institution and aid for ukraine might be an example of that. michael tackett the book is the price of power how mcconnell mastered the senate, changed america and lost party. thank you very much for the conversation. thank you. it's been my

and that was the scene at george washington's inauguration in new york as president. it was april 30th, 1789. that's as it was depicted in the hbo series john adams. well, for the next hour, we'll find out what happened next. in the early months of washington, this first presidential term, this is the

start of our new american history tv series. the first 100 days where we explore the accomplishments and setbacks as presidents took office. our guest to explore george washington's early months is matthew costello, who is the chief education officer at the white house historical association. dr. costello, it's april 30th, 1789. george washington did not have a handbook on how to be president, did he? no. and the only thing that he had was the constitution. and that was fairly sparse when it came to laying out exactly what the president should look like or what they should do or how they should act. what does the constitution say about how a president should look? do an act? well, if you look at article two, it it primarily lays out the power of the executive branch of government. some of the roles are the responsibilities, the duties of

that position. there is a little bit more about the eligibility requirement and who can and cannot be president. you know, and that's primarily it really the only thing that touches on anything close to what we would recognize today is the inauguration, is the constitutional oath of the presidency. and so really, that's sort of all george washington has to work off of for the inauguration. and then he's really going to have to sort of invent all of the etiquette, the protocol, all all the very public appearances versus private appearances, all these things washington needs to really create in real time. as he's defining the office of the presidency while occupying it. so in those first few days following the inauguration in new york city, what did he do? well, in the immediate aftermath afterwards, i mean, they didn't even have the first inaugural party inaugural ball for about a

week. and so in the in those days after taking office, you know, washington is devoting time to really sort of being brought up to speed on what congress is working on at that moment. congress, it took some time for them to even certify the election. they didn't have a quorum on march 4th when the term began, and they weren't able to, you know, affirm washington's election until early april. and so even though congress has gotten a head start on some of these matters of national importance, it took a while just to get washington, new york city, to take the oath to become president. and so he immediately spends time diving into what congress is working on and and conferring with a close circle of advisers, some of whom will then later become ultimately his executive department heads. matthew costello april. march 4th is supposed to be the inauguration day back then, but it was april 30th. what happened?

well, you know, originally march 4th is selected by the congress under the articles of confederation. and, you know, as we're moving from one form of government to another, but the ratification of the constitution. march 4th is selected as the date for the new term to begin. however, you have representatives coming from all across the young united states and many of whom are coming from somewhat remote places. you know, roads are not as accessible as they are today. transports is not as reliable as it is today. and so it takes longer than anticipated. and that's part of the reason why they shifted to march fourth is because they figured it would take longer for people to get to new york city. but even, you know, as anybody who can attest, who's been to new york in march, you know, they still get snow, as do the surrounding areas around new york. and so there's a delay in getting enough of a quorum of representatives of congress to certify the election. and so they're unable to do it

until april. and even then then they have to send word down to mount vernon just outside of washington, d.c., to notify washington that he has been unanimously elected as president of the united states. and you say unanimously elected. he got 69 electoral votes. in 1789 who voted for him? who got to vote? well, in those days, you know, it's very different today from what we think of in terms of a popular vote. and, you know, during the early republic, primarily the people who are voting are white men who own property. the idea there with the founders was that they believed that these were the citizens who were best poised to look out for the interests of all people. we also know that that story is much more complicated because, in fact, many of these individuals had moneyed interests or were slave owners. and so it's sometimes it can be a little bit hard for us to wrap

our heads around this idea of a virtuous republic and citizen. but the idea in that time was that by relying on these republican men, these virtuous men, to look out for the greater good, the common interests of all that they would elect leaders, who then in turn would also represent the greater good. now, this this doesn't last very long. we quickly get into a two party system in the 17th nineties by washington as president. but, you know, despite their own political differences spilling over from the, you know, the constitutional convention between the federalists and the anti-federal, you now gets you know, there is some common ground around who should be president. now, bear in mind, washington is the presiding officer of the constitutional convention. it must have seemed very strange for him to be sitting in the room while they were talking about the office, its powers. you know what would happen in the scenario where a president was too powerful or was corrupt

when all of those people really sort of had in mind that if there was one person who could bring the validity or the legitimacy to this new role of presidency, well, that person was probably sitting in the room with that. and so even though washington does not weigh in, he knows that it's it's important that he does not weigh in, that really his time will come to define the presidency later. it's not something that he should contributed to. he should let his peers map it out and that he is the one who is going to have to defy it once he's in the role. well, it's about 300 miles from mount vernon to federal hall in new york city. but it took george washington several weeks from the c-span archives. here is historian fergus dweck talking about that travel north. washington considered the sluggishness in getting the government up and running to be a national embarrassment. he was determined not to add to

