so we are no longer using any excuses. we are no longer deincluding ourselves or deincluding others. we're opting for this, and this is of the essence, because otherwise we will lose credibility. but i'm telling you. over the next few years, there have to be more steps of integration. this cannot be the last one. we will have to make more progress in the interests of our competitiveness and of job creation. as i said earlier on. obviously one can also argue why do they make these incredibly ambitious appeals to us? and i know that germany, some people say it's because of economic imbalances and whether it makes sense within one common monetary area to actually look at economic imbalances. i mean could the same -- i could do the same thing for germany, because the north traditionally is much stronger than -- is much weaker in germany than the

south. and there are also certain inherent intentions. but it's true there are tensions in the euro area. germany is going to participate in reducing such imbalances in those areas where we see unfair barriers existing, for example, in the services area. but if these imbalances that come out of different levels of competitiveness, that brings us to a very interesting point. do we wish coherence and consistency with that ambition? then all of this boils down to the lowest common denominator. or do we wish to look at who actually has the best practices, who can serve as a benchmark for all of us. then we have an opportunity if we follow those role models to actually be global players. it's not only cohesion at all costs that we should be after. but the role of europe, what sort of role can europe play in a globally interdependent world.

and so what we cannot say because for 50 years we've been at the very top, we are confident that we will remain there for the next 50 years. no, quite the contrary. we have to work for this every di. we have to have competitive products in our product range that people like to buy all over the world. we have to be innovative. and if we are not able to do this, then for many, many years to come, we will certainly be an interesting place to take a vacation in, but we will not be able to maintain or even increase in prosperity for our people. so what is important is not who is stricter, who is less strict. what is important is creating and maintaining prosperity for europe of the future. and i think we ought to be ambitious in bringing this about. which is why i'm firmly convinced that we need to continue to work on this. obviously there are certain first steps that we have already made and that will bring us

closer to a fiscal compact and a fiscal union. but if i look at the discussions that are still raging, how can we be more cohesive, and i would say that we can even be even faster and more resolved in bringing about changes. is europe actually growing closer together? that's what has happened over the past few months. there is attention still. one can be very open in addressing that. there are euro member countries and noneuro member countries we have to be careful that this remains a common europe while obviously certain countries work more closely together than certain others. but i am convinced we can keep this common europe together. now how do i measure this solidarity of european members for each other? and particularly in the euro area. i sometimes have the impression that internationally people seem to use as a yardstick the degree

to which we are willing to be liable for each other and to what extent we are willing to set up a file, the extent to which we are willing to spend money. and that is a very controversial issue, a very contentious issue. it has quite a lot to do also with where you actually come from, from different cultures. we have set up a temporary rescue mechanism in the shape and form of the efsf. we have 770 billion guarantees. the markets say it's 440 really in real money because they want us to be aaa. we have the necessary programs. portugal, ireland and in the future also greece can be financed. then we have rendered this umbrella more flexible. no one has yet had recourse to it. it's a good thing that this has not been necessary.

and then we said let's set up a permanent mechanism. because that is a clear acknowledgment that this is not just a short-term exercise, but a lasting and durable one. 550 billion capital that has already paid. and one may rely on this, because this is going to take the shape and form of the instrument in international law. and then people say this is not sufficient, although the ecb by the end of the year was supporting our banks on a three-year basis through 500 billion. and people say but this has to be doubled. then we would believe you others say. it has to be tripled. then we would actually be true believers in your solidarity. now that brings me to the question, but for how long will this be credible? because if a people then say, well, show us whether you actually have the money, are we still credible? allow me each and every of our

countries in europe is a strong country, although some a little bit stronger, others a little less stronger. people believe that germany is particularly strong. true. germany is quite strong. it's particularly big compared to others. but it's not as if we were saying we don't wish to show solidarity. we are not willing to enter into binding commitments. that is not true. we have said right from the start that we wish to stand up for the euro. but what we don't want is a situation where we are forced to promise something that in the end we will not be able to fulfill. if germany, for example, on behalf of all of the other member countries were promising something, that if the markets really attack us, we will not be able to come up with, then we have indeed an open flank. and i think we have shown in many, many ways that we are serious about showing solidarity and binding commitments. the rescue package and the

