minority favoring the status quo, passion on this issue is strong. and i respect that. i did not come lightly or quickly to the stance i take now. if this proposal limited in any way the right to organize, i would not support it. we just cannot go on missing out on the middle-class jobs our state needs just because of this one issue. for the sake of those without jobs, and those young people just beginning the ascent up life's ladder, i ask you to remove this obstacle and make indiana the 23rd state to protect the right to work. [ applause ] i have a new prized possession.

it's a letter written to his parents by a young clerk named a.b. carpenter on february 12th, 1861. amid updates about haircuts, colds and headaches young mr. carpenter reported the following. there is considerable excitement concerning a couple of legislators who went to kentucky to fight a duel. mr. hefern, a democrat, slandered and abused mr. moody, a republican, in a speech and moody challenged him. he accepted and choosed buoy knives. they went to kentucky last friday night and have not been heard from since. we think we have disagreements. when we do, i hope we'll keep them not only in state, but also in this chamber where the people's business is supposed to be settled. [ applause ]

mr. carpenter's letter wasn't mainly about duels or haircuts. he wrote it because he'd gone to see the newly elected president, abraham lincoln, who had spent that day, his 52nd birthday, in indianapolis. young carpenter described lincoln's arrival at lafayette road, the procession down washington, pennsylvania, ohio and illinois streets to the baits house hotel. seeing the new president filled carpenter with hope, he said, that soon our government will be remodeled. i like the term. these measures i have mentioned are part of our continuing remodeling project. in three weeks, the entire world will fix its eyes on this city and our state. it should be a magic moment. i hope a matter of pride to

every hoosier everywhere. but the super bowl didn't get here overnight. indy's selection followed decades of constant striving and building and reforms to make our capital the vibrant, livable model city it has now become. no one leader or group of leaders made it happen. the work was passed from hand to hand, administration to administration, generation to generation. and in no era did the people of indianapolis rest or settle or loaf. so it will have to be with the construction of the great indiana we are determined to achieve. i carried here from its place on my desk an atomic clock given to me by a friend who served a sister state as governor with great distinction. it sits directly in front of me each day, counting down the days, hours, minutes and seconds until i turn over these duties

and return to private life. it is there to remind me to use every moment as well as i can to make indiana a place of greater promise and prosperity silently. it challenges me to search each day for the next improvement, the next efficiency, the next break-through, the next stroke of indiana leadership. yes, these nights are about the future. but i do look back at past speeches, if only to avoid repeating myself. in one, i recounted telling an east coast ceo who wondered what indiana was known for that one day he wouldn't have to ask. tonight, he doesn't. in another, i said i hoped we'd become bolder in our embrace of change. take our motto from the inspiring athletes of the special olympics and be a braver state. tonight, we are. in the very first of these meetings, i invited you and

every hoosier listening to join us in rejecting mediocrity, demanding excellence, aiming higher. tonight, we do. in a column titled "indiana promises a better future," a young graduate student, a life-long resident of a neighboring state, wrote to the indianapolis star that she had made a critical life decision. she would take her new degree and move to indiana. she cited our, quote, fiscally responsible choices. our economic integrity. our avoidance of out of control spending we see in so many other states. she concluded by predicting that more talented young people would make that, quote, short drive down i-69 to a more promising future. that is the state we have dreamed of. a state that magnetizes people of talent and the risk taking

capital that seeks to employ them. a state of growth. a state of hope. a state of promising futures. we are not yet fully that state. but we are so much closer to it. we have leapfrogged other places, pass more competitors than tony stewart at homestead. we are certain lly ir ref fut b different. until it became real, i never imagined that for eight fulfilling years, i would be given the chance to help make indiana different. on the night it became real, i resolved to use every day, take every action, make every change that might make our state a place of promising futures. i now have 369 days, 5 hours, 28

minutes and 9 seconds left as the people's employee. i pledge to use every one of them as wisely as i can in the service of those who sent us to this chamber. i ask you to do likewise. to be the kind of leaders, the new leadership state of indiana now expects us to be. god bless this assembly and this great state. [ applause ] [ applause ]