it as this delay must be very irksome to the attending members. i am resolved. no interruption shall proceed from me. that can will be avoided. he assured james madison. by mail. madison in new york. the house of representatives was still debating codfish and molasses when, on the afternoon of april 22nd, congress learned that george washington had reached the jersey shore. washington left mount vernon, accompanied by his aide, david humphreys. his secretary, tobias lear. his enslaved manservant, billy lee. and the hopeful charles thompson. hoo hoo. a man who might have headed an executive department but didn't. they crossed the potomac at georgetown, headed north toward baltimore, across the rolling hills that some potomac valley promoters, washington among them, hoped might become the site of the nation's permanent

capitol. he had hoped to travel in as quiet and peaceable, a manner as possible to conserve his energy. but that was not to be. the entire route was as warm with cheering, shouting, flag waving, well-wishers throwing flowers at him, holding up their babies and demanding speeches. towns that had cannon fired them, veterans marched alongside him for miles. men wept. banners proclaimed a new era. and behold, the rising empire. though he slipped the crowds when he could, he agreed. when pressed to deliver addresses in baltimore, wilmington and philadelphia, where 20,000 people, half the city's population, thronged, the cobbled streets, shouting, long live the father of his people. and a laurel wreath fit for a roman emperor was placed on his head. more cheering crowds were waiting for him on the new jersey bank of the delaware river, where he had famously crossed during the war. chris uniformed cavalry and

infantry escorted him to trenton between ranks of girls crowned with garlands who strewed flowers before his feet and sang odes of glory. the gazette of the united states proclaimed that washington had become virtually divine. standing upon a scale of eminence, that heavens never before assigned to a mortal. expectations were high. finally, on the morning of april 23rd at elizabeth, new jersey, he was met by a committee of both houses of congress. john jay numerous new york city officials and the uniformed rotunda t of his revolutionary war colleague henry knox, dressed in a blue and puffed suit that recalled his wartime uniform and seated imperiously beneath an awning, hung with red curtains. washington was rowed across the hudson river in a 47 foot barge manned by 13 pilots dressed in

white garments and black caps as flag festooned ships fired cannonade across the harbor as if inspired by the jubilation. porpoises leaped and overran the barge. i witnessed eyewitness account. near bedlam island, the future site of the statue of liberty. a boatload of gentlemen and ladies trilled a welcoming ode to the tune of god save the king. as washington neared the manhattan shore passed around the battery and turned north up the east river to the booming of artillery. hosannas rose from multitudes of men, women and children packed as thick as ears of corn before the harvest. another observer recalled the success of motion of hats being doffed from the battery to to murrays wharf. like the rolling of the sea, the panorama, the washington leader wrote, filled my mind with

sensations as painful considering the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labors to do good as they are pleasing. in other words, he was pretty uptight. it was washington's first trip back to new york since the end of the war. if any new yorkers held him personally responsible for losing their city to the british in the catastrophic battle of long island, they had clearly forgiven. he was filled with trepidation. all his sacrifices, the years of war and political struggle. the great experiment upon which the nation was about to embark it might yet collapse into fiasco and come to nothing. an assembly of war veterans met him at murrays wharf at the top of the steps carpeted it in his honor. an officer declared that a guard of honor was ready to take his orders at this. washington turning to the crowd and with a democratic inspiration, declared that he would he would accept the honor guard. but in truth, the affection of

his fellow citizens was all the guard he wanted. he rejected the use of a carriage and preceded by a troop of cavalry, artillery and uniformed officers. new york governor george clinton. new york's mayor. assorted clergymen and an amazing concourse of ordinary citizens strode slowly through the streets, hung with silk banners, wreaths of flowers and branches of evergreen to the mansion on cherry street near the present day brooklyn bridge that had been rented for him. later, the skies burst into torrential downpour down fall, but no one seemed to care. not that there weren't dissenters to at least some republicans. washington's entire journey seemed like a royal progress that smacked of monarchical excess and hinted at the elevation of the new president into a sort of american king, a satirical and sacrilegious

caricature that spread around new york labeled the entry should washington arrive in the guise of jesus at the american jerusalem lamb of new york, sitting in billy lee's lap and mounted on a donkey led by david humphreys, wearing devil's horns and chanting, the glorious time has come to pass. when david shall conduct an -- less nastily, but in its own way, no less significant of ambivalence toward what some feared were washington's monarchical pretensions. a member of congress reported that a prominent quaker who had lent assistance to the patriotic struggle when told that washington was approaching his house, replied with quaker li disdain for sarah mony that he was perfectly indifferent to the general commotion at the door and declined to rise from his dinner table as the president

