services of the united states postal service and

for other purposes shall be brought to a close. the yeas and nays are mandatory under the rule. the clerk will call the roll. vote:

vote:

vote:

vote:

vote:

the presiding officer: on this vote, the yeas are 74, the nays are 20. three-fifth of the senators duly chosen and sworn having voted in the affirmative, the motion is agreed to. cloture having been invoked, the clert will report the motion. the clerk: motion to proceed to calendar number 273 h.r. 3076 an act to provide stability to and enhance the services of the united

states postal service and for other purposes. mr. kramer: madam president. the presiding officer: the senator from north dakota. mr. kramer: i ask unanimous consent the senate stand in recess subject to the call of the chair, and adjournment, recess and leader remarks count post-cloture on h.r. 3076. the presiding officer: without objection. mr. kramer: i ask unanimous consent that the senate stand in recess subject to the call of the chair. the presiding officer: the senate stands in recess subject to the call of the chair. the senate has now adjourned for the day. senators voted against advancing legislation to prohibit states from restricting access to abortion. lawmakers later voted to begin

work to reform the delivery operations of the u.s. postal service. and improve healthcare benefits for current and retired postal employees but senators are hearing tight provided it ministration officials in a classified briefing on the u.s. response to russia's invasion of her cane. watch a live coverage of the senate when they return tomorrow, here on cspan2. coming up tonight, a hearing looking at ways the country could move to universal healthcare. with former labor secretary roberts. watch the house education and health subcommittee at a 10:00 p.m. eastern on cspan2. online@c-span.org or full coverage on her free video app c-span now. ♪ ♪

♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ the annual conservative political action conference was held this year in orlando, florida. cap next we are from senators john kennedy of louisiana and marco rubio of florida. this runs about half an hour. [background noises] i am john kennedy.