keeping people and threats away. but, you know, in this era, in this open society, it's a very difficult job to have. i found it interesting, you know, that this day played such a key role in reagan's ultimate success, you know, what's amazing to me in mid-march, and, you know, two weeks before the shooting, there's a poll that showed reagan had the lowest approval rating of any president at that time in their first term. now, 59% approval rating which is really low for a president in his honeymoon period, wow, he crushed carter in a landslide, everyone loved ronald reagan, but it's not true, he had controversial policies and el salvador was coming up and he wanted to cut spending and lower taxes and those were controversial issues and increase defense spending. and people were unsure about him. well, he gets shot. he performs amazingly this day. people begin to separate the man they admire from the politics as a leader and he gets a lot accomplished after this moment in the next year and also forms a bond between him and the

public. luke cannon who was probably the most esteemed reagan biographer told me, you know, what this day , yoknow, he cracked jokes in the emergency room, he cracked jokes in the o.r., he cracked jokes after, you know, kind of laughing at death and people saw this on tv, it was a real live event, it was the dawn of the 24-hour news cycle, they were aw radios and listening to the coverage and they kind of felt like it was their aunt or uncle or grandfather who was shot and they formed that bond with him, and i think that carried him through, you know, it kept him from getting in a lot more trouble in places where other presidents would have faced a lot rougher time. >> explore an interactive timeline, view photos and videos, listen to audio clips and read government documents at author del wilbur's book website. rawhidedown.com. to mark george washington's

birthday the american enterprise institute hosted a gathering of political thinkersthe presidence neigh's first chief executive. among the topics discussed are washington's farewell address and the many precedents set for his successors including what many historians consider to be his most lasting legacy, his condition to relinquish power after only two terms in office >> i am amy cass, senior fellow from the hudson inci stcit stci incity tuesday. on behalf of the american citizenship i would like i don't welcome you and our viewers around the country courtesy of c-span to this event in honor of washington's birthday. this is one of a series of events and discussions we are sponsoring on the american

national calendar. built around selections from our recently publishes anthology, what so proudly we hail the americans' soul and story speech and song. our purpose in this series is to revive interest in and attention to our national holidays seen as important tools often neglected for shaping american identity and encouraging civic understanding and national attachment. through our national holidays we are summoned to remember, honor, celebrate and express gratitude for our existence as a nation and the people who have contributed and sacrificed so much to create and preserve the republic whose blessings we enjoy. blessings so familiar that we tend to take them for granted. our national holidays suitably observe is, can refresh our national memory and unite us as

a people. more determined and better able to preserve the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. for these purposes, the birthday of george washington, february 22, 1732, should be a particularly cherished national obligation. in fact, americans celebrated his birthday long before congress in 1879 declared it a holiday for federal workers in the district of columbia, and in 1885 a federal holiday for all employees everywhere. it was celebrated in valley forge in 1878. after the founding it was annually, if unofficially, marked throughout the new republic. on the centennial of washington's birth, february 2,

1832, congress adjourned out of respect for his memory. in 1862, the union, threatened by civil war, congress chose to read washington's farewell address on the occasion of washington's birthday. every year since 1896 the united states senate selected one of its members to read it aloud in legislative session in honor of washington's birthday. it was not the duty of congress which passed the uniform monday holiday law to, quote, provide uniform annual observancbservan certain legal holidays on mondays. by creating more three-day weekends, congress hoped to bring substantial benefits to the spiritual and economic life

of the nation. what it accomplished was to turn a holiday into a vacation. eventually for many americans, a day for bargain hunting. washington's birthday is now celebrated on the third monday in february and therefore never on february 22. as a grateful nation enjoys the spiritual and economic benefits of washington's birthday mattress day sales. so far from remembering the father of our country, most of us will know next monday as president's day with a further confusion regarding whether we are honoring only washington and his fellow february giant abraham lincoln or all the presidents, regardless of merit. yet, as i was pleased to discover in planning this event, the federal holiday is still

officially known as washington's birthday. i'm happy to report there is a new effort in congress to restore its official day of celebration to february 22nd. washington's farewell address provides a fitting point of departure for today's conversation and celebration. published in 1796 on the threshold of a new presidential election it declared washington's intention not to stand for a third term. washington used the occasion of announcing his retirement to offer advice to the nation regarding the preservation of the union in the face of foreseeable dangers, foreign and domestic. though the text offers reflection and advice on matters of policy, it is also a summons to national attachment through memory of the recent revolutionary past and through

dedication to our common national purpose. as a valedictory of our first president it invites reflection both on the subjects washington addresses and on the functions of the american presidency. salutary topics both for serious attention today. we have assembled a very distinguished panel to discuss george washington and the american presidency. aei scholar leon cass will read passages from the farewell address and serve as moderator. diana schaub, coeditor of "what so proudly we hail" will comment on the address. richard brookheiser, editor at national review and author of bieg ti fis of washington,