elect's procession marched. by now, i don't want to leave you in that kind of negative note there, and you'll you'll realize, as i go on that i just i think washington's role in the course of the first congress is really quite fascinating. so i'm going to give you just one short snapshot here. this actually describes the day of his inauguration. shortly shortly afterward. but. it's a different note. as the inauguration approached, visitors poured into the city, filling taverns, boarding houses and private homes. every one of them was desperate for a glimpse of washington. i have seen him, a young boston woman breathlessly wrote home. i never saw a human being that looked so great and noble as he does. i could fall down on my knees before him and bless him. and we're back with matthew costello of the white house.

historical association. dr. costello, that trip was not easy, was it? no, it was a it was a very difficult journey. you know, not to mention that washington's it has already gotten a late start. he knows that congress was meant to convene on march the fourth. he's not getting notification until later in april. and then on top of that, you know, washington, who has sort of finally he's he's finally achieved his goal of retiring from public life, has now been notified that he's being called it back into public service and that he needs to really sort of russia as quickly as possible to new york city. and it's a it's a treacherous journey along the way. he's also greeted by countless americans who who want to see washington. he's, you know, keep in mind, he's probably the most famous american. you know, him or benjamin franklin? i mean, i think those are two figures that pretty much everyone in the early united states knows has heard of. and so people want to see

general washington soon to be president. washington in routes to new york city. and so this is also part of a little bit of a delay is, you know, finding places to stop, dining with people. you know, being sure to, you know, make your public appearances. you don't want anyone to feel offended. and so all of this takes a little bit longer to get washington to new york city. and as soon as he gets there, you know, then he realizes that, you know, they haven't really planned out his inaugural and how that's going to work. so that's something that he has to then set in motion with the members of congress. well, in a letter to henry knox, a revolutionary war general, george washington wrote my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied with feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution. he didn't seem too thrilled about this. no, it's a fascinating note

because, you know, is is this is this how washington truly feels or is this, you know, washington trying to, again, be the very humble republican citizen called back into duty. and he really doesn't want to you know, he doesn't want people to suspect that he desires power, that he wants power. you know, i think after so many years of serving his country and serving as general of the army, you know, washington was fine to retire and to to go back to a quiet life and focus on his plantation and and really sort of the future of his estate and his family. but at the same time, you know, washington just he just can't say no to the call of duty. and you know, being asked to once again take up those burdens of leadership as the first president of the united states.

i think his fear and his dread is probably real because this is uncharted territory. this is a completely new form of government with him at the head as the executive. and i think he knows, you know, think of it as a way of he's leaving on a high note. you know, having secured american independence, i mean, that is enough. i mean, that would be enough. but by agreeing to become the next president of united states, washington is now taking a chance with that reputation. and what if this goes horribly wrong? what if you know, what if he or congress or whomever wanted this upends and destroys this very fragile coalition of states that has now created a constitutional government? and so washington, who is always been very, very careful and guarded with his reputation now faces that incredible task at

hand of not only finding a way to build and create a shared collective good as a national sentiment, as leader of the american people, define the office. but then at the same time ensure that he leaves the presidency with his reputation intact. that was going to be a very tall task, even for george washington. well, before we move forward, post april 30th, 1789, just give us a sense of what was going on in the country from 1783, when the revolutionary war ended. to 1787, 88, 89. so during this time period, after the war, you know, washington very famously surrenders his command to congress. he retires to a quiet life at mount vernon. and he feels as though finally he can now focus on his own affairs, his own business. but you know, what is happening

on the across the country and on the national stage is never very far from washington's mind. he's constantly reading newspapers. he's writing letters. he's staying informed on what the congress is doing under the articles of confederation. and, you know, it's pretty obvious fairly often that this is not a workable form of government. you know, the inability to tax when all of these different colonies now turn states have debts related to the revolutions and war of it's really hampering economic activity. in the 1780s edition only you have, you know, states setting their own monetary and fiscal policies and you have states dealing with different issues differently as opposed to having more of a national policy for things like the regulation of commerce, taxation, treaties. so again, it's much more like 13 independent state as opposed to a unified federal state.

