prevents them from being viable investments. did the holc send like ku klux klan members into bedford stuyvesant. it's not that type of racism. it's not your granddaddy's racism. this is the new and improved racism. or rather, this is a structural policy driven mechanism that creates special segregation. and disinvestment and decline. and it reinforces the idea that people have about black neighbors. because when black homeowners in south central brooklyn can't get homes to refinance, when they themselves can't get underwritten loans to move to other areas, what happens to

this neighborhood over time? it becomes crowded, the housing stock declines, the neighborhood becomes underserviced. it becomes dirty and it is blacker and blacker and blacker. the census tracks in north central brooklyn, 98, 99, 100% black. so, in people's minds, well, what created these social problems? the people. the people. not the policy. because how many people read like holc maps? not many. the federal housing authority and the veterans administration, underwriting loans to vets to move where? to suburbs. to these burgeoning newly developed suburban tract housing units on the outskirts of cities. that are facilitated by highway construction, light rail

construction, et cetera. but a lot of those suburbs are racially exclusive, by design. so you know, when the fha is giving loans out and the v.a. is giving loans out to citizens to provide them with the means to purchase their homes in the 1930s and 40s, they themselves don't have clauses against african-americans using the loans but a lot of those loans and a lot of those housing development projects are in places where black people can't move. so there's a structural impediment to african-american mobility. that hirsh argues is the cause of the second ghetto. this is what makes this ghetto different in the article that you read by hirsh. there's also a phenomenon called block busting in which predatory lenders to use a 21st century example or kind of real estate agents infiltrate neighborhoods and disseminate fear about blacks moving in so that whites

will sell low so the agents can do what? help me out here. just say it out loud. right. sell the house higher. so that's kind of the ways that segregation worsens over time. and then there was another argument that hirsh made about public housing. and i want to just briefly show you one clip from a really, a new documentary. hirsh makes the argument that public housing and the explosion of public housing, in primarily african-american enclaves but not solely, but public housing that responds to the needs of people in cities, so activists, black activists in chicago, detroit, new york, they want public housing, they need public housing. they get public housing but they get it along racially segregated

disinvested lines. and they get it again at this moment when so many of them are moving, so many of them need housing, and so few of them are finding jobs. so what started out as a welcomed change in policy turns into a nightmarish situation. which literally in the late 20th century people just destroyed. they just bull dozed these down to the ground. this is a really good documentary about a public housing complex in st. louis that kind of shows you some of this phenomena. i'm going to play this. >> these developments are run by the st. louis housing authority. this is a far cry from the crowded collapsing 10 amounts that many of these people have known with spacious grounds they can live. >> it's a beautiful place like a big hotel resort i'd say. >> it was like oasis in the

desert. all of this newness. i never thought i would live in that kind of a surrounding. >> what happened? >> well, one day we woke up and it was all gone. >> pulled up with a moving van, i knew at that point that it was hell on earth. >> looks like a battle ground. vandalism and neglect. >> in the middle 50s st. louis, it solved its low cost housing. instead a monster was created. >> the experiment had gone terribly awry. >> could i go to such a symbol that we tend to forget it is no different than the city that surrounded it. what happened to st. louis was tragic. but that simply is not how we told the story. >> pruitt will igoe was always fighting against this terrible

rip tide of destruction in the midst of an economy that was dying. >> the strong tightly knit communities of families in which i grew up had begun to shatter, and it wasn't there. it was one of the most tragic things i've seen. >> it seemed to me that we were being penalized for being poor. that caused so much anger. >> persons that don't have a decent place to stay are willing to take these kind of chances. where we live we're taking changes. >> this is it. this is out of control and we are no longer going to put up with it. we're not going to tolerate this any more. >> have to draw a line and say no more. no more.