hamilton and madison will speak about president as exemplary president. author of books on burke, machiavelli and the theory of executive power will consider the role of the presidency in the american polity. finally aei scholar steven hayward, author of biographies of ronald reagan and winston churchill and his new politically incorrect guide to the presidents wilson to obama will discuss the modern presidency in the light of its earlier history. we hope to have time at the end for discussion among the panelists and for questions from the floor. biographical stechs of our panelists should be available on the sheets that were provided outside as well as online at

whatsoproudlywehail.org. so, too, is the text of washington's farewell address to which we now turn. thank you. >> i'm going to read a few selections from the farewell address. these are my personal favorites and they touch on some of the themes. first, some remarks from the beginning that tell you something about the man. in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of the debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me. still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me and for the opportunities i have thence

enjoyed of my attachment by services faithful and persevering though in usefulness unequalled to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services let it always be remembered to your praise as an example in your annals that under circumstances in which the passions agitated in every direction were liable to mislead, amidst appearances, sometimes dubious, fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently wont of success kouns nanced the spirit of criticism. the constancy of your support was the essential prop of our efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were affected. profoundly penetrated with this idea i shall carry it with me to my grave as a long incitement to vows that heaven may continue to

view the choicest tokens of its benevolence. that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual. that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained. that it administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue. that in the happiness of the people of these states under the auspices of liberty may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent the use of the blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. on the constitution, this government, the off spring of your own choice uninfluenced and unawed adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the

distribution of powers uniting energy and a provision of its amendment as a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in measures are duties enjoyed by the fundamental maksims of true liberty. the basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is obligatory on all. the very idea of the power and right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. toward the preservation of your government it is requisite not only that you discountenance to

its acknowledged authority but also resist with care the spirit of innovation upon principles however specious is the pretexts. a famous pass sablg on political prosperity. of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, relimben and morality are indispensable supports. in vain with that man claimed the tribute of patriotism who should labor to support great pillars of human happiness the firmest props of the duties of man and citizens. the politician equal with the pious man and to cherish them. let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life if the

sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of information in courts of justice. let us with caution indulge the s supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever to the refined education on minds of structure, reason and experience for bid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. promote them as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. in propoergs as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. on public credit and debt. as a very important source of strength and security cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as

possible. avoid expense by cultivating peace and remembering the timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it. avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt. not only by shunning occasions of expense but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the deaths which unavoidable wars may have been occasioned not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. finally on foreign relations, a few pass kajs. observe good faith and justice toward all nations. cultivate peace and harm any with all. religious and morality enjoy the conduct. can it be that good policy cannot equally enjoin it? it will be worthy of a free, enlightened ant a great nation to give to mankind the mag

unanimous mouse and too novel example of a people guided by justice and benevolence. who can doubt that in the court of time and things the fruits of such a plan would repay any temporary advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it. the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with us as little political connection as possible. it is our policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world. harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. even our commercial policy should hold an equal and

impartial hand. keeping constant in view. that is following one nation to look for disinterest from another. it must pay with a portion of independence for whatever it may accept under that character. there can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. it is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. >> the world's most generous prize money is attached not to the nobel prize but to the mo ibrahim prize awarded for good governance in africa determined

by a test. a democratic leader who leaves office at the end of his term. the winner receives $5 million, plus $200,000 a year for life. the 53 african nations yielded one claimant in 2011. not a single one for the two years previous. the precedence set by the retirement of george washington has not been easy to establish elsewhere, prize money or not. washington is justly honored for his refusal of perpetual power which he performed not once but twice. first when he resigned supreme military authority in 1783 and again with presidential authority in 1797. although washington went willingly it can't be said he went quietly. not of course that he made fuss and bother. that was not his style. he did take the opportunity to speak to his fellow citizens about the perils ahead.