and because of that, there's there's bound to be a conflict between the states and conflict within the states. and i think probably the most notable instance that that really draws washington's attention is what happens in massachusetts with with daniel shays and the revolutionary war veterans who challenged different authorities over the issues of taxation and property confiscation during shays rebellion. and it ultimately gets to a point where because, again, the founders are so concerned about a permanent standing army that there is no real national army to call out to quell this insurrection. and instead, it gets to the point where even massachusetts is is struggling to raise troops. and ultimately, you know, shays rebellion is is defeated. but i think for washington today and many others who who believed

in a stronger centralized form of government saw that this was this was an omen. right. that this is how this is the direction the united states will go if we don't have something more concrete to bind the states together and to make them realize that what is in their state interests can also be in the national interest and that we need a stronger form of government to really create these bounds political, social, economic, cultural and that really it was going to you know, there was debate about whether or not they should just amend the articles of confederation or whether or not they needed an entirely new form of government. and ultimately, they decided to hold the constitutional convention, which, of course, was a battle in and of itself. so when george washington became well, first of all, where did the term president come from? why did they choose that term. that's a great question. you know, they had there had

been some different suggestions for different titles. i think most famously, i think it's john adams who suggests his highness, protector of american liberties. there was something very, very long winded and there's a there's a reference to a colleague making a joke of calling john adams his rotund 80, which i'm sure probably did not feel too good for john adams. but the idea of shortening it to keeping it something very simple, which the title we all, you know, use and refer to today, mr. president or president of the united states. the idea was, again, something that could encapsulate and capture a project, the power and the influence of the executive, while at the same time avoiding any perception of of, you know, ambition for monarchy, aristocracy. see, i mean, this this was constantly a balancing act in

the early republic because you had people like jefferson and his supporters who, you know, believed that the americans had just fought and won a war of independence, rejecting these customs of the old world, the you know, the courts and aristocracy and monarchy and anything that could be perceived as monarchical. and then you had federalists who really believed that some of these things were essential to helping bring influence, power, prestige to the new young government and role and office. but at the same time, also bringing that blending that power and prestige to the united states as a young nation across the world. so, george washington gets into office april 30th, 1789. over whom did he have control or power? who reported to him? well, that's a great question, because, remember, we've just sort of created a we've created a new government. congress has been elected.

sohen, of course, there's this question of, so what about the executive branch itself? now, the constitution does say that the president can request the opinions of the heads, write the secretaries of the executive departments. but congress had yet to even create those departments which they do later in the first 100 or 150 days of washington's presidency. that's when they'll create. at that time, the department of foreign affairs today we know it is the department of state treasury war. they'll create the office of the attorney general. and then probably, you know, one of the places that washington makes his impact felt the most is the creation of, you know, today what we would consider the judicial branch of government. there really was no federal court system. there were no justices. there was no supreme court. again, all these things need to be created by congress. and really, congress is creating these federal positions as they go. and then washington is

appointing federal officers. and so this is the part of a, you know, this relationship between washington and the first congress is so critically important because both are testing each other out to understand their constitutional roles. who is to do what? who is to approve what? who is to advise? who is to consent? who is to sign? to approve legislation? who is to veto legislation? all of these things, you know, we have really sort of to better defined branches in the constitution and so those two branches need to work together to figure out their relationship toward one another. but then also to create a third branch. so where was congress seat seated at the time? were they up in new york city as well? and what was the relationship between george washington and the congress? yes. so congress was being held in new york city at federal hall,

the same place that washington took the oath of office. he took his oath of office on the balcony and then afterwards he gave his inaugural address in the senate chamber in federal hall. but this was where the first congress was meeting. and congress would continue to meet in new york city for a little while before moving to philadelphia and then eventually washington, d.c., in 1800. but washington's relationship, i would say, with, you know, with congress early on is is one of, i think, mutual respect. washington is trying to show deference on things that he thinks are more within the scope of the legislative branch, while at the same time trying to safeguard and protect anything that he sees as part of his constitutional responsible as the executive. so, for example, when washington is, you know, considering different opinions about what is happening with some of the south eastern tribes of the early

united states and sort of the ongoing treaty negotiations, you know, the senate is tasked with constitutionally speaking to advise and consent on treaties. now, what does that what does that actually mean? advise and consent? does that mean the entire senate should be involved in the treaty making process? does it mean a select committee from the senate should be advising? does it mean washington should send them questions in advance and ask for their opinions? well, washington had to sort of figure these things out as he went. and so he decided that he would try that approach again, i think. i don't i mean, first out of respect for the senate, that he sent them, you know, some of the information about these treaties, he sent them a list of questions. and when he arrived to the senate to discuss the questions that he had sent. what he found was that the senate had not really prepared. they had senators who were

