carrying into execution the foregoing powers. few could imagine it at a time. but the future course of the american union pivoted on those adjectives, necessary and proper. for jefferson convenience should not be confused with necessity. there was nothing in the constitution, authorizing a federal bank. he buttressed his claim by citing the unratified tenth amendment, observing to restate any power not clearly ee unanimous rated in the constitution, shaken by the force of such arguments, washington invited hamilton to refute his detractors. using ridicule where logic did not suffice, the secretary of treasury pointed out the inconsistences of strict constructionism. a government empowered to build lighthouses to promote commerce could hardly balk at a bank to collect its taxes or pay its salaries or service its deb

salaries or service its debt. hamilton's plea for the bank did not convert washington, it reinforced his nationalistic outlook, all the same, it did not endear hamilton or washington to jefferson and his followers. by this time, the secretary of the state was imploring a poet named phillip chernotto make war on the government for which he reportedly worked as a state department translator. it is astonishing that members of the cabinet were conducting newspaper wars on each other. clearly right in front of the president, that these wars often spilled over into the cabinet meetings and that they were not above as in jefferson's case, hiring their own champions with taxpayer dollars to conduct these wars. he began by assailing washington for the supposedly royalist nature of his household, quote,

a certain monarchical prettiness must be highly extolled wrote fernot such as level levees and drawing rooms and stately nods instead of shaking hands, titles of office and see inclusion from the people. washington began accustomed to seeing himself compared in front to kromwell but never grew to like it. taking the only course consistent with self-respect, he canceled his subscription to fernot's paper. the offender journalist offered three copies of each day's run personally delivered. when the philadelphia arora revealed that he had overdrawn his salary to pay the heavy costs of official entertaining,

washington suffered the tortures of the damned but he never complained not publicly. privately he railed against editor who were guilty in his words of stuffing his papers. >> historians have spilled barrels of ink imagining the relationship between young

washington and focus on powell, the sophisticated wife of philadelphia's former mayor and washington confidentant who did not hesitate. tipped off to his eagerness to retire at the end of his term, mrs. powell knew exactly what buttons to push. were he to leave office, in the spring of 1793, she told washington, it would give joy to the constitution's bitter foes, ambition had been the moving spring of all of your actions seen by your career was glorious, with profound address withdrawn yourself from a station that promised nothing to your ambition and that might eventually involve your popularity. you love philosophic retirement she told washington, convinced the world that you're a practical philosopher and your native philanthropy caused to relinquish something so substantial to your happiness. the rest as they say is history. washington reluctantly continued to stand for a second term. it was a sullen chief executive who delivered the shortest inaugural address on record in march of 1793. washington challenged his detractors to prove and punish any constitutional infractions on his part.

if his first term had been dominated by hamilton's economic program at home, his second term was to be defined by foreign war and the domestic stresses that it provided. many, perhaps most americans, disagreed with his neutrality. when washington talked about a strong government, he meant an energetic government. i don't know what washington would have thought of the new deal or the spending or the interstate highway system. what i do know is that this man who had seen the consequences of no government for all practical purposes during the war, came to the belief that an energetic government was the in the long run only way to preserve the liberties of the american people and above all in a world where

the great powers of europe would like nothing better than to snuff out the sacred fire of liberty and do away with the american experiment, leadership meant buying time. that meant staying out of europe's murderous quarrels and meant washington boldly on his own asserting a position of neutrality. it was in many ways a breath taking assertion of presidential power. nobody else, nobody in washington's generation could have pulled it off. likewise, it was in washington's character to send john jay to defuse the war with england and shoulder the blame when the resulting treaty enraged jefferson's followers, particularly in the house. the house of representatives

famously demanded that the president turn over all papers relating to the treaty. bull wo otherwise imperial congress. one cannot imagine john adams or for that matter thomas jefferson or had he been able to be elected alexander hamilton for that matter coming up with executive privilege and making it stick. it was against this background that washington warned, in his famous farewell address, against what he called the small but artful and enterprising minority whose primary allegiance was to a party. in their place the president demanded, quote, a government of

as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty. that's washington's politics. that's washington's vision of america. a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty. and then he gave the ultimate meaning to those words by doing something the crowned heads of europe found beyond improbable. he, of course, voluntarily stepped away from power. what he hoped to do halfway through his first term and again at the end of the first term, and finally, was able to do after eight years in office. no action that he took did more to shape the presidency than his voluntary relinquishment of office at the end of two terms. a self-denying measure formally

