perfectly logical expression of this vision. the president was equally -- to locate a permanent capital on the banks of the potomac. quote, that there is a diversity of interest in the union, no one has denied washington told a friend who warned him of regional animosity. this is the case also in every state is equally certain. but i ask again, which is most blameworthy, those who see and will steady pursue their interests or those who cannot see or seeing will not act wisely. here was a coded endorsement of

the hamiltonian program combining a strong central government with a unified financial structure topped by a presidential cult of personality, bordering on adulation. at one point, for example, hamilton seriously suggested that washington's profile grace leon nation's coinage but the house of representatives rejected that idea as incompatible with the republican virtue. senator clay of pennsylvania went so far as to call washington a cat's paw in the hands of designing speculators, led of course, by the secretary of the treasury. quote, the president has become in the hands of hamilton the dish clout of every dirty speculation, as his name goes to wipe away blame and silence all murmuring. while mcclay worried about his own backyard, washington cast his eye across the continent. he feared the consequences if spain were allowed to choke off american access to the mississippi river. quote, unless we can connect the new states, which are rising to our view in these regions with

those in the atlantic by interest, his italics, interest, the only bonding cement wrote washington, they will be quite a different people. and ultimately they be troublesome neighbors to us. there's that word. interest. again. washington needless to say did not fear interest for what else but interest had governed his youthful appetite for western lands and very canal speculations, the war had taught him patriotism alone was unlikely to win a war. and yet, washington's true greatness and ultimate growth weighed in his discovery over time that there were interests greater than self-interest. he never ceased to appeal to these but he have all men

understood the limits of virtue. of self-denial. the best he could hope for was to create political institutions that would inhibit the baser side of men while channelling their energies into subduing the continent and fulfilling the promise of republican government. meanwhile, he took pains to enforce the literal constitution. he was the strictest of constructionists. if you have any doubt of that, he should have been in the senate in august 22nd, 1789 when washington appeared in person to deliver a proposed treaty with southern indian tribes. then as now legislators were jealous of their prerogatives.

mcclay proposed the treaty be referred to the appropriate committee. washington realizing that no immediate decision would be forthcoming, lost his legendary temper. this defeats every purpose of my coming here, complained the president. quickly regaining his composure he gracefully withdrew from the halls and nursed his grief ens against the dilatory senators insisting that he would be damned rather than face public humiliation, with profound consequences. washington had taken literally the constitutional clause about seeking the senate's advice and consent. he thought he could go to the senate and get their advice and their consent in one visit. little did he know. [ laughter ]

sensitive as a tuning fork, the president regularly inquired as to what others thought of him. thanks to whispered complaints about the allegedly loyalist trappings of the executive household. they don't seem very royalist to us. the fact of the matter is if you were decently attired, and you lived in new york, you had an opportunity every tuesday afternoon to walk into 39 broadway, the house formerly occupied by the french ambassador, and see the president of the united states. he was that accessible. now, the accounts that had been left suggest the conversation was something less than scintillating. but then, there's a reason for that. it was in washington's interest not to say anything quotable. at a time when the new government was so vulnerable. but the fact is that the routine never varied.

everyone formed a circle in the drawing room and the president came in. by the way, the story goes that his in effect chamberlain in a rather royal fashion threw open the doors the first time and announced the august presence and washington said by god you can take in like that once but never again. it was washington rebelling against the desire on the part of some to turn him into a republican king. and now, he maintained a distance. he didn't shake hands. that supremely democratic act did not occur until thomas jefferson showed up. of course, jefferson was not above answering the door of the white house himself in his carpet slippers whenhe

every thursday afternoon theren had a dining room and table for 16. and unfortunately the best account we have left by the senator mcclay, who detected lobbying for the presidential program when washington urged him to have a second helping of pudding, he never quite understood virginia hospitality. could you imagine? washington waited five minutes for tardy guests and then everyone went in and sat down. if you arrived afterward, if you had the nerve to walk in, washington had an unvarying line.

sir, we are too punctual for you. i have a cook, said, washington, who never asked whether the company has come but whether the hour has come. presuming at that point you would slink down the table to your position. he is generally sedate and serious recalled one of washington's guests. only after have two or three glasses of wine and rouzed by the conversation around him does his face assume an expression of liveliness. with sufficient champagne, the president reportedly became positively merry. he was a spartan eater. a salt cod being a favorite dish. and before the dinner ended, he always proposed the same toast,