asking for the questions to be read again. washington quickly becomes irritated and annoyed, and he makes a remark something to the effect of this defeats every purpose of my coming here. and so washington learns from that experience that the senate does have an advice and consent role and that much is clear in the constitution. but it's best for the president to not get the senate directly involved in any type of ongoing treaty discussion or negotiations. but rather keep them informed on a need to know basis before submitting any final treaty to the senate for approval. and so that's why today and then really sort of every president since washington has taken up this idea that the president is primarily responsible for foreign policy. the senate will have an advise and consent role. but, you know, as the united states has grown and expanded and become a global power, it

has been primarily up to the president and the secretary of state and really the executive branch to define what american foreign policy is and to keep the senate aware of changes to those policies. so matthew costello besides that precedent, were there other precedents set early on in george washington's first term? yes. and some of them were. i think, you know, when we're talking about foreign policy, obviously this is a precedent that is not only held, but you know, you could argue it's become stronger over time. it's become clear and clear that the president is tasked to the foreign policy of the united states. you know, a lot of the precedents that he also created were ones that probably, you and i may not even think of. you know, washington found early on that he was being constantly interrupted. people were constantly arriving to his lodging. they were asking to speak with the president, meet with the president, ask if the president

at any time to discuss any type of matter. and so washington becomes quickly frustrated with this constant calling. and so he asks the senate. he also asks members of the house. he ask some close advisors such as james madison, alexander hamilton, thomas jefferson, for their opinions on how accessible a president should be. because, again, we've never had a president before. and there has to be some limitation here, right? i mean, if the president of the united states has an open door policy, that how is the president ever going to get any work done while at the same time, you know, the president doesn't want to appear to be a recluse, doesn't want to appear to be unreachable or or purposely trying to hide from whatever is happening in the world. and so what again, you know, washington doesn't want to just unilaterally make a decision this is something we see throughout his entire life.

he asks for a slew of opinions from different people, from different backgrounds, with different politics, to really gather all of the information he can, all the perspective that he can. and then he uses those to chart the course that he wants and what washington decides to do is that he thinks that he should really sort of set a schedule to have more public appearances. and then that way people will know that there are set times that they could find the president more accessible and that there should be other times that is really sort of the president's own for the national business. and so he creates these afternoon run leaves or receptions that he holds in the afternoons and tuesdays and these are exclusively for men. there was a little bit more formality with them. typically, you know, it would be men who were invited who could, as long as they were well-dressed and well attired, they could enter the president's

house. they would gather in a circle in in the room. and washington would then come in, and he would really meet each individual, go around the circle, shake hands briefly to scott, you know, chat with each one, and then that would be it. and then washington would leave. so again, it was a ceremony that was supposed to allow the public, you know, assuming that they were well attired, that they could arrive, they could be allowed access to the president's house. they could have a brief moment with the president to talk about something and then that would be the end of it. and you can probably imagine how jefferson and the democratic republicans felt. they thought that this seemed very aristocratic, very courtly, but washington thought that it was the best way to control access to the new president. and by giving them sort of this one day a week, this timeslot, if they wanted to try to come in and see the president, they could. he also him and martha, would

then later create a coed receptions on friday evenings, typically between eight and 10:00. and these would be more relaxed, more informal. they were open to both men and women, and these weren't intended be political. these were really supposed to be more social gatherings where, of course, politics would be discussed. but social gatherings nonetheless. he also decided him and martha decided that they would host members of congress for dinners on thursday evenings. again, there's not really anything in the constitution about how cordial the president is supposed to be with members of congress. but i think washington learned pretty quickly early on that this would be a good way to get to know every member of congress. it would be a good way to know where they're from, their political leanings, and also, again, to sort show sort of a fair amount access to not only members of the public or citizens who could come see the

president, but then also legislators, you know, that they everybody would have a turn. and that was how washington rotated through the lists. he tried rotate through so everybody would have an opportunity from congress at some point to join the president for a meal. so again, you can see he and martha are invent sort of the the social customs, the social protocols of the office. and they're creating things that both, i think, projects what washington sees as the power of the executive. well, at the same time tries to find subtle ways to make himself still accessible to people, you know, despite sort of the pomp and circumstance surrounding the office matthew costello of the white house historical association. this was all taking place in new york city. was it known at that point that this was a temporary location location? well, not quite. they they were going to be moving to philadelphia in 1790.