incorporated in the constitution in 1951. on the morning of march 4th, 1797, george washington donned his best black velvet suit and walked to congress hall in philadelphia. for his final act as president, he would dispense with coaches and prancing horses, not so the president-elect who arrived for his inauguration in a pearl-colored suit of native broad cloth set off by a dressed sword and hat. however foolish these marshall touches appeared on squat john adams, they were unavoidable in a nation too young to have traditions unsanctified by it's a latter day cincinnatus. adams knew the day would be the

illuminated by the setting, not the rising sun. wherever he looked he beheld streaming eyes. the president-elect covered his own face to disguise a flood of tears. nor was washington immune to the intense emotions surrounding the historic transfer about to take place. it was probably just as well he was not called upon to speak during the brief ceremony. the inaugural address concluded. the new president waddled up the aisle and out of the hall. ex-president washington motioned for jefferson to follow, but the tall virginian and his blue frock coat held back out of deference. washington repeated the gesture a bit more forcefully, and then reluctantly, the new vice president preceded him to the door. outside a large crowd was on hand to cheer the outgoing

president, slowing his progress down chestnut street. a few rejoiced at his departure. unrepen tent to the last, the philadelphia aurora proclaimed, quote, every heart ought to be high with exultation the name of washington from his day ceases to give a currency to corruption. washington characteristically declined to engage his nemesis in public debate. privately he confided, quote, a certain way, for his calamise are to be exceeded only by his imputence and both stand unrivaled.

with his usual quiet competence, presidential secretary tobias saw to the packing of 97 boxes, 14 trunks, 43 casts, 13 packages and 3 hampers for transport on the salem. lea would perform a more personal service on a bleak december night, less than three years later, when he ministered to his friend, as washington lay dying at mt. vernon from a lethally sore throat. by then, washington had performed his last, great service to his country. in the spring of 1797, he had expressed the wish to his future son-in-law that the virginia legislature might see its way to adopt the policy of gradual emancipation of slaves. it could prevent much future mischief, said washington, to visitors he confided his belief that the per pep tuition of the american union in fact depended on the elimination of human slavery.

in the autumn of 1798 he retreated to his study, scratched out a 28-page will whose opening lines contained an unmistakable political statement. i, george walking of mt. vernon, a citizen of the united states, and lately president of the sane, not a citizen of virginia, not a southerner or a tide water aristocrat, but an american. this is how washington reasserted the nationalist creed to which he had devoted 40 years of his life. like other thoughtful men, he struggled to reconcile his ownership of human beings with his country's professed love of liberty. he had indeed hoped that virginia's lawmakers would take the decision out of his hands by providing for gradual emancipation. the chances of such action all was faint, grew still more

remote, as richmond lawmakers talked openly of defying federal authorities. and so it was left to washington to free his slaves on martha's death after making certain that the aged or sick would be fed and clothed by his heirs. he took an even more radical step. in challenging his state's legal ban on educating negros. directing that all under the age of 25 should be taught to read and write, and, quote, brought up to some useful occupation. and i do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth of any slave i may die possessed of under any pretense whatever. as if to reinforce his determination, washington added a clause ordering his executives to carry out his wishes, quote, religiously, without evasion,

neglect or delay. this is a copy of "rasmussen reports." several years old. the most recent poll of presidential favorability, excluding the incumbent but including each and every one of his predecessors. and you will not be surprised to learn that george washington hassed highest favorable rating among his countrymen. 94% which sounds vaguely soviet. 2% say they are unfavorable. 69% are very favorable, 25% are favorable. no one is very unfavorable.

that's interesting because the more you know about george washington and particularly it seems to me the more you immerse yourself in his presidency, beyond the ritualistic reverence that that 94% represents, there is a desire for a president like george washington. in his marvelous new biography chernot has a chapter called "man of moderation." lots and lot of us profess to want someone as disinterested, as compassionate, as visionary

and yet practical, as willing to work with people across the aisle, as george washington. and so tonight, as i conclude this series, i don't know whether in term of lectures we saved the best for last but i know in terms of presidents we saved the best for first. thank you very much. [ applause ] >> thank you. thank you. we've got a few minutes for questions and i have been asked, very explicitly to point out

that we have a microphone here from the folks at c-span. there it is. so if you are a question thrust your hand into the air where she can see it and wait until she reaches you and then everyone can hear it. >> is this on? why are there no great unifying leaders like george washington today? >> first of all, read the farewell address. washington never believed that the united states would be without political differences or political parties, factions, whatever you want to call them.

what washington's whole presidency was about, whether it was staying out of european conflict or trying to avoid as long as possible the evolution of these intense partisan differences, washington's whole presidency was about buying time. washington was enough of a visionary to know -- washington was a strong leader of a weak nation, and given that situation, he also had enough u nation, given 30, 40 years of peace, that it would develop to the point where, frankly it foreign power. likewise at home, washington allowed himself to be pummeled, not only by the press, but literally to have his effigy st philadelphia.

