states. friends and fellow citizens, the period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the united states being not far distant and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed and designating the person to be clothed with that important trust it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce it a more distinct expression of the public voice, that i should now apprise you of the resolution i have formed. to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. i beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all of the considerations an pertaining to the relation which bindis a dutiful citizen to his country and drawing the tender of service, i'm influenced by no

diminution of zeal for your future interests. no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness but i'm supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. the acceptance of and continuance hitterto in the office to which your sufficient fr fr suffrages have called me to a deference for what appeared to your desire i constantly hope it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motivize was not at liberty disregard return the retirement which i had been reluctantly drawn. the strength of inclination to do this had led to the preparation of an address to the declare to to you. but mature reflection on the then-perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impell

me to abandon the idea. i rejoice that the state of your concerns, tern nal as well as internal no longer renders the pursuit of inclination imcompat interwith the sentiment of duty or impreprity and persuaded what partial alty might be retained for my services in the present circumstances of the country you will not disapprove my determination to retire. the impressions which with i first undertook the arduous trust explains on the proper occasion in the discharge of this trust i will only say that i have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was camab cap. in my own eyes, perhaps more in the eyes of others has strengthened motives of myself and every day the increasing

weight of years admonishes me more and more the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. satisfied that if any circumstances have been given peculiar value to my services they were temporary. i have the consolation to believe that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. in looking forward to the moment which is terminate at career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledge innocent of met of gratitude i owe to the can untri. for the steadfast confidence which it has supported me and for the opportunities i have since enjoyed of manifesting my unviable attachment by services faithful in persevering though in usefulness unequal to my

zeal. if benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals that under circumstances in which the passions agitated in every direction were liable to mislead and missed appearances, sometimes dubious, the vicissitudes of fortune discouraging in situations which not unfrequently one of success has countenance the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plan business which they were affected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choices tokens of its ben nef sense that your union and breaux breauxly affection may be per

pep wall, that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virvirtue. the people of states under the auspices of liberty may be made complete by careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as well acquired to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adopt of evey nation which is yet a stranger to it. here perhaps i ought to stop but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end with my life and apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your soma s solemn contemplation sentiments result of much reflection of no inconsiderable observation and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your fa

listy as a people. these will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warning of a parting friend who can possibly have no personal motive to bias this council. nor can i forget your indull gent reception on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as the love of will be liberty with every ligament of your hearts, to fortify or confirm the attachment. the unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. it is justly so for it is the main pillar and the eddie fis of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, peace aboard of your safety, prosperity, of the very liberty which you so highly

prize. but as it's easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many art fiss employed to weaken in your mines conviction of this truth as this is the point in your political fortress which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively though often covertly and insidiously directed, it is of infinite movement that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness. that you should cherish a movable attachment to it, accustoming yourself to think and speak of it as the pla aidium of the political safety and prosperity. watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountancing whatever it suggests can be abandoned and

indig nein d indig nantly frowning upon or infeebable the sacred ties which ling together the various parts. for this in you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. the name of american, which belongs to you and your national capacity, must always exalt the justice pride of patriotism more than any appalachian derived from local discriminations. with slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. you have in a common cause fought and triumphed together, the independence and liberty you

possess are the work of joint counc councils. but these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your senseabilty are greatly outwaye by those applied to your interest. here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for union of the whole. the north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected by the equal laws of a common government, binds in the productions of the latter great resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. the south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. turning partly into its own channels the seaman of the north

it finds its particular navigation invigorated and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. the east. in a like intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more mind a valuable vent for the commod diities which it brings abroad or manufacture at home. the west derives from the east, supplies ex-question sit to its growth and comfort which is greater consequence it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the future maritime strength of the atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoleable one

nation. anyone other continue ur which the west can hole this advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from unnatural connection with any foreign power must be intrii intrii intrins cali precarious. any part of our country feels immediate and particular interest in union all parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass means and efforts greater strength, greater resource proportionately greater security from he external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of an estimable value. they must derive from union exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government which their own rivalship alone would be

surf to produce but which opposite foreign alliances attachments and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. hence likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown mill ta military establishments which are inauspicious to liberty and be regarded as hostile to republican liberty. in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. these considerations speak of persuasive language to every reflecting and vir tious mind exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? let experience solve it. to listen to mere speculation in

