ray said you're not going to let the press bluff you out. are you? i hear applause across both lobby -- we had arrangements that he was to leave out of a back door and wilson one of our advancemen would be at the car and jump in the car and take him home. and so he wouldn't see anybody. so instead of once he'd heard from jack and ray he decided he'd come down and interrupt my press conference and when i heard applause they announced he'd left. guy thought he was in the safe hands of pete wilson. any rate, next thing i knew somebody's tapping me on the shoulder. there was nixon making his

speech. >> yeah, i've seen the tape of it. >> you see me looking like i'm sick. >> ray parson told me before i saw the speech that it is not as bad as everybody made it out to be and that although there's definitely some anger and resentment, there are also moments of coherence and are these contained. but it is another one of these classic moments of nixon on television having this very important effect on his career. >> actually, when i went back in the campaign in '69 i decided i bet better read it. ever since that moment i just go to mexico with my friend bob wilson and his wife and my wife. so when i read it again it didn't sound as bad to me. >> well that's what price said. he reread it or he watched it

again. >> but the effect, he was an angry man picking on a couple reporters and richard burkeholtz was his principal target. >> but again it is impromptu. he is a man known for his preparation and being so careful. >> this went contrary to everything he had agreed to from the moment he got up in the morning. he just on an instant took the advice and went deaf. because he was angry inside, i'm sure. >> let's move ahead to the later '60s. did you assume that he meant that that was it? >> yeah. i went down to puerto vallarta with my friend the wilsons and that was the end of it. howard k. smith came on with a tv show called "the obituary of richard nixon" which he

apologized to me later, but he did it. >> which must have fagalled nix. >> no. i'm sure that was the end of his career. but when '64 came up, none of his friends tried to talk him into getting back in the race. i was against him getting in. going back to '62, there was one other important meeting. before he ran, he was getting advice from a lot of his new york friends and len hall and others that he ought to run for governor, that was a way to keep alive. so he had a meeting of about 10 or 12 of us who are close at some friend's house in malibu for about two hours one afternoon and we talked the

whole issue through and he didn't tell us what he decided but he listened to all the arguments back and forth, said he wanted to go back and talk to pat and the girls about it. so most of us thought he should not run. i think he'd made up his mind before he left the house but he didn't want to tell us. throughout the weekend here on american history tv on c-span3, watch personal insurance views about historic events on oral histories. our history bookshelf features some of the best known history writers. revisit key figures, battles and events during the 150th anniversary of the civil war. visit college classrooms across the country, go behind the scenes at museums and historic sites and looking at the policies and presidents of past

presidents. coming up next, a panel of scholars describes how they've used oral histories to present a more complete record of protests of college campuses in the 1960s and '70s, they focus on the university of kansas, kent state university and rutgers university in new jersey. university in new jersey. this event is part of the oral history association's annual conference. it lasts about an hour and a half. good morning. and welcome to our panel. history, memory and campus protests during the long 1960s, i'm barbara truesdell assistant director at indiana university and i'll be your chair this morning. we have four speakers. then we will have a question and answer session at the end of all the talks.

let's begin with kelly sartorius who currently serves as director of development for college of arts and sciences at washington university in st. louis. she holds a ph.d in maamerican history from kansas state university. her work shared today comes from oral history interviews conducted over eight years with dr. emily taylor, the former dean of women at the university of kansas. her paper is entitled "a dean of women and student activism: cooperative intergenerational work during the student protests at the university of kansas." kelly? >> thank you, barbara, and thank you all for coming and being here so early on a friday morning. we appreciate it. the work i'm presenting today comes if my dissertation. so i'm going to follow my text pretty closely. if i don't, i'll talk for five hours and not 20 minutes. so thank you. today i'd like to talk about the long '60s as they appeared on

the university of kansas. and then contemplate what this one campus might tell us about history and memory of the '60s. the women's movement in particular. our common memory tends to center on the late 1960s and early 1970s. imagery of the time period on college campuses includes the vietnam war protests, drug culture, violence, black power and women's liberation as students were pictured as pushing unwilling campus administrators to release traditional cultural norms that governed student lives. the stories which i'm sharing today will show some of the impulses for student activism at university of kansas were being fostered intergenerationally through the dean of women's office. these activities began almost a decade before the campus uncrest unfolded nationally. the liberal feminist platform would reach into student protest

agendas as well as women's liberation and civil rights. christine stansell notes in the second wave of the women's movement that there was a longer, quieter route to the new feminism, one that is often overlooked when historians are too quick to fasten on to the combustion of the late 1960s. for ku it has been easy to focus on the time period of the late 1960s and early 1970s when chaos erupted on campus. national guard troops marched near campus and the student union burned. however, a closer look at the activities at the university of kansas and in the dean of women's office will show that there was a longer, quieter route to student activism at ku and women and feminist activity intertwined in the heart of it. i will be making three major points today in the ku events which i share. first, the early involvement of the dean of women's office with women students intentionally