"to all our friends." no one in the history of american presidency better filled out the undefined and sometimes contradictory roles that the delegates assigned to the chief executive. he is, of course, as we all learned in the civics, the head of government and head of state. it is a dichotomy that has bedevilled the office ever since. particularly when you add in the head of the political party. no one i think comes close to washington's capacity to effortlessly combine the two roles. throughout his presidency he traveled extensively and carefully choreographed tours to the devotion of the heroic leader and untried government over which he preceded. essentially before he developed

the bully pulpit, i was recently in newport, rhode island and leading a historical tour and we went to the synagogue, which is one of, if not the oldest synagogues in america. and a place immortalized because of washito his first term. rhode island, you may recall, had held back from joining the union. washington referred to rhode island's conduct as infamous. many people have said that about rhode island over the years but in any event, once rhode island joined the club as it were, washington was sure to include it on our extensive tour. in newport he went to the synagogue and his response to

the congregation's readings remains the classic statement of american pluralism. this is washington. all possess alike, he's speaking of americans, all possess alike liberties of conscience and immunities of citizenship. for happily the government of the united states which gives to bigotry no -- to persecution no assistance, requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens. there were of course as yet no formally organized opposition party or parties but there was certainly no shortage of anti-federalists whose earlier suspicions of the constitution were confirmed by hamilton seeming disregard for the rights of states and the interest of those farmers whom jefferson

called god's chosen people. washington's principles and his political skills were severely tested in the first weeks of 1791. of the hamiltonian system, jefferson and randall opposed the idea basing their stance on a narrow reading of article one, section 8 of the constitution, which authorized congress to quote, may call laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution before carrying into execution the

foregoing powers. few could imagine it at a time. but the future course of the american union pivoted on those adjectives, necessary and proper. for jefferson convenience should not be confused with necessity. there was nothing in the constitution, authorizing a federal bank. he buttressed his claim by citing the unratified tenth amendment, observing to restate any power not clearly ee unanimous rated in the constitution, shaken by the force of such arguments, washington invited hamilton to refute his detractors. using ridicule where logic did not suffice, the secretary of treasury pointed out the inconsistences of strict constructionism. a government empowered to build lighthouses to promote commerce could hardly balk at a bank to collect its taxes or pay its salaries or service its deb

salaries or service its debt. hamilton's plea for the bank did not convert washington, it reinforced his nationalistic outlook, all the same, it did not endear hamilton or washington to jefferson and his followers. by this time, the secretary of the state was imploring a poet named phillip chernotto make war on the government for which he reportedly worked as a state department translator. it is astonishing that members of the cabinet were conducting newspaper wars on each other. clearly right in front of the president, that these wars often spilled over into the cabinet meetings and that they were not above as in jefferson's case, hiring their own champions with taxpayer dollars to conduct these wars. he began by assailing washington for the supposedly royalist nature of his household, quote,

a certain monarchical prettiness must be highly extolled wrote fernot such as level levees and drawing rooms and stately nods instead of shaking hands, titles of office and see inclusion from the people. washington began accustomed to seeing himself compared in front to kromwell but never grew to like it. taking the only course consistent with self-respect, he canceled his subscription to fernot's paper. the offender journalist offered three copies of each day's run personally delivered. when the philadelphia arora revealed that he had overdrawn his salary to pay the heavy costs of official entertaining, washington suffered the tortures of the damned but he never complained not publicly. privately he railed against

editor who were guilty in his words of stuffing his papers. >> historians have spilled barrels of ink imagining the relationship between young washington and focus on powell, the sophisticated wife of philadelphia's former mayor and

washington confidentant who did not hesitate. tipped off to his eagerness to retire at the end of his term, mrs. powell knew exactly what buttons to push. were he to leave office, in the spring of 1793, she told washington, it would give joy to the constitution's bitter foes, ambition had been the moving spring of all of your actions seen by your career was glorious, with profound address withdrawn yourself from a station that promised nothing to your ambition and that might eventually involve your popularity. you love philosophic retirement she told washington, convinced the world that you're a practical philosopher and your native philanthropy caused to relinquish something so substantial to your happiness. the rest as they say is history. washington reluctantly continued to stand for a second term. it was a sullen chief executive who delivered the shortest inaugural address on record in march of 1793. washington challenged his detractors to prove and punish any constitutional infractions on his part. if his first term had been dominated by hamilton's economic

program at home, his second term was to be defined by foreign war and the domestic stresses that it provided. many, perhaps most americans, disagreed with his neutrality. when washington talked about a strong government, he meant an energetic government. i don't know what washington would have thought of the new deal or the spending or the interstate highway system. what i do know is that this man who had seen the consequences of no government for all practical purposes during the war, came to the belief that an energetic government was the in the long run only way to preserve the liberties of the american people and above all in a world where the great powers of europe would like nothing better than to snuff out the sacred fire of

liberty and do away with the meant buying time. that meant staying out of europe's murderous quarrels and meant washington boldly on his own asserting a position of neutrality. it was in many ways a breath taking assertion of presidential power. nobody else, nobody in washington's generation could have pulled it off. likewise, it was in washington's character to send john jay to defuse the war with england and shoulder the blame when the resulting treaty enraged jefferson's followers, particularly in the house. the house of representatives famously demanded that the