>> i just learned of it. what i love about it, too, not only does it show kind of the hope and the optimism, then the transference to kind of decline and abandonment but again, you see people, you see organizers, tenants, activists who are at the center of what's happening in their lives. that's something again that i think is really missing in some ways from the narratives we tell ourselves about the urban crisis. moving on in the five minutes that i have remaining. one of the arguments that william wilson is going to make in the book that we read when work disappears -- really? i always do that. thank you. you are such honest students. you know, one of the things that wilson argues in when work disappears, is that it's

extremely -- everybody now glared at that -- not sure. that one of the things that undergirds what wilson will call social organization. we'll read about that. one of the things that makes communities viable and stable is employment. or rather he raises the question that we have to ask, we have to look at the jobs economy. to understand what's happening in this social situation. again, put your imaginative hats on. what are the structures, what is the history, who prevails and who doesn't. people when we talk about the urban crisis, and i didn't mention this, we'll talk about this a lot later in the semester, one of the things people point to is the dissolution of families, of black families in particular.

big, big part of the discourse is about crisis in black communities in america from the 60s to the present. and then you saw in the clip of the trailer there was that kind of hinting at you know, it seemed like we were punished for being poor. we used to have intact communities and all of that went away. there's a lot of reasons for that. and you know, people like to hone in on one thing. people like to hone in on one thing. the reason that families decline is because of some sort of pathology. that's coming from a report that we'll talk about later in the semester, shorthand is the moynihan report. the negro family in american history. that there's pathological practices in black families. there's a cult of matriarchy, all of these issues that people try to isolate and point to. and a lot of people misinterpret moynihan in some ways, but that idea runs wild, the reason black

families decline is because black people don't get married or they have -- there's these pathological reasons, tangle of pathology, that's the language that moynihan uses. okay. you know, it's important to think about that. but one of the arguments that wilson makes, one of the arguments that segrue shows that there is a structural issue tied to employment. again, that right at the time when african-americans are moving to cities by the hundreds of thousands, from the 40s through the 60s, is the very same time from the late 40s, the post-world war ii era into the 50s, that the jobs economy radically changes. radically changes. now, you know again, this is not scientific, this is -- i mean, it's pretty hard to maintain a stable family without employment. without a job, right.

or without a job that can provide for what, housing, clothes, food. it's very hard to maintain a family with that. so, if all of these hundreds of thousands of black people are coming to cities at a time when the possibility for them to enter into a industrial manufacturing economy is disappearing, or it's rapidly rapidly changing, then how can they maintain support, create viable again, what wilson calls social organization. how can they support institutions like churches and fraternal organizations, et cetera. how can they maintain family units. it's harder. and again, i think we have a lot of methodological understandings.

this was a time when poor people were able to do that no problem. they didn't have these problems. i don't think that that's true. i don't think that's historically true. i think if you look at impoverished communities at any moment in history you'll see tremendous strain on family units because as much as family units are religious, and cultural units and social units they are also economic units. a family is also an economic unit. come visit me the end of each month when we do our budget. we're running a small business, very small business. so families are economic units too. the argument that segrue made that you read about the industrialization is i think it was pretty easy to get. a quote from him, the destructive forces of industrial capital, the destructive forces of industrial capitalism, right, the economic system, began the process of economic corrosion that made detroit the epitome of the rust belt. this was a structural process.

and segrue also argues what, that it wasn't just some sort of adam smith invisible hand of the market, that these were choices. these were choices that he argues were rooted in labor relations. a contest of power between employers and primarily unions or workers. that's segrue's argument and he points to those kind of main issues to illustrate his point. he points to the fluidity of capital or the ability for capital to move. the ability of jobs and investment and factories to move. he points to automation. the section on automation is fascinating. it's complicated. that at the time when, again, entry level workers, not experienced, you know, not people who are experienced on an assembly line, entry level, people in some instances coming

from rural agricultural backgrounds, the time that they enter american cities and undergo a process of prolatheorization that's from william monroe trotter's study of black milwaukee in the early 20th century. trotter says this ghetto stuff, right, doesn't explain what's happening to black people. what's happening is they are becoming industrial workers. and he calls it a process of prolatheorization. so at the moment when again, tens of thousands of african-americans are beginning the process of turning into an industrial working class is the moment when those jobs are being replaced by machines. and you remember that fantastic line from segrue's article you read where the person says to the union boss, it's going to be really hard to organize all of these machines. it's going to be really hard to create a union with all of these machines that do all of the work.