and and as part of the residents act, which has passed that in july 1790, you know, the residents act was passed by congress legislates that the capital will stay at philadelphia for ten years time before moving to washington, d.c. in december of 1800. and so i think at that point in time, you know, i think there was this motion to move the capital to philadelphia from new york. but, you know, as we've seen throughout the national capital, changed frequently. you know, sometimes, you know, it was in one place, but then six months later, it moved somewhere else. and you know, there were still a lot of uncertainties in the early republic. in terms of, you know, what, if we are invaded by a foreign power, we need to move the capital, which we see that happens quite a few times, especially around the war of 1812. and so, you know, congress is making these preparations for

the fact that, you know, it's very possible and then it is that they'll be moving to philadelphia. and so washington soon will only live in new york briefly, although during that time he stays at, i think, two different houses in new york. neither one survives today, but he he lives in two other president presidents houses in new york before he moves to new york, before he moves to philadelphia and he takes up residence there where he'll spend during the remainder of his presidency. want to make sure to talk about john adams as well. he was george washington's vice president. i didn't hear you name him when you were talking about george washington. senior advisors. well, that's because i did that for a very good reason. john adams you know, even though washington, i think, liked john adams the office, if we thought the office of the presidency didn't have much, you know,

spelled out there, there wasn't a much to it that, you know, really washington had to sort of build off of what was there and invent all different things around the presidency. well, then the vice presidency had even less. i mean, really sort of the only thing that's called out in the constitution is presiding over the senate. and and, you know, in the event of a tie that they they cast the deciding vote. i mean, that's really sort of how presidents made their mark. and even john adams himself, there's a quote where he talks about how, you know, man has invented what he thinks is probably one of the most pointless offices ever imagined. and so, you know, adams himself realizes that the vice presidency doesn't doesn't have a whole lot of authority, doesn't have well-defined responsibilities. aside from presiding over the senate. and so really at this point in time, and for most of american history, that is how vice presidents functioned. they were really sort of kept at

an arm's length from the president. the president relied much more on the executive department heads. and in those early years, it's wore its treasury, its state. it's the attorney general. those are really sort of the four primary ones. but i would say that, you know, the vice presidency, as we know it today is really sort of a partner to the president and being involved in decisions and being involved in cabinet meetings, you know, that's something that really doesn't start to happen until the 20th century. and then probably, you know, what we see today is really i would say from vice president walter mondale onward from the carter administration. so, matthew costello, we've gotten quite used to presidents issuing executive orders early on in their did george washington issue executive orders? he did. i believe the first one he issued was in and it was to the executive department heads. but, you know, i think washington, with his executive

orders, much his vetoes, he used very sparingly and there's a few reasons for this one. again, washington is figuring out his constitutional authority as the executive head. he is being very cautious with, you know, he doesn't want to upset congress. he doesn't want to step on any toes. they still have been created. you know, the the judicial branch to review anything in terms of constitutionality. and so washington is very careful with things like executive orders or vetoes unless he believes, you know, whatever he it whatever he is referring to is clearly, clearly within his scope of constitutional authority. so to issue an executive order that goes out to the executive branch department heads, you know, i don't think there's any question there that yes, that is entirely within the scope of the office of the presidency. but, you know, the same principle applies to things like

the veto, because, again, a piece of legislation has reached washington's desk for signature. and the first time this happens, he uses it for an apportionment bill related to representation in congress and washington is very concerned about using his veto because, again, a president has never used a veto ever before in american history. and and that really he knows that congress will need two thirds of a majority of both houses to override his veto. and so, again, when he has to contemplate whether or not to use these powers he wants to absolutely sure. and he does typically what he does with any other tough decision. he asks for a bevy of opinions from cabinet department heads, from close advisers. you know, even though james madison wasn't in his cabinet, he often solicited advice from james madison as well because i

think washington saw it as whatever decisions he was making, it needed to be grounded in something. it needed to be informed by something. and and this is how he approaches executive orders legislation, vetoes. and this is where we start to see the formation, the early rumblings of what we today would call the presidential cabinet. did in view george washington, have an eye on precedent and the future. always. in fact, after the war, there's a letter where washington notes that he says he only has but one building left to build that mount vernon, one that will house his military and civilian papers. so i think it's just fascinating that even washington i think realizing his his role in creating the united states, his role in leading the continental army to independence, he knows

that assuming our constitutional government survives, that he is going to be a part of that story and likely a big part. and so the fact that he's even thinking about what to do with all of his military and civilian papers tells us that he is thinking about the future and how people will look back on him. his role is leadership. and so i think he he was always very cognizant of that, both in terms of his reputation when he was alive and how people would look back on him in the future. and so i think he took that's a very similar mindset and to the presidency, something that was brand new had never been done before. it was going to be up to him to really determine the office, how it functions, its role and responsibility to the citizens, but also to congress to the justices. and that he was going to have to map out a path forward for his

