master or did something to kill the president. the guy who threw a shoe at bush in iraq. don't know what could have been in those and in country of georgia somebody threw a grenade that landed pretty close to bush so they have done a good job at keeping people and threats away, but in this era in this open society a very difficult job to have. i found it interesting, you know, this day played such a key role in reagan's ultimate success, you know. what's amazing to me is that in mid-march, you know, two weeks before the shooting that showed reagan had the lowest approval rating of any president of any time in the first time. 59% approval rating very low for a president. crushed reagan in a landslide. questionable policies about el salvador coming, wanted to cut spending and lower taxes and those were controversial things

at that time and increase defense spending and people one sure about him. well, he got shot. he performs amazingly this day. people begin to separate the man they admire from the politics as a leader, and he gets a lot accomplished after this moment in the next year and also forms a bond between him and the public. lou cannon, perhaps the most esteemed reagan biographer, told me, you know, del what, this day did, really like reagan's character under fire and his heroism, cracked jokes in the emergency room, cracked jokes in the o.r. and cracked jokes kind of laughing at death and people saw this on event, real live event, dawn of the 24-hour news cycle, people are drawn to and listening to the coverage, they felt like it was their aunt or uncle or grandfather who was shot and they form that bond with him, and i think that carried him through. you know, it kept him from getting in a lot more trouble in places where other presidents would have faced a lot rougher

time. >> explore an interactive timeline,view photos and video, listen to audio clips and read government documents at author del wilber's website raw highdown.com. to mark george washington's birthday, the american enterprise institute hosted a gathering of political thinkers to consider the presidency and legacy of our nation's first chief executive. among the topics discussed are washington's farewell address and the many presidents he set for his successors, including what historians it to be his most lasting legacy. his decision to relinquish power after only two terms in office this. program is 90 minutes. cls par. >> i'm amy kass, senior fellow at hudson institute. on behalf of what so proudly we hail aei's program on american citizenship, would i like to

welcome you and our viewers around the country courtesy of c-span to event in honor washington's birthday. this is one of a series of events and discussions where response oregon on the american national calendar. built around selections from our recently published anthology "what so proudly we hail, the american's soul in store i had speech and song." our purpose in this series is to revive interest in and attention to our national holidays seen as important tools often neglected for shaping american identity and encouraging civic understanding and national attach me attachment. through our national holidays we're summoned to remember, honor and celebrate and express gratitude for our existence as a nation and the people who have

contributed and sacrificed so much to create and preserve the republic whose blessings we enjoy, blessings so familiar that we tend to take them for granted. our national holidays suitably observe, can refresh our national memory and unite us as a people. more determined and better able to preserve the blessings of the liberty to ourselves and our posterity. for these purposes, the birthday of george washington, february 22nd, 1732, should be a particularly cherished national obligation. in fact, americans celebrated washington's birthday long before congress in 1879. declared it as a holiday for federal workers in the district of columbia. and in 1885 a holiday for all federal employees everywhere. it was celebrated already at

valley forge in 1778, and after the founding it was annually, if unofficially, marked throughout the new republic. on the centennial of washington's birth, february 22nd, 1832, congress adjourned out of respect for his memory in -- out of respect for his memory. in 1862, the union threatened by civil war, congress chose to read washington's farewell address on the occasion of washington's birthday. and every year since 1896 the united states senate has selected one of its members to read it aloud in legislative session in honor of washington's birthday. but it was not the duty of memory that moved the congress of 1968 which passed the uniform monday holiday law to, quote,

provide uniform annual observes of certain legal public holidays on mondays. by creating more three-day weekends, congressobserves of certain legal public holidays on mondays. by creating more three-day weekends, congress hoped to, quote, bring substantial benefits to the spiritual and economic life of the nation, end quote, but what it accomplished was to turn a holiday into a vacation and eventually for many americans a day for bargain-hunting. washington's birthday is now celebrated on the third monday in february and therefore never on february 22nd. as a grateful nation enjoys the spiritual and economic benefits of washington's birthday mattress day sales. so far are we from remembering the father of our country, most of us will know next monday as presidents' day with a further confusion regarding whether we