president turn over all papers relating to the treaty. bull wo otherwise imperial congress. one cannot imagine john adams or for that matter thomas jefferson or had he been able to be elected alexander hamilton for that matter coming up with executive privilege and making it stick. it was against this background that washington warned, in his famous farewell address, against what he called the small but artful and enterprising minority whose primary allegiance was to a party. in their place the president demanded, quote, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of

liberty. that's washington's politics. that's washington's vision of america. a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty. and then he gave the ultimate meaning to those words by doing something the crowned heads of europe found beyond improbable. he, of course, voluntarily stepped away from power. what he hoped to do halfway through his first term and again at the end of the first term, and finally, was able to do after eight years in office. no action that he took did more to shape the presidency than his voluntary relinquishment of office at the end of two terms. a self-denying measure formally incorporated in the constitution in 1951.

on the morning of march 4th, 1797, george washington donned his best black velvet suit and walked to congress hall in philadelphia. for his final act as president, he would dispense with coaches and prancing horses, not so the president-elect who arrived for his inauguration in a pearl-colored suit of native broad cloth set off by a dressed sword and hat. however foolish these marshall touches appeared on squat john adams, they were unavoidable in a nation too young to have traditions unsanctified by it's a latter day cincinnatus. adams knew the day would be the illuminated by the setting, not the rising sun.

wherever he looked he beheld streaming eyes. the president-elect covered his own face to disguise a flood of tears. nor was washington immune to the intense emotions surrounding the historic transfer about to take place. it was probably just as well he was not called upon to speak during the brief ceremony. the inaugural address concluded. the new president waddled up the aisle and out of the hall. ex-president washington motioned for jefferson to follow, but the tall virginian and his blue frock coat held back out of deference. washington repeated the gesture a bit more forcefully, and then reluctantly, the new vice president preceded him to the door. outside a large crowd was on hand to cheer the outgoing president, slowing his progress down chestnut street. a few rejoiced at his departure.

unrepen tent to the last, the philadelphia aurora proclaimed, quote, every heart ought to be high with exultation the name of washington from his day ceases to give a currency to corruption. washington characteristically declined to engage his nemesis in public debate. privately he confided, quote, this man has celebrity in a certain way, for his calamise are to be exceeded only by imputence and both stand unrivaled. with his usual quiet competence, presidential secretary tobias saw to the packing of 97 boxes, 14 trunks, 43 casts, 13 packages and 3 hampers for transport on

the salem. lea would perform a more personal service on a bleak december night, less than three years later, when he ministered to his friend, as washington lay dying at mt. vernon from a lethally sore throat. by then, washington had performed his last, great service to his country. in the spring of 1797, he had expressed the wish to his future son-in-law that the virginia legislature might see its way to adopt the policy of gradual emancipation of slaves. it could prevent much future mischief, said washington, to visitors he confided his belief that the per pep tuition of the american union in fact depended on the elimination of human slavery. in the autumn of 1798 he retreated to his study, scratched out a 28-page will

whose opening lines contained an unmistakable political statement. i, george walking of mt. vernon, a citizen of the united states, and lately president of the sane, not a citizen of virginia, not a southerner or a tide water aristocrat, but an american. this is how washington reasserted the nationalist creed to which he had devoted 40 years of his life. like other thoughtful men, he struggled to reconcile his ownership of human beings with his country's professed love of liberty. he had indeed hoped that virginia's lawmakers would take the decision out of his hands by providing for gradual emancipation. the chances of such action all was faint, grew still more remote, as richmond lawmakers talked openly of defying federal authorities.

and so it was left to washington to free his slaves on martha's death after making certain that the aged or sick would be fed and clothed by his heirs. he took an even more radical step. in challenging his state's legal ban on educating negros. directing that all under the age of 25 should be taught to read and write, and, quote, brought up to some useful occupation. and i do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth of any slave i may die possessed of under any pretense whatever. as if to reinforce his determination, washington added a clause ordering his executives to carry out his wishes, quote, religiously, without evasion, neglect or delay.

this is a copy of "rasmussen reports." several years old. the most recent poll of presidential favorability, excluding the incumbent but including each and every one of his predecessors. and you will not be surprised to learn that george washington hassed highest favorable rating among his countrymen. 94% which sounds vaguely soviet. 2% say they are unfavorable. 69% are very favorable, 25% are favorable. no one is very unfavorable. that's interesting because the

more you know about george washington and particularly it seems to me the more you immerse yourself in his presidency, beyond the ritualistic reverence that that 94% represents, there is a desire for a president like george washington. in his marvelous new biography chernot has a chapter called "man of moderation." lots and lot of us profess to want someone as disinterested, as compassionate, as visionary and yet practical, as willing to