[ applause ] >> this joint assembly is adjourned. >> the house will reconvene at 1:30 p.m. tomorrow. we are adjourned.

here's what's coming up. next from davo, switzerland, a sweech by german chancellor angela merkel. then more state of the state addresses from a pair of republican governors. first from georgia, it's nathan deal. later, iowa easterry branstadt. be sure to join us next week when the senate select committee on intelligence hears about global threats to the u.s. witnesses include the head of the cia, david petraeus, and robert mueller, director of the fbi, among other intelligence chiefs. we'll have live cofferage of the

hearing for you starting at 10:00 a.m. eastern on our companion network, c-span. i do believe that the west, for all of its historical shortcomings, and i'm scathing in my book in discussing these shortcomings, because they have to be admitted, for all of these shortcomings, the west still today represents the most acceptable and workable, universally workable political culture. >> in 1991 the united states was the only global super power. today, how to restore its status in the world from former national security adviser brzezinski on his strategic vision. saturday night at 10:00 eastern on "after words." also this weekend on "book tv" did fdr use world war ii as a cover to create a more powerful executive branch? burton and anita full some atd

at 11:00. sunday at 11:00, the new privacy is no privacy. "book tv" every weekend on c-span 2. it would be intolerable if a handful of violent people, and that is what it is, just a handful, could harden us against needed change. i've seen an uglier violence, too. it perverts the very spirit of america. i saw it at the republican convention in 1964 when governor rockefeller was shouted down. i saw it in minneapolis, when governor wallace, a man with whom i disagree was heckled into silence. and it happened to me in philadelphia. we must give notice to this violent few. there are millions of decent americans who are willing to sacrifice for change. but they want to do it without being threatened. and they want to do it peacefully. they are the nonviolent majority. black and white. who are for change without violence. these are the people whose voice i want to be. >> as candidates campaign for

president this year, we look back at 14 men who ran for the office and lost. go to our website, c-span.org/thecontenders to see video of the contenders who had a lasting impact on american politics. >> i ancestors came across the ocean in sailing ships you wouldn't go across a lake in. when they arrived there was nothing here. they built their tiny little cabbens and they did it with neighbors helping one another, not federal grants. they came here because they wanted to be free. and they wanted to practice the religion of their choice. and after 200 years, too many of us take those privileges for granted. >> c-span.org/thecontenders. each year, hundreds of world leaders in politics, economics, philanthropy and business attend the world economic forum in davos, switzerland. this year the five-day forum

started with a special address by german chancellor angela merkel. she talked about the lessons learned following the global financial crisis and the importance of maintaining a united front in the eurozone. her remarks are followed by questions in this 40-minute event. [ applause ] >> translator: professor schwaub, madam president, allow me to welcome my colleague, the prime minister of denmark, to welcome him very cordially on behalf of all the heads of state of government because he's currency in the presidency of the european union. kplenlys, ladies and gentlemen and mr. schwaub, let me tell you i very gladly accepted your invitation to come here again. and particularly to come here this year to the world economic

forum. the annual meeting, after all, is in many ways the climax of many activities that you have during the year. the motto "the great transformation: shaping new models," that certainly is more than appropriate. it is also, however, very ambitious. davos, after all, has always been a very ambitious kind of place. what is needed is, as it were a big rethink, ever since 2008, 2009, we've been debating time and again what sort of lessons can we draw from this big global financial and economic crisis? so let us, perhaps, take a moment and reflect a question that i asked last year that i'm going to ask this year. what sort of lessons have we learned from the global financial and economic crisis? and is it sufficient, what we've learned? i think the answer to that is,