fostered feminist attitudes and created an intergenerational dialogue regarding social change. second, this administrator specifically sought to shift gender roles and foster integration of blacks and whites on the campus. third, the administrator built an intergenerational feminist network which resulted in the dean of women's office becoming very involved in stemming the 1970 violence at ku. overall, the events i will review show administrative involvement in core areas of student activism. all areas were scholarship and historiography has often assumed that students initiated change. before we move into the specific events on the ku campus, i want to make a few comments about why the long '60s has been overlooked in the history of the women's movement at ku and i believe on other college campuses as well. first dean of women's offices

remained largely outside of most historical inquiry as student affairs is not commonly covered in histories of higher education, it's kind of the red-headed stepchild of higher education in general. and there are a few that even know that a dean of women once existed on college campuses. secondly, and most importantly for this conference, the events i will share today are not obvious without oral history. the ku dean destroyed her records. so little exists outside form letters and newspaper clips in the university archives for her office. for eight years i conducted interviews with her. while much of what i share has vestiges in the university archives, it required oral

history to provide a map for me to find these activities within the traditional historical resources. as you x see from the list of records i reviewed, this was not a simple process to cross-reference memories from historical interviews with the traditional primary references. that's a list of all the different places i had to go to map this together. now, let me set the stage at the university of kansas for the long '60s during a time we decidedly do not link with social upheaval, the 1950s. in 1956 ku's chancellor hired a new dean of women, emily taylor. taylor was young for her position at a large co-ed carol school, only 40, taylor trained with one of the most well respected scholars in student affairs, kate hevner mueller who comes from your school, indiana university where she served as dean of women. she authored a very progressive text, educating women for a changing world. some have said of mueller's book that it anticipated the values of the second wave of the women's movement. it's my contention these deans of women did not anticipate the values of the second wave. instead they intentionally fostered these precepts among women students on their campuses.

under mueller's tutelage, taylor believed women student potential should be maximized through a rigorous higher education, and taylor arrived at ku interested in using student government to help women move past traditional gender roles and the perception that marriage and career were mutually exclusive choices. this was progressive for the time as much of the popular discussion during the 1950s was actually working toward domesticating women's education so it could reflect women's roles in the home. deans of women arose in the late 1800s out of the believed need of a chaperone for women students on traditionally male campuses. for decades women and men were divided on college campuses in terms of activities and living arrangements. stereotypes of deans of women often depicted her as a disciplinarian. this eclipsed her role in advising women students regarding their academic paths,

career choices and leadership development. in reality, the dean of women was often the highest ranking woman on a co-educational campus. many like taylor had direct lines to the president for chancellor of the university. all women student needs were considered the dean of women's responsibility, and in many co-ed carol campuses deans of women created what might now be referred to as a women's college within a college. campuses in the mid 20th century were thick with parietal rules for women students, largely regulating their interactions with men. minor infractions of these rules often led to significant disciplinary action, and no woman had a key to her dormitory or residence. a woman returning late to her campus housing found herself locked out and having to either alert administrators to her plight or find a willing friend to help her sneak back into her room. by the way, if you let someone sneak back in you were in as big of trouble as the person who was

late. the system purported to prevent pre marital sex and codified women's lives with webs of regulations. at ku the parietals worked similarly with all women undergraduates belonging the the ku chapter of the enter collegiate associated women students, a student government group overseen the dean of women. as on many campuses, the aws at ku functioned as a legislature, they handled all the women's activities and the programming and this also included the parietal regulations. when taylor arrived in 1956 she worked closely with the leaders of the aws and began shifting the programming. it went away from things like fashion shows and best dressed women contests, and, for instance, in the 1956-'57 school year, her first year at ku, she hosted a program on the legal discrimination of women in the united states and she began to suggest career options for women to consider.