willingness that we say yes if we violate the rules, we are ready to have others bring legal action against us, and also those areas that are part and parcel of community law. and all of that we say to those who are questioning our solidarity and our steadfastness to stand and our willingness to stand up for others. ladies and gentlemen, the problems that europe has are the ones that i addressed quite frankly here. let me tell you we -- i know that we are labeled the big economic headache of the global economy. but i think if one is honest, we will probably not -- we're probably not the only headache that the global economy has there are a number of other countries where quite a lot still remains to be done. if we agree on this, i am calm because i know we all have our work cut out for ourselves and we'll be kept busy for the next few months. for the next g-20 meeting, when

we meet in mexico, i want us to work on the agenda for growth and employment. the mexican presidency has set out an agenda on this. apart from green growth, sustainable growth, food security, and also climate protection and energy. we will need to continue to work on financial market regulation and also on how can we secure free world trade. now one last remark on the transatlantic relationship. because we make such slow progress on the doha round, one will probably resort to a cause of action where individual regions will come to bilateral agreements with certain other regions. we've done that with south korea. we're working on one with japan, although i don't consider this to be the best coarse of action. but i think also across the

atlantic, we have many, many possibilities of creating a free trade area that we as yet do not have. we are the most important trading partners in the united states and europe, and the potential of our cooperation has by far not been tapped. we have still quite numerous obstacles that hinder us from more cooperation than for example non-tariff area, services, investments, technical standouts, the procurement but to mention but a few. and i'm very gratified to note that i notice both from the european and the american side a willingness to work together more. it will take some time. but there is this willingness. apart from our cooperation with many others with japan, with india, with latin america, apart from these classical areas that we cooperate in, i see in many,

many other areas where we can work together more closely. i wish you every success. i wish you interesting and fruitful discussions. i think it also opens up great opportunities for having open debates. and i notice there are quite a number of players from particularly the social security area that are present here. i would lick to tell you quite frankly we as politicians need this kind of input. because we've seen after all we can only achieve success and only can only be successful if we work together. the experience that we europeans made from the global, financial, and economic crisis is that our market economy has proved itself in such a sense that both sides of industry have to be in on this for our economies to be successful. so every success for your meetings here in davos.

>> translator: federal chancellor, you have raised a lot of issues that are important to us. and you have given answers to those questions too. and you said that you are prepared to go into some of them perhaps a little more detail. my first question is in connection with the vision. you said we need to dare more europe and we need to give more powers to europe. what is your long-term vision of europe? are we going in the direction of the united states of america? how do you see the future of europe if a young man or a young woman were to ask you today what would you were look like in 20 years' time. what would be your answer? >> translator: i actually think that we are a model in and of itself. a very unique model. the united states of america so

quickly will not be a sort of role model to follow. but i think what we really need is a very clear commitment among ourselves that we wish to coordinate our policies as closely as possible. as regards the relationship between the nation state and europe, we will have very difficult debates ahead of us, because particularly in germany, there are very strict rules that are laid down and also monitored. but the federal and constitutional court as to the very structure of a nation state. i would say to young people in a few year's time, you will be able to change residence as students do these days. quite often you will be able to take your pension rights with you. you will be able to take out insurances. you will be able to take up a place of residence and also to work. that is something that

essentially can do already now. but there are still quite a lot of obstacles to actually doing this. i hope that there is going to be a european public that will come out of that and will develop out of that, where it will be more and more a matter of course not only for students, but also for pensioners for workers to live and work in different places dealing with the european institutions. well, i think we have to actually become used to the commission becoming more and more like a government with all the competences that it will be given. for us in germany this is not all that unusual. because we have, after all, with lender governments that have their own competence as we will probably have a stronger european parliament and the heads of state and government will be something like a second term. and the european court of justice will be our legal

questions. and i hope that almost all countries will then be members of the euro. not all, but i don't -- i don't want to create diplomatic problems here. >> well, let's hope so. and do you mean the uk, denmark? the prime minister is here today. let's perhaps not go too deeply into that. but you were talking about the values of europe of peace, freedom, and democracy. this has always been the message that europe has given to the rest of the world do. you not believe that peace by the younger generations is taken for granted? freedom is also taken for granted. and democracy is considered to