even in this year, it's still not quite sufficient. and if we are talking about having a rethink and breaking new ground, i think there's still room here for improvement. because if one is realistic, even perhaps a little bit pessimistic, one has to say that although in 2008-2009 we've experienced very clearly that there is a very close interdependency, we've not been able to bring the doha around to a successful conclusion, the international trade by the country. during our last meeting the osed said to us at the g-20 that there are increasing signs of protectionism so that protectionism is rather on the rise rather than the contrary. we have made certain progress as we've got regulation here in our last g-20 meeting. in cannes we found rules and

regulations for the big systemically important banks. but as regards the big area and important area of shadow banks, we will have to wait another two years until we come to satisfactory regulations. and if people ask us what have you learned, because, after all, there was a glaring lack of regulation that brought us into this predicament, let me perhaps not elaborate at any great length about the financial transaction text. but had the world actually learned its lessons and had we all said we have to show to our citizens we're not only paying some kind of tax on each and every product, but not on financial products, and we have to introduce that, well, we have to ground that it doesn't look promising. and the outlook to rio is going to be that we will meet in rio dena near owe. is there a follow-up on kyoto. the president just mentioned it. we have to be honest and say

there is going to be a time when we have less binding commitments in overall climate policy and then more. so there is a lot that remains to be done to the global leaders, and we also have to come up with the necessary speed. so we don't allow for unnecessary and irreversible damage to be done to our planet. now, europe certainly is a continent that currently needs to debate new methods. we've learned we're interdependent. we are part and parcel of one and the same world and one comm. but we've also learned in europe that the financial and economic crisis that started in america left a deep imprint on europe and we're still working on the fallout of this, trying to address that. so europe is a great and magnificent european political project. and i'm standing here before you firmly convinced that we, and i

think i speak on behalf of all my colleagues, wish to further develop this great achievement on the anniversary of the signing of the treaties of rome, we said we are fortunate, indeed, in being united in europe. and it is to our great luck that we are united. and we will not be happy and lucky if we do not show this commitment to unison. this year marks a year where the 7 billionth citizen of the planet was born. if we look at how the world has changed ever since the second world war, europe was a work of peace when it was first achieved. i think we cannot overestimate what a success this was after centuries of wars tore our continent apart. but at the time, there were 2.5 billion people living on this planet. the europeans have not exactly grown in size, but the world wo

billion inhabitants. and we have about 7% of the population, 20% of the world's gdp in europe. both of these figures will shrink over the next few years. apart from the question of war and peace, democracy and freedom, another question has been added to that. how can we actually maintain our position in this world? how can we bring our interests and our weight to bear? this is only possible not for individual european countries. after all we in germany, for example, have about 1% of the world's population. and because like the rest of europe, we have a demographic problem, the tendency is rather going downward. we need others to bring our weight to bear. so we are actually lucky to be able to be with others and to shape our common future. this motives us to go through this crisis and to come out strengthened at the end of this process. what is at the foreground of

discussions is quite often the problem of public indebtedness and of sovereign debt. this is why many people call this a sovereign debt crisis. but what has also become very clear, and this is just as important is that we have difficulties and weaknesses as regards our competitiveness in a number of european countries. and that's even more difficult to combat has also become more clear is in those countries which share a common currency, where economic and unitary union has made progress to where when one decided to opt for the euro, there is a clear lack of political structures of the necessary underpinnings to make this project work. now we will not become faint hearted in the face of this challenge. i am quite sure this is an analysis that is shared basically by all. those are deficits that have accrued over the years. and this means it's not going to be with one sort of waving of a magic wand we'll be able to overcome this to get rid of this.