she created a committee of undergraduate women to research ku alumni who established careers outside the home. as she worked with aws she became frustrated as the women spent the majority of their time and their energy administering and creating the parietal rules. taylor felt this took the students' attention away from their academic pursuits and resulted at fencing at windmills because the women who didn't want to follow the rules found ways around them. taylor set out to dismantle the regulation apparatus at ku. history has recognized the dissolution of parietals, but they've been recognized as a student driven phenomenon in the '60s likely because they focused on the chaos of the mid to late portion of the decade. indeed by looking at news reports this seems like a very reasonable explanation. in 1966 when the aws passed a motion to allow all but freshmen women to have keys to their

residence, the vote produced a storm of protests from parents and citizens across the state. historian beth bailey took a close look at the chancellor's correspondence whereby parent after parent wrote criticizing women's desires to have keys to their residence because that would allow them to avoid curfews which meant they could stay out late with boys. without oral history, the interpretation that women students drove the resistance to parietals seems reasonable. however, by using oral history interviews as a map through the ku archives, a different set of facts emerged. by tracing taylor's advising of the aws since 1956, it becomes apparent that thissed a more or actually drove the dissolution of curfews at ku against student preferences. in 1958 taylor began to disassemble the parietals. she suggested renovating all of the rules and providing keys to senior women. this was in 1958. copious aws minutes reveal the women resisted the ideas of

relaxing curfews or eliminating the closing hours even for senior women. in fact, when the residences voted on the topic, the archival records show that only a third of the houses approved seniors having keys. so the women themselves had bought into this structure. in the 1966 aws vote cataloged as a student driven effort to remove parietals was actually the culmination of taylor's efforts to unravel what she considered to be rules that did not allow women to learn to make their own decisions regarding their actions, and the main point i would like to reenforce here is that this is an administrator pushing students to dissolve parietals in order to dissolve the institutional support of gender roles which she felt limited women's potential to move into careers and roles outside the home. the second set of events that i would like to share revolves

around what has often been seen as the purview of women's liberation, women's reproductive rights, access to birth control, abortion and understanding women's bodies and women's health. this is an area that no one thinks of the dean of women being involved in. at ku, advocacy for these advanced initially within the dean of women's office as well. taylor was able to work in these areas because she had an extensive staff that wound through the various women's housing groups. taylor used these staff to communicate with students and the network provided taylor with information about women's daily lives including the reality of premarital sex. as the head counselor for women, deans of women had always confronted unplanned pregnancies among undergraduate women's students. after witnessing detrimental results of students seeking back alley abortions in the early 1960s, taylor began quietly referring young women who desired an abortion to a kansas psychiatrist who made recommendations for termination of pregnancies based on mental

health needs. in 1960 when the pill became available an assistant dean of women recalled students began quietly asking questions within the residence halls about access to the pill. he responded by providing information to circulate among women students. not long after women students and staff in the dean of women's office begn calling for access to contraceptive prescriptions in the student health center. they were refused. next the office hosted a 1966 panel on birth control access to pressure the student health center to respond and change its stance. when the student health center continued to say no, we are not doing this, taylor's staff began organizing sex education seminars with the aws specifically in 1968. these drew large numbers of students and taylor and her staff suggested the women bring their boyfriends. they ended up hosting them at hoch auditorium which is the largest auditorium on that particular campus. it's important to note most

histories of the women's movement trace women's liberation as rising as young women began to resent their relegation to support roles in these types of groups. while this was undoubtedly one path, at ku feminist awareness developed in the dean of women's office as well. taylor's liberal feminist activism. for instance, taylor actually assigned one of her staff members, an assistant dean of women to staff the women's liberation groups on campus. when these radical groups met, often they would assemble in the dean of women's office. mind you this is a few feet down the hall from the chancellor's office. the combination of more radical and mainstream liberal feminisms in taylor's office was clear in the library house there. she had this large room on women's resources which was rare to find various texts regarding women in the late '60s.

her text ranged from career and graduate school guides to the now statement of purpose. she had the politics of housework and beverly jones and judith brown tour of female liberation movement in the actual library. the thing i thought was so interesting was it was not uncommon to find in the campus mail such publications as the bitch manifesto and foundations for social change. gay folk. the point i want to emphasize here is that this administrator extended her umbrella of programming to include radical feminists and their agenda and the students involved in those areas. now that we've considered the growth of feminism at ku, i'd like to share a few stories regarding how this interactive, intergenerational women's network also extended into other areas of social activism. first i will consider civil rights and second i will discuss ku student protests in 1970.

ku saw a large civil rights sit-in at the university administration building strong hall in 1965 on the day after bloody sunday in selma, alabama. taylor new about the protest before it occurred through her before it occurred through her network of staff and students. because the chancellor perceived her as credible to both administrators and black students, he chose taylor to head some of the negotiations that followed the sit-in. taylor clearly preferred university accommodation of black student concerns as she did not expel the women students involved in the sit-in, despite the chancellor's directive to do so. this calls the dean of men, very quick to act on the chancellor's request, to have to rescind the expulsions he imposed on the male protesters. in addition, two days after the sit-in, a few african-american women living in lewis hall working with assistant dean donna shavlik began integrating the approved women's housing