such a case were criminal. we are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of government for the respective subdivisions will afford a happy issue to the experiment. it is well worth a fair and full experiment. with such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticalibility there will always be reason to distress the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endever to weaken its bands. in contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occur as a matter of serious concern any grant should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, northern and southern, atlantic

and western, whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief there is a real difference of local interests and views. one of the expedience of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. you cannot shield yourselves to much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these representations. they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. the inhabitants of our western country have lightly had a useful lesson on this head. they've seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with spain and in the universal satisfaction of the event throughout the united states, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the

general government and in the atlantic states unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi. they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with great britain and that with spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations towards confirming their prosperity. will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? will they not henceforth be death to advises are if such they are who would server them from their brethren and connect them with aliens. to the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. no alliances between the parts can be an adequate substitute. they must inevitable experience the infractions and interruptions which all

alliances and all times have experienced. sensible of this momentum truth you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former for an intimate union and efficacious management of your common concerns. this government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles and distribution of powers uniting security with energy and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoyed by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. the basis of our political

systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. that the constitution, which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit act by the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and right of the people to establish a government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations unwhatever plausible character with the real design to direct, control, counteract or awe the regular deliberations and actions of the constituted authorities are destructive of the fundamental principle, and a fatal tip dendency. they serve to organization faction, give an artificial and

extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of party often as small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests. however combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, am besbitious will be able to subvert the pow or of the people and usurp for themselves the reign of government destroying the very

engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. towards the preservation of your government and permanency of your present, happy state it is requisite that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to authorities but you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, howevspecious. to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. all of the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions. that experience is the sure standard by which to test the

rel tenden real ten tan dancy of the country. exposes to perpetual change from endless variety of hypothesis and opinion and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as hours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. liberty itself will find in such a government with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. it is indeed little else than a name where government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction to confine each member of the seat south in the limits prescribed by laws and maintain all in the security and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. i've already intimated to you

dangers of paert in trties in sh geographical discrimination. let me take a comprehensive view and warn you in the most solemn manner against the bayneful effects of the spirit of party generally. this spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature. having its roots in the strongest passions of the human mind, it exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed, but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. the alternate domination of one faction over another sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the enormities is a spiteful despotism.

the deformities which result incline the minds of men to seek security and repose the power of an individual. sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction more able 0 or more fortunate than his competitors turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, which never th nevrve nevertheless not out to e entirely out of sight the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. it serves always to distract the public councils and infeebable the public administration, agitates the community with ill founded jell os jealousies. it opens the door to foreign

influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. thus the policy and the will of one docountry are subjected to e policy and will of another. there is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of government. and serve to keep alive the spe spirit of liberty. this within certain limits is probably true and in governments of monarchal cast, patriotism look porteous upon tupon the sp. in government's purely elective it is a spirit not to be encouraged. from their natural tendency it is certain will there always be enough spirit for every purpose and constant danger of excess the effort ought to be by force

of public opinion to mitigate and a fire not to be quenched it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, less instends ad of warm it should consume. it is important likewise that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional sneers avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all of the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government a real despotism. a just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominate in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. the necessity of reciprocal

checks and the exercise of political power by dividing and distributing it into different depositories and constituting each the guardian of the public wheel against invasion of the others, has been events experienced by experiments ancient and modern some under our own eye to preserve them must be as necessary to institute them. if the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. but let there be no change though this in may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. the precedent must always greatly overbalance and permanent evil any partial or

transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. of all of the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert great pillar human happiness, the props of duty of men and citizen, the mere politician with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all of their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life if the sense of religious obligation dessert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?

and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion, whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of particular structure, reason and experience, both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. it is substantially true that virtue or mole rrality is a spr of american government. who a sincere friend to it can look to inderifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric. promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge in proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion it is

essential that public opinion should be enlightened. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating piece but remembering also that timely disbursement to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it. avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace which inavoidable wars may have occasioned not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. the execution of these maxims belongs to representatives. but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate to

facilitate to them the performance of their duty. it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payments of debt there must be revenue, that to have revenue there must be taxes, that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant, that the intrinsic imbear r beabe embarrassment ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it. and for a spir of acquiescence and the measures of obtaining reven revenue. observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all. religion and morality enjoin this conduct and it be