but we are resolved to do what is necessary to address this. and because these structural weaknesses, because of the great burden that the global financial and economic crisis constituted were much more acutely felt, we have to address them. we would probably have not had to acknowledge their to deal more europe in budgetary discipline, not only because we're talking about budgets here, but finances, but because

we're talking about sustainability. this after all is what we're after. a stable growth, not only for europe, but for the whole of the world. a stable situation for the global economy and sustainability will have to be the trademark of future policies so that we come to stability. so the budget area and secondly the area of competitiveness linked to that also jobs. that is a central and crucial area. people will not believe in europe if there is too high unemployment. and thirdly, solidarity, showing solidarity towards each other. this, after all, is also an expression of our willingness and our conviction that we belonged together, that we wish to belong together. a and the world outside is expecting us to stand up for each other. if we think of the two first points that i mentioned and what has already been done by individual countries over the

past year, i would hold that this is not sufficiently acknowledged by that many people. maybe it's also not sort of really seen all that clearly by people. what is happening in portugal, what is happening in ireland, partly also in greece. maybe not always to the satisfactory extent. what has been done by spain. a lot more has actually been done than we have seen in the past in the 2000 european state of government said until 2010 they want europe to be the most competitive continent in the world, quote open, quite frankly. and quite obviously we have not been able to achieve this. but over the past few years, we have seen that something needs to be changed here. so it's not only austerity measures. i know each and every one is talking about this. but this is not only in and of

itself of the essence, but also structural reforms that lead to more jobs are essential. i'm deeply convinced of this. look at all of the examples we have seen in europe that have already undergone those reforms. sweden, for example, all look at the labor market reforms that we have launched in germany. they have brought about a massive change for the better and in germany from more than 5 million we have come down to less than 2. but we all know this takes longer than 12 months or 18 months to achieve. and it's extremely important that we are there for the duration, that we don't lose patience, that we remain steadfast on this course of reform. and since times so that matters are moving so quickly, that people tend to be very impatient, we still have to convince each other that this is necessary. on the 13th of january in only a few days, we will have an

extraordinary meeting of heads of government of the european union. we also later on will have our spring council. and on both of these jobs and growth will loom very large on the agenda. the commission of the president of the european commission has said we have 23 million companies in europe. we have 23 million people who are out of a job in europe. if each and every one of these companies were to employee a person, we would have solved the problem. i know this is too simplistic a view, but it is a start to think of it in this way as we have no really truly true mobility on the labor market among european member countries because we have not yet such a convergence of labor market reforms. we have to look at what countries have made the best experience. we have to look at those benchmarks. we have to look at the legal assistance underpinning those. for example, even though labor

legislation may not be an area where there is european competence, we need to take a closer look at that. we also have to reflect where our funds that perhaps do not make the best and most effective possible use of their monies, how can we address that. how can we make better use of this. how can we perhaps set up partnering partnerships between countries that have made very good experience in certain areas. because i think it is really urgently necessary that particularly young people can make the experience that varies progress. if there are certain countries that have a 20% youth unemployment rate, some even 40%, i don't think it's a great miracle that you've seen many, many young people not being exactly convinced that europe is a good option for them. we are convinced that the danish presidency is going to pursue this, together with the european

commission. and incidentally, independently of whether you belong to the euro area or not, this is a project that we can all join in on. we have, for example, the euro plus pack that allows us to do that. there are also quite a number of people who ask us what about more binding commitments in europe and more solidarity. i think in europe we have now come to a point where foreign policy gradually seems to become common domestic policy. we have to debate what the shape and form the single market ought to take. we have to be candid and honest here. it's of no use to always sort of say we're so lucky, we're so fortunate to be united in this great europe. that is true. but if future generations are to say the same thing, then it is incumbent upon us to turn this europe into -- a well working one into a functioning europe.

which means we have to be ready to transfer more confidences to europe. we have a stability and growth pact. we've had this in place for many, many years. but this stability and growth pact was not -- was not capped. actually germany and france haven't even watered it down at the time when the lisbon treaty was drawn up, it was said the european court of justice will not be given the competence to pass a ruling on us if we infringe upon the rules. so in the end, they were saying and our publics were saying but they're promising things that they don't really keep. and that is the view all over the world. so the real message of the fiscal compact that we're trying to agree on right now is that each and every one is to introduce a cap on debts, so-called a debt break and do this, inscribe this and incorporate in the constitution and the european court of justice. we'll monitoret