the impulse to extend his guiding presence over the generations indicates, i think, how difficult it was for the most competent man on the stage to exit of his own accord. in washington's first value depictry, the circular to the states the general noted some might object to his offering political counsel for the future, viewing it as an act of arrogant presumption, stepping out of the proper line of cute. washington responded by saying silence in me would be a crime. why a crime? because although the war had been won it was yet to be determined according to washington whether the revolution might be considered as a blessing or a curse. in view of what he called the present crisis, washington was convinced it was not only permissible but incumbent upon him to set forth thoughts on government which he proceeded to do by describing four pillars

needed to support the glorious fabric of our national character. like the circular, the farewell address was never delivered as a speech. it was, from the first, a written document intended to be pondered, not applauded. its audience and mode of distribution were different from the circulars. the circular was sent to governors of the states who were addressed with the salutation, sir. the citizens of america were mentioned but always in the third person as they. by contrast the farewell was published via the popular medium of the newspapers and bore the salutation "friends and fellow citizens." the only instance of the intimate form of address in all of washington's writings. whereas the formal voice was actuated by duty. remember, silence in me would be a crime. the warmer voice of the farewell is prompted by love as washington himself puts it, his

counsels are those of an old, affectionate friend. what did the nation's parting friend offer as his last legacy for our contemplation and frequent review? the 50 paragraphs of the address are carefully structured. the primary divisions are in six paragraphs which con tie institutes the resignation proper, a central section of 36 paragraphs which delineates washington's maksims and warnings and eight paragraphs in conclusion measuring his own administration against expressed principles and solicits pardon for shortcomings. the language of the opening section with modesty is alien to us. politicians would never dream of drawing attention as washington does to his fallable judgment and incompetent abilities. washington claims only good intentions for himself. of course, it may be easier to

appear humble when one's actions have spoken i are refutably. the great man effaces himself and deflects credit to his fellow citizens. if pfts resulted to our country from the services, washington insists let it always be remembered to your praise since the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts. he closes the opening section with a prayer, a carefully itemized prayer, hoping that the nation will be blessed with the favor of heaven, perpetual union, fidelity to the constitution, the wise administration of government and a completion of national happiness that will inspire the worldwidespread of liberty. having given his notice washington declares here, perhaps i ought to stop. the attention of the reader is

riveted both by the style of the statement, short, punchy sentences are rare and its implication. what could move the ever proper george washington to go beyond the bounds of propriety? if he ought to stop, why did you want he? two things. solicitude and apprehension urge him forward to present counsels he regards as all important. he begins the central section by declaring the love of liberty is secure in american hearts. unlike tocqueville who did worry some decades later that americans may sacrifice liberty, washington's fears took a different direction. he takes liberty as a given and shows the relation to three goods that are endangered -- the union, the constitution, and the virtuous conduct of government. the union comes first. it is a main pillar of

independence. as such, washington says our common country has a right to concentrate our affections. the name of america must exalt patriotism more than any local discriminations. washington may be retiring to mount vernon, but he does so as an american, not a virginian. for washington, patriotism is a matter of sympathy, but not only sympathy. he supplements the cordial attachment of north, south, east and west with what he calls the most commanding motives. namely those of immediate commercial interest which link us as one nation. this appeal to unions which is compounded of sense and sensibility culminates in washington's first warning against sectionalism and the designing men who would capitalize on geographic differences to divide and ail yes innocent nait affections

rather than brinl them. one wonder what is washington would make of our current partisan geography of heartland red states and bicoastal blue states. washington admits political fraternity on the large scale the united states is attempting is an experiment. on that it is well worth the experiment. we are authorized to distrust patriotism of nay sayers. he is fostering certain political positions. positions which could under mine the continuance of the union must be made disreputable. as lincoln would later say, having learned from washington, in this and like communities, public sentiment is everything. with public sentiment nothing can fail. without it, nothing can succeed.

consequently, he who molds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts decisions. he makes statutes impossible to be executed. in the farewell address washington is engaged in this ultimate task, shaping a fundamental and enduring public sentiment that will support and just as importantly restrict the efforts of future american statesmen. from union it is but a short step to the constitution for the constitution furthers an intimate union. washington's main point in the section is that true liberty entails duty upon citizens. he delivers a lesson in democratic theory. the basis of the political systems is the right of the people to make and alter constitutions of government, but the constitution which exists at any time until changed by an explicit, authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. the warning is not only against

disobedience to law of the sort that had been displayed in the whiskey rebellion which washington suppressed during his second term of office. it's not only disobedience to law but the warning is against faction which washington defines as all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character with the real design to direct, control, counteract or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities. james madison may have argued in federalist 10 that the solution to mischief caused by faction is to multiply the number of factions and pit them against one another. washington seems to have had serious reservations about the wisdom of interest group politics. seeing it as an invitation to cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men to subvert the power of the people. washington repeat this is

emphatic warning against the spirit of party three times. first in the section on union. then again in the section on the constitution where he warns especially against the spirit of innovation upon constitutional principles and most comprehensively at the beginning of the section on good government. now, washington admits that partisanship is both natural and inevitable. it is, e he says, a fire not to be quenched. his object is by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. so the disgust that americans often express at extreme partisanship and maybe even their longing for bipartisan ship or post partisanship was encouraged by washington. a wise people behaves like a shovel full of dirt or a spritz of water, tamping down the partisan