be something that works very slowly. but people are starting to doubt it. what should be the message for europe in the 20th century? >> translator: well, i believe that every generation needs to ensure that democracy works. we actually have to face great challenges, particularly as regards the importance of the internet as regards the wish of people to participate, the traditional parties will have it very difficult to secure the support of their voters for automatic times. there will be certain projects that young people will be interested in. and then they will follow parties on that. but the democratic stretches will change. but democratic -- the general democratic principles is there is freedom of opinion, of secret ballot, that there is freedom of voting, i will certainly stand

up for this because i haven't yet seen a better model. the biggest danger that i see is that a number of people who do not know the sort of democracy that we have will say to people, well, it is so slow. but uthere are always these politicians are not really granting us our rights that is something that would still perhaps be acceptable, but that they are constantly living at the expense of future generations. if that is the accusation that is leveled against us, then we have a big problem. >> translator: with president sarkozy, chancellor, you have done a great deal together for europe. you're a tandem in a way. but there are a number of question marks over that as well. how do you see the integration in the future? how do you see the basic basic

that you're driving with president sarkozy? >> translator: i believe that it is on the other hand expected from germany and france that we show a harmonious front when we come to council meets, and that people don't really like us when we announce something previously. so they don't like us at all when we don't like each other, and they don't like us either when we have already grid upon most matters before we come there. and then people are frustrated because they think, well, they are the ones who call the shots apparently. why is this important? it's important because it's not that angela merkel and nicolas sarkozy are so important, but in the way of thinking of french politicians and also german politicians, there are certain basic patterns of contradictory patterns as well are played out.

and we have to overcome them. the belgian prime minister said to me recently that belgium is actually quite a good role model. on a small scale, it is in a way emblematic of what france and germany have by way of systems. the polls for example. but who do you think you are? italy and spain after all are also big countries. and europe is only working if we strike the right balance between the so-called bigger and the so-called smaller countries. and that's not an easy task to have. the danish prime minister will also be able to tell us a thing or two about this. anyone who has ever been in the presidency knows how difficult it is to inform each and every of those 27 member countries at one and the same time about what is going on. and they also have to overcome language barriers. in a few years time we will also have telephone conferences. i'm quite confident of them. and our ministers already do it. modes of communication with each other also need to be changed. but it's not always all that easy. it's fun also.

and it's an ambitious project. >> translator: dr. merkel, when you mentioned the countries at the end of your presentation, you didn't say anything about russia. russia is a very important partner of europe. could you say a few words about our relations with russia and what you would like to see as the relationship between europe and the russian federation in the future? >> well, europe as we see it i think also i would like to remind you is after all surrounded by countries who wish to be closer to europe. what with the, for example, european partnership. poland, the ukraine are very good examples of that. but also others. secondly, we have a situation with turkey that we have not yet resolved. and that is quite a delicate

one, and we also have a relationship with russia that is being intensified. we will also have debates about the -- certainly about the process of democratization. but russia after all is a very important supplier of energy. it's an important possible market for european products. it's also a very important partner for many foreign policy issues. so i think i consider them to be a very important partner, which is why i have always tried to foster our relationship. but -- and that's also important. never sort of without at the same time acknowledging the interests of poland. we together with poland and vis-a-vis russia. >> translator: dr. merkel, with great courage and steadfastness you have shown, is this something you doubt in your policy?

>> translator: i'm not yet all that doubtful otherwise i wouldn't be here. but things do tend to take a very long time. sometimes i know we germans also at fault here. on the one hand, you have this enormous dynamism in the business area. and on the other hand it's only legitimate to have all those who are participating in the political process are truly giving them their say. so i would like to ask all of you who are here as represent senters of the business community please realize when you're working in a democracy, it is a great thing to be in. and please take the long drawn-out processes with a certain degree also of acceptance. what would be your wish? how can the side of industry of the business communities support you? your work? the business community to the