so the ability of capital to move, and the movement of factories into suburbs, into the south, automation, segrue also points to the tax policies, the structures of taxation. that draw capital and work out of cities and relocate them elsewhere, primarily in the sun belt. and he points to the politics, the shifting political power in congress, which is moving military installations and manufacturing installations outside of northeastern and midwestern cities where labor is cheaper and taxes are lower. all of these processes come together to make it so these migrants, these southern migrants, white and black, these tens of thousands of african-american migrants who

come to cities cannot enter into the job market. and there's a lot of repercussions that we'll talk about later. it's not just you not getting a paycheck. it's about also an entire generation of people not being socialized into a system of work, not developing networks and connections through unions. to be able to navigate other areas of the social sphere in the city. not being able to, again, support their institutions. that whole city within a city concept that had been present in the black enclaves of the early 20th century begins to unravel. not necessarily because of some pathological impulse but things cost money. you can underwrite those organizations without income. all of these structural forces are occurring at this time. and segrue outlines who prevails and who doesn't.

who is hit hardest by this. primarily young black men. that's how segrue concludes the article. young black men who suffer the most. so, that's another kind of second historical process we look at when we talk about the urban crisis. this kind of 1940s through 1990s urban crisis. deindustrialization argument. mcwater makes some arguments in winning the race about the industrialization. that it's you know it's an overblown argument. that black people could have and should have just thought about moving. again, i think if you -- i don't think he's wearing his sociological imaginative hat. it's not to say that he's wrong. but he's thinking about this as a personal issue and again, i think that he's not looking at all of the different structures that are in place that make it difficult we'll say, i won't say

impossible, make it difficult for people to just pick up and move. housing and employment being two of the biggest. segrue tries to reinforce these were not benign market forces. this was not just the invisible hand of the market. these were choice, people made choices. and the primary choice was to produce industrial material cheaper and with less of a tax burden. when that happens, the city suffers. because again, with detroit it's not just the automobile industry that leaves, right. it's not just the big three that undergo these changes. it's all of the independent automobile manufacturing industries in the city. it's all of the subsidiaries,

support industry that create parts and tires and accessories, et cetera. it's the institutions and communities, the bars, the restaurants, the churches, all of that declines when these structural processes go into place. last, robert self takes our gaze to the question of suburbanization. but again, not just suburbanization as this white flight, white backlash phenomenon. it's suburbanization that is tied to an impending what he calls tax revolt. that the primacy of property and protection of property and racial understanding of how to protect property has a devastating impact on the oakland corridor that he writes about. proposition 14 was a movement, ostensibly, by liberals that he

points out how overwhelmingly these counties vote forward johnson in 1964. this is a movement by liberals. and it's caught up both in the stigma that people have about black people as neighbors, the rhetoric of rights and individualism, the lies that people tell about fighting deregulation, the rhetoric of not being racist, being caught up in this idea that we're not racist, this isn't racism, and the structures of inequality that shape this area. like transportation structures that make it difficult, if not impossible for people to just find employment in this expanding suburban industrial corridor. all of those issues self points

to as being tied together in what brings about the urban cries is in this section of the bay area. one of the biggest aspects of this that i found most fascinating was that the homeowners -- sorry, the home property coalitions that are fighting to remove fair housing are also doing it in the interests of stopping regulation. we want to kill open housing because open housing is a form of regulation that prohibits us from selling our property the way we want to as individuals, as property owners, as citizens. that's a regulatory system that is un-american, it's unfair. meanwhile, that same home association had been practicing its own informal systems of regulation by keeping black residents out through selective selling campaigns. so the self article really points out the complexity of

what brings about the urban crisis and it kind of hammers home in a helpful way, the ideological connection and the rhetorical connection that ideas that people have regarding who they are and who this nemesis of the black neighbor is. it connects the ideology to the structural. so what we see with the articles that we read and what we see with this historical overview of the origins of the urban crisis, when we take structure seriously, we can see the ways that housing, that ideas and that jobs all came together to confine an emerging population of african-americans, to areas that are losing jobs and that are in some ways bereft of the political power to fight these issues.