washington took risks for peace and for political peace at home. it was a self-denying kind of leadership. and the irony is -- and i may have overemphasized the doubts, the fears, the concerns that washington harbored as he went into office about the consequences of this office on his reputation. the fact of the matter is, if you were washington leaving office, you might very well feel that all of those fears be so someone like that, someone who is as, in many ways, devoid of personal ambition, but also someone who is seen as a in many ways nonpolitical figure,

there's only one of those. there are other leaders, obviously, who have managed in lincoln's famous phrase, the occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise with the occasion, lincoln being a great example. there are so many reasons why it is difficult for a president of either party or any ideological persuasion to transcend artificial, exaggerated, media-hyped differences, controversies. the political parties have themselves been superseded now by cable tv and the internet,

which is supposed to be a great instrument for bringing us together but politically has had largely the opposite effect. with the blessings or the curse of anonymity you can get online and dump all of the poison you want into the well and call it political discourse. it's -- it's -- the last -- i've said this before, think of last five american presidents, republicans, democrats, liberals, conservatives, four of those five i would argue have been, quote, polarizing figures. that tells you less about them than it does about us and about the political climate and the media climate in which we operate.

i think you can make a case that we spent a disproportionate amount of time in this campaign which already seems to have gon year to go, working around the edges, you know, today's controversy. and one is, because television, and above all, cable television, with a very notable exception here, has something called the 24/7 news cycle. john kennedy could dominate the national agenda with a press conference in the state department auditorium, and when the bay of pigs turned out disastrously, what happened? his numbers went up. up. he said with mordent wit, my

god, it's like eisenhower, the worse you do, the more popular you become. he wasn't an admirer of ike. but today can you imagine if the bay of pigs took place? there would not be a rally around the flag mentality. so i don't know. i would like to be an optimist. we have the example of washington which is always there to inspire and to provide, i think, some very concrete, tangible, contemporary, relevant examples of leadership. but it's tough. >> how was washington able to keep under wraps the political rivalry between, say, jefferson

and -- >> and hamilton? >> yes. >> here is washington's genius. and, by the way, if you want a contemporary parallel, look at dwight eisenhower, whose great hero was george washington and who was like washington, you know, the man who won world war ii didn't need a favorable story in that day's new york times to burnish his reputation. eisenhower and what became famous as the hidden hand approach to the presidency, the idea of pulling strings in behind the curtain in many ways because ike didn't need the ego gratification of a teddy roosevelt and the bully pulpit. but also that's how he preferred to operate in many ways from the shadows.

and part of that was the example of washington whose great success was to keep both hamilton and jefferson in the cabinet long after both of them wanted out. again, it's all part of buying time. and the consequence was that washington, first of all, subjected himself to some very unpleasant cabinet meetings and occasionally lost his temper. we have jefferson's account of one at which the president threw his hat on the floor. i don't know why he was wearing his hat at the cabinet meeting, but in any event -- but we know that washington sacrificed in many ways during the presidency and part of it was, in my view, part of this much larger realization that it was -- it

was vital that both hamilton and jefferson, in the immortal worlds of lyndon johnson about j. edgar hoover were kept insite the tent pissing out rather than inside the tent pissing in. and that's not a plug for the movie. >> in your first lecture you described a washington who was seeking self-aggrandizement and power and prestige and money and status. and today you basically talked about a washington who had no ego and was doing everything for the benefit of the country. that's a complete turnaround in where he was coming from. what do you attribute the significant change in his

outlook and his sense of accomplishment? >> yeah. i accept the broad description. i would take issue -- i think he had an ego, he had -- i don't think it's as drastic as you suggest. it is, i think, an evolution and i think it is the key to washington's greatness. but it's also, in many ways, what makes washington one of us. i mean, the american dream is defined in many ways but it surely part of the american dream is not only to accumulate worldly wealth, but to live a useful life and to share one's talents and to be part of the civic life of one's time. part of it also, in my opinion, and this is very american, you know, washington wanted to be rich and famous, and he got to

be both, and he found they were rather less than fulfilling. so he had money and he was famous. quite frankly, being famous had its drawbacks since for the last 25 years of his life it made it virtually impossible for him to meet a human being on anything like normal terms. washington grew. i mean, the classic example, i think, of that would be his attitudes not only about slavery but i think about race. and again, i don't want to exaggerate, you know. washington is not one of us. he's not a 21st century figure, and i know there's always his tendency to want to humanize washington in ways that often