successors, you know, to really sort of build upon what the constitution says. but really sort of the precedents that washington creates. i think the another one that comes to mind is, of course serving two terms. you know, there was nothing in the constitution that said a president, you know, had term limits. in fact, you know, there were supporters that were asking washington to stay in office for a third term. now, bear in mind that at this point in time, washington is about 65 years old, which in those days quite old, he seemed to have defeated this curse that had besieged the washington family, where a lot of the men of the washington family died young. washington was fairly old compared to his male peers, his family. and i think really, washington was you know, he was tired. he was exhausted. he was ready to step back. he didn't really want to serve a third term. but the interesting part is it wasn't that he thought it was unconstitutional because the

constitution didn't say that the president could only serve two terms. that is something that comes much later, you know, after franklin roosevelt serves not only a third term, but he's elected to a fourth term. he doesn't serve out that term. but there's a constitutional amendment passed the 22nd amendment after fdr death and ratified that prohibits a president from serving more than two terms. but between in george washington and franklin d roosevelt, there's no other president that served more than two terms, even though there were probably a few that had the popularity, had the political capital who could have probably gone on and won a third term. but they you many of them say that the precedent was only to serve two terms set by washington matthew costello again, april 30th, 1789. george washington is sworn in as the first u.s. president. the bill of rights is proposed. the fall of that same year. did george washington have a

hand in that? yes, he did. so congress had proposed legislation that had originally started with, i think, more a dozen amendments as part of the bill of rights. they they whittle it down to about 12. and then eventually it's going to be ten. ten of those are ratified by the state legislatures. and those are the amendment that we we know today in the bill of rights those ten amendments. and spearheading a lot of this is james madison. now, it's sort of a fascinating twist here because, you know, washington does not you know, he does not label himself as a member of the federalist party. and and later, when there are republicans and democratic republicans? he doesn't you know, he doesn't really believe in labels for himself. he does tend to side with and agree more with the federalists, including i would say probably their their leader, alexander hamilton. so he does tend to lean

federalist. but when it comes to the bill of rights, washington is not only with james madison, but he comes out in support of the bill of rights. in fact, you know, washington in particular is an advocate of the first amendment, which includes some of our most very important, including, you know, free speech, religion, assembly. so, you know, it's very interesting that, again, you know, even the washington is he's concerned about his constitutional role. and really, the president isn't supposed to at least according the constitution, the president isn't supposed to create legislation, but they can support it. right. they can support congress creating legislation and so we see, again, another early instance of, you know, washington could have, if he wanted to, decided not to really take a position, remain neutral, really. it's just his job to sign legislation at the tail end and

enforce legislation. but by you know, by making it clear he does support the bill of rights and he approves of some of the measures that madison has put into place. he throws his weight behind those measures. and so ultimately, you know, it probably does help get more support in congress, including those from the federalist side who maybe disagree with having specific amendments or all the amendments. but then when washington comes on board, well, it's much harder to resist that call. well, here's a little bit more from his story in fergus bordewich talking about the legacy of george washington becoming president. washington, i've said several times, is crafting the presidency, just as congress is finding its own way through its wilderness and just how much power did the presidency have? not clear. madison very much wanted a strong presidency, and he

clearly urged washington to use power. he was much more afraid of of a congressional tyranny, particularly on the part of the senate, than than he was of anything resembling a presidential. those fears of washington, as we all know, being are totally misplaced. there certainly were more monarchical sentiments today. we would probably say authoritarian than in both branches and and certainly shared by john adams. he was accused of it, then read what he was writing. the accusations are not of the point. he believed that the presidency would eventually become soon become hereditary. john adams is the vice president. everybody knows he's going to become the next president. john adams, the only one of the founders with sons. who is he thinking about.

at any rate? so. i'm going to talk to you for just a moment about these precedents. but i also want to say here that it's has often been said quite wrongly. i think that washington really was not. perhaps not much more than a figurehead at this point, that he was driven by james madison at the beginning of the first congress, then later ran by hamilton and i see no evidence for that at all. i think washington was a much more acute political man and a more acute political thinker and a subtle, nuanced political thinker that than he's sometimes given credit for. he's he is able, remarkably, to listen to everyone. you hear him again and again when he's writing, whether it's

letters or cited by others in the course of the first congress. he's listening to everyone's advice. he knows exactly whom to ask. he takes it in. he thinks about it. and the last thing he is is a man with authoritarian instincts. and then he decides. but he's he also is he had the decisions he makes are decisions taken congruent with others. and this is part of, i think, his greatness in setting a pattern for the presidency. not all presidents have been like that. but but i think we were extraordinarily lucky that he was the man who was not only available, but the unarguable only candidate for the presidency. and we're back with white house historical association chief education officer matthew costello. and we're looking at george washington's first months in office on our new series, the first 100 days.