that's what we see really clearly with the self article. so the origins of the urban crisis, this crisis of residential segregation, poverty, of violence, there are two things i want you to think about. it's structural and it's historical. but i didn't lecture on this but something we have to keep in mind, there are also people who are living in these communities who are dealing with these types of issues, these social issues, as social issues on an everyday basis. and that's in some ways this is the backdrop that creates the world that we'll see for the rest of this semester when we watch david simons and the hbo series "the wire." i'd ask you if you had questions but we're out of time. so we can do questions on

friday. >> i'll be in my office today from now until later. >> lectures in history airs each saturday at 8:00 p.m. and midnight eastern and sundays at 1:00 p.m. we feature classroom lectures on

different topics of american history. to keep wake-up american history tv during the week, or to send us questions and comments follow us on twitter, we're @twitter.com/c-span history. >> there is a new website for american history tv where you can find our schedules an preview our programs. watch video from our regular weekly series as well as access history tweets. history in the news and social media from facebook, youtube and twitter and four square. follow american history tv all weekend every weekend on c-span 3 and online at c-span.org/history. next, bobby seale of the black panther party reflects on the civil rights movement and unrest, the founding of the party and his experience as an activist. his remarks were made at a gathering to mark the 45th anniversary of the founding of

the black panthers. this is about 35 minutes. >> you know, they say the last time they seen big herm he was going south on i-95. all right. i've had many titles and many names, but the loner that i have tonight is very special, very important. like all of us we were all young men and women and we saw a message, we seen these two bad brothers stand up and other comrades stand up across this country, we were in philadelphia, brother aaron was in seattle, we had people in north carolina, in ohio, in detroit, in new york, all across this country. you name the places. can't even think of all of them but we were young people. but we were drawn to a message, a 10-point platform and program. we was drawn to a mission and drawn to responsibility. now i can say a lot of things

about bobby seale but i'm going to let bobby do most of the talking. i had a couple of great honors in being with bobby. when i first was called to come to california they told me pack enough clothes to stay for two weeks and i end up staying for five years and only time we came back was to close the philadelphia chapter and bring everybody to california. and that's how it went. but we followed those orders. sometimes we question, sometime we thought, sometime we tried to figure, but we just got the job done. and that's what it was all about. and bobby seales the chairman was the person that after huie came up with our creative ideas in the theory. bobby called take this stuff and massage it and put it into a practical way to get it to the comrades, put it in a practical way to implement the programs. put it in a practical way to

show a structure of support. when bobby ran for mayor of oakland one of the most exciting things i had a chance to be part of, but a short story i got to tell you. they hid my candidate out on me for a week. they said i have worked my candidate too hard during the campaign so they took my candidate and hid him for a week. took him down to the square, put him in a hotel and didn't tell me where my candidate was at. while we could not find the candidate the message kept going. bobby hit the buses, the housing projects, he hit the malls, he hit the neighborhoods, we went door-to-door, we took over conventions, we went all across, we shook oakland up. this place was shook up because you had a mormon mayor and a black panther running to take his job. can you imagine that. can you imagine that. we, when bobby announced he was going to run for mayor of oakland we had the biggest announcement we registered 8,000 people in woo place at one time

with 10,000 bags of groceries with a 5 pound chicken grade a chicken in every bag. every single bag. there was so many other things that has been done. this man was incarcerated. he was gagged. he kept fighting. didn't stop. political prisoners today bobby was a political prisoner and he never stopped dealing with the issues that we have to deal with about our other comrades who are incarcerated. we have struggled a long way but we have also had good leadership. and many of us looked at bobby in all different ways because one thing about bobby he would come around to comrades and make you feel good. he would talk you to death. he would get into you with such a love and understanding. we talk about emory, we talk with big man, we talk about billy x who maintained it's about time. we talk about our other founding members, elbert howard who is not here with us tonight.