list. what is an approved women's housing list you might ask. tet the time university parietals stated women students were only allowed to live in a residence hall, sorority or approved housing in the community that was on a list in the the dean of women's office. the dean of women's office actually provided training to these african-american women who then would go to homes listed on the approved list, and they would present this letter of identification signed by taylor that showed that these women were knowingly coming to represent the university and try to rent the apartment. if they were refused, taylor and her staff would remove the landlord from the approved list. by the late 1960s, the aws chapter taylor advised began offering programming on white

racism and institutional racism. this is the aws group offering these programs. also in the late 1960s taylor championed black students call for black cheerleaders which may not sound that radical today. the alumni association at ku just about thought the world was coming do an end to add black cheerleaders to the process. these examples regarding civil rights illustrate the dean of women using her office to foster social change in areas not normally attributed to campus administrations or deans of women. i think it's important to note here that most majority white professional women of the time had an inconsistent history of dealing with racial prejudice. taylor was no different in this respect and some aspects of structural racism took longer for her to recognize. finally, i'd like to move to discussing student unrest at ku, particularly as it manifested over anti-war sentiments. there's not time today to catalog the events that led up to the level of protests shown in my initial slides. however, i want to note that ku was not a latecomer to student unrest. ku sits on i-70 and was often used as a stop-over point for

students going from the east coast to the west coast. it was certainly in the midsts of the protests and all of their activities happened at the same time that activities were happening on the coasts. in may 1965 many acts of violence began against rotc and anti-war protest was a regular feature on the campus. by may of 1969 the chancellor called in the national guard concerned about the potential for violence and in the spring of 1970 that violence erupted. a bomb was discovered on campus outside the administration building. arsonists set fire to the student union. this is the building of the building that night. snipers actively took shots as various protest factions threatened to strike to force the university to close after the kent state tragedy. the governor of kansas declared the university would remain open. parents and quite frankly many students panicked, and as one integral staffer recalled, the top administration seemed to freeze. into this void stepped the

network of women that taylor and her staff had developed. a female graduate student suggested to taylor they initiate an information hotline for students, faculty and parents. taylor agreed to set up the 24-hour phone line in her office using her phone number so students and faculty could report incidents and also test and find out about the veracity of rumors. as a result, the staff could also find out about potential unrest and try to defuse it before it happened. for instance, when 300 students disintegrated on the military science building, rocks in hand, a number of taylor's young staffers were there. the staffers wound through and calmly asked the protesters for rocks which they actually would give to them. we ended up with enough rocks for a small doghouse remembered an assistant dean of women. eventually one of these women spoke to the group encouraging calm and diffusing the protest. soon after this potential riot,

taylor agreed to allow one of the key student protest groups to set up operations in her office using all of her facilities, phone lines, everything. mimeographs -- remember it was the mimeographs at that point to help defuse the violence on campus. taylor and her staff's work to lessen tensions has been absent in every count of the student protests. two factors produced this result. first, scholars have not thought to look at an office organized for women's affairs as a venue to consider coordination with new left activities. second, the intergenerational organizing within the office meant the activities were low profile because they were coordinated with students. the examples of taylor's involvement in civil rights and the student protests illustrate that the dean of women and her staff played a role in facilitating racial access and new left ideals within the new organizational structure of the intuition. taylor's actions arose from her desire to reduce the likelihood of violence on campus and the

network taylor developed through women's residences and women's organizations enabled her office to tap into the communities of black students and the new left working with both men and women from their vantage point within the ku structure. i'd like to return to the initial question i asked, what do the activities in the dean of women's office at ku tell us about history and memory of the 60s and the women's movement in particular? the story of dean emily taylor illustrates stansell's point is correct, when historians lock on to the chaos of a narrowly defined 60s, the more complicated nuances go unnoticed regarding '60s activism. in addition, at least at the ku campus, the development of feminism did not simply follow the commonly understood trajectory of new left women becoming fed up with support roles in radical organizations. while this was undoubtedly one path to feminist awareness, at ku the ground for feminist consciousness began to be sewed

in the late 1950s through the direct action of one university administrator. to close, none of these stories would have been possible to trace as a pattern without the extended interviewing i conducted with taylor and a number of women affiliated with her office. this project began in 1997 and i made a choice to interview taylor until her death in 2004. slowly we built a trusting relationship in what i would call a series of concentric circles which started very formally and ended with her sharing stories which i think she initially planned to keep private. by following her most prevalent topic, aws which quite frankly bored me to tears when she would tell me about it, i backtracked through the ku archives looking for vestiges of the various meetings, interactions and topics she recalled almost 25 years later. without oral history there would be little chance to piece this together. obviously no one writes down they're referring a woman to a psychiatrist to consider the option of abortion.