matthew costello with the benefit of hindsight, what did washington and the others get right and what didn't they get so right? that's a great question. you know, i think today, obviously, since the presidency has evolved and changed a lot and so has really sort of this, you know, the bureaucracy around the president mean the president has a lot more people working for them, working at these different executive branch agencies. and in their approach. pros and cons to that. right. there's more manpower, but, you know, it does add different layers of bureaucracy. it makes directives harder. and so washington doesn't really have any of that. so he doesn't have to worry about the bureaucracy side and he doesn't have to worry about. but he really doesn't have anybody around him to execute some of these things. and so those are two very different problems. and so, you know, in hindsight, i think washington does a fairly

good job understanding what the constitution really says about the president. see, what is he really, truly obligated when he took that oath of office? what are the things that the president must do according to the constitution? what are the things that the president must be aware of and cognizant of? like the senate's power to advise and consent? and what are the limitations and what about creating things that are reserved? these powers that are more or less reserved, maybe not in writing, but by precedent, things the, you know, executive privilege know the idea that the president can shield specific information from. the house of representatives, for example, which is what, you know, he does during the treaty process. again, he saw it as a constitutional question. there's nothing about house of those specific things regarding the treaty. however, the senate and he does

agree to this the senate has their role in overseeing an advise and consent of treaty making. and so really for washington, it's not about you know, it's you know, saying no to congress. it's about saying no to the house of representatives because it's not clearly defined in the constitu. and so i think washington does a fairly good job in the fact that this is a brand new office. there's very little in the constitution about the responsibilities themselves, but really how they're supposed to be carried out. and so he probably was the perfect choice for several reasons. one, he was one of the most famous americans in the country, perhaps the world. two, he was a figure that everyone around the time could get behind in support of. remember, we still have states that are can be very factitious. you know, each state likes to put their own guy up on top.

but, you know, washington was, you know, unanimous, least elected as president of united states, which is pretty remarkable. and he does it twice. he brings i think that that symbolic weight of leadership and gravitas to the office. but really washington was an effective administrator and manager. he he had really honed the skills as a military commander during the revolutionary war. and some people say he was a micromanager. and, you know, he was i mean, he really stayed on top of his subordinates about, you know, protocol processes, his correspondence policy, his gathering opinions, making decisions. i mean, he was an excellent administrator. i mean, this is part of the reason why he's able to keep the continental army together. you know, despite shortages in provisions and uniforms, payment. and so washington has, i think, demonstrated to his peers and to the world that he has the skills

required to manage a very complicated, complex and sometimes contradictory structure of power. that being in the. and so you take that background and you put it into the presidency. well, i mean, there is really probably no better choice for having to flesh out and and provide really the groundwork for what presidents do, how they do it. and and how they perform their duty. matthew costello is the chief education officer at the white house historical association, which is right across the street from the white house complex. professor castello, if people were to come down there to the white house historical association, what would they find? so the association is a private, nonprofit organization. we were founded in 1961 at the request of first lady jacqueline kennedy to support research scholarship and education about the white house and the people

who've lived there and worked there. and if you were to come down here, you could, of course, visit our our campus on the northwest side of lafayette park or you could go check out. we opened a new visitor experience at 1700 pennsylvania avenue. it's called the people's house. the white house experience. you can see our replica oval office. you can join in on a cabinet room meeting. you learn about the staff, the career staff who've worked at the white house and the executive residence and a number of other really interesting and fascinating stories about white house history and the people behind, the scenes. and i would encourage everyone to come visit us any time in the new year. it is free and open to the public. you just have to reserve your pass as the head of time. and for those of you who see this, who may or may be traveling to washington, d.c., and you can't get a white house tour, it is a hot ticket. i understand. well, then we can encourage you to come visit us at the people's house where we're open seven days a week, 9 to 5.

and when it comes to george washington, do you work regularly with mount vernon. i do. i was very privileged in the past to be a fellow at the fred w smith national library for the study of george washington. my first book was about george washington's tomb and how 19th century americans remember george washington, and it was a finalist. the 2020 george washington book prize. and then from time to time, i will i'll go back and i'll do some kind of programing or or teacher training with them in the summer. in fact, i was just there. we did a discussion, the inauguration with my colleague, former colleague dr. lindsay chervinsky and susan swain, formerly of c-span. matthew costello chief, education officer at the white house, historical association. thank you for kicking off american history tv's new series, the first 100 days.