extent that they come from europe can give a contribution by create mortgage jobs, creating thereby more hope for people. i think our industry representers ought to be candid, ought to tell us why they leave us and go to other places in the world. we want to create jobs for people in europe. and for those who look from the outside have not yet invested in europe, i would invite them. take a very close look as what has happened in the past 12 to 18 months. europe will become more attractive once we have gone through this crisis. and i'm absolutely convinced that we will be able to master this crisis and get out of it. then europe will have done a lot of its homework. so please don't forget us when you're thinking of investments. >> translator: yes. we wish you every good wish, and we thank you very much indeed for having come to make this presentation and speak to thus evening. thank you very much indeed. [ applause ]

sheer what is ahead. next more state of the state speeches. first from georgia an address from republican governor nathan deal. and then to iowa, where republican governor terry branstad gives his annual address. and after that, vermont democrat peter shumlin and his speech. >> april 15th, 2010 i had arrived in paris, walked into the hotel lobby, met general mcchrystal for the first time. and he looked at me and he said, "so you're the rolling stone guy. i don't care about the article. i just want to be on the cover." >> michael hastings wrote about the commander of u.s. and nato forces in afghanistan in the june 2010 issue of "rolling stone." >> i said, well, sir, i think it's between you and lady gaga. you know, i was just trying to make some joke, not knowing lady gaga was actually going to be on

the cover. general mcchrystal replied "just put me and lady gaga in a heart-shaped tub." and i thought this is a different kind of general. this is going to be a different kind of story. >> but several months later as a result of the article, general mcchrystal had been fired. michael hastings continues the story and talks about his new book "the operators" on c-span's q&a. c-span's road to the white house coverage takes you live to the events in florida through the weekend leading up to tuesday's galena park primary. >> by the end of my second term. we will have the first permanent base on the moon, and it will be american. and by the end of 2020, we will have the first continuous propulsion system in space, capable of getting to mars in a

remarkably short time. because i'm sick of being told we have to be timid and sick of being told we have to be limited to technologies that are 50 years old. >> and when the founder said that the creator had endowed us with certain unalienable rights, among them life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness, they laid out a path for america that was not temporary, but enduring. a path that says in america we can pursue happiness as we choose. we do not need a government to tell what's kind of car to get. we do not need a government to tell what's kind of light bulb we're going to have. we do not need a government to tell what's kind of health care we're going have. >> and see what they're posting on social media at c-span.org/campaign2012. republican governor nathan deal delivered his second state of the state address to lawmakers earlier this month. he outlined the priorities of the new term, focusing on advancing georgia's educational

system and expanding the transportation system. governor deal was elected as georgia's 82nd governor last january. his speech is about 40 minutes. [ applause ] >> thank you. thank you very much. thank you. thank you. thank you. lieutenant governor, mrs. speaker, president pro item williams, speaker pro item jones, members of the general

assembly, constitutional officers, members of the judiciary, my fellow georgians. in centuries long past in a world far removed from the one we know today, the age of exploration captivated the minds of brave young men. these individuals traveled far distant waters through distant shores to identify the unknown. their will to explore outweighing the countless dangers, the hardships, and the tragedies that they faced. it is an age we now define by these names. columbus, da gama and magellan. with only primitive tools at their disposal, they charted a course by looking to stars for guidance. the nights were not always clear. the waters not always friendly.

for each man commanding a vessel on the high seas there was always the temptation to give up and turn back. but we know these men today because they held steadfast to their course, leading them to discover new worlds, and to expand the opportunities for mankind. georgians have charged us to set a course for our state. and they have defined the stars that we must follow to expand opportunity. the star of education. we must provide great schools that will cultivate the minds in our young people. the star of transportation. we must provide safe roads and avenues of commerce. the star of security. we must give georgians the ability to live in safe communities.

and the guiding star in our constellation, jobs. we must create a business climate that provides georgians with their best shot at a good job. these are the stars on which our eyes must be cast. and as we focus them there, we will chart a course for our great state. tonight i will discuss our course as we go forward. but first i think it would be well served for us to take a rear view mirror look for just a moment. the situation we faced one year ago and the progress we have made bears our attention. one year ago, i said the state of our state is strong. that possess a unique set of strengths. but we also faced unusual and historic collections of challenges. when we met on