are honoring only washington and his fellow february giant abraham lincoln, or all the presidents regardless of merit. yet, as i was pleased to discover in planning this event, the federal holiday is still officially known as washington's birthday, and i'm happy to report there is a new effort in congress to restore its official day of celebration to february 22nd. washingt washington's farewell address provides a fitting point of departure for today's celebration and discussion. published in 1796 on the threshold of a new presidential election, it declared washington's intention not to stand for a third term. washington used the occasion of announcing his retirement to offer -- to offer advice to the nation regarding the preservation of the union in the

face of foreseeable dangers, foreign and domestic. though the text offers reflection and advice on matters of policy, it is also a summons to national attachment through memory of the recent revolutionary past and through dedication to our common national purpose. as a valedictory of our first citizen and exemplary first president, it invites reflection, both on the subjects washington addresses and on the functions of the american presidency. sal try topics both for serious attention today. we have assembled a very distinguished panel to discuss george washington and the american presidency. aei scholar lyon kass will begin by reading a few passages from the farewell address and serve

as moderatea, downia schwab, co-editor of "so proudly we hail" and professor of political science at the university of loyola maryland will come in directly on the address. richard brookhiser, editor at "national review" and editor of biographies of "washington, hamilton and madison, will speak about washington, exemplary president. harvey mansfield, president at harvard and author of several books, will consider the role of the presidency in the american polity. finally aei scholar steven heyward, author of biographies of ronald reagan and winston churchill and his new politically incorrect guide to the presidents wilsons to obama will discuss the modern presidency in the light of its earlier history. we hope to have time at the end

forever discussion among the panelists and for questions from the floor. buy graphical sketches of our panelists should be available on the sheets that were provided outside as well as online at www.whatsoproudlywehail.org. so, too, is the text of washington's farewell address to which we now turn. thank you. >> i'm going to read a few selections from the farewell address. these are my personal favor ritz, and they touch on some of the themes. first. some remarks from the beginning that tell you something about the man. in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life. my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgement

of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me. still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me and for the opportunities i have enjoyed of my faithful and percent veerng. let it always be remembered to your praise as an instructive example in our annals that under circumstances in which the passionsage gated in every direction were liable to mislead, a midst appearances sometimes dubious, advice sis tutsds of fortune offer discouraging in, situations in which not infrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, your

support was essential for our prop of efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which are they were affected. profoundly penetrated with this idea, i shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to uncreasing vows that heaven may give to you the token of its benevolence, that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual and the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained, that its administration in every administration may be stamped with wisdom and virtue, that the happiness of these people of these states under the auspices of liberty may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as well acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

on the constitution. this government, the offspring of your own choice uninfluenced and unawed adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles and the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment has a just claim to your confidence and your support. respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, our duty's enjoyed by the fundamental max yims of true liberty. the basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. the very idea of the power and the right of the people to

establish government pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance your regular opposition to its acknowledged authority but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however speechious, the pretext. a famous passage on political prosperity. of all dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. in vain with that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happenness, these props of the duties of man and citizens. the mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect

and to cherish them. a volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life if the sense of religious obligation desert the oates which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. promote then as an object of primary importance institutions for the general diffusion of

knowledge. it's important that public opinion should be enlightened. on public credit and debt. as a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. one method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible. avoid occasions of expense by cultivating peace but remembering also the timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to rappel it. avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt. not only by shutting occasions of expense but by voig rouse exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasions, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. finally on foreign relations, a few passages. observe good faith and justice towards all nations. cultivate peace and harem we

all. religion and morality enjoy this conduct and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoy it? it will be worthy of a free enloyaltiened and in no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnon mouse and too novel example of a people always the guyed by an exalted justice and benevolence. who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would ritually repay any temporary advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it. can it be that providence is not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. 'tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign

world. harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity and interest, but even our commercial policies should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences. keeping constantly in view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another, that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character. there can be no greater era than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

>> the world's most generous prize money is attached not to the nobel prize but to the mo ibrahim prize awarding for good governance in africa as determined by a very simple defendant, a democratically elected leader who actually leaves office at the end of his term. the winner receives $5 million, plus $200,000 a year for life. the 53 african nations yielded one claimant in 2011 but not a single one for the two years previous. the precedent set by the retirement of george washington has not been easy to establish elsewhere, prize money or not. thus, washington is justly honored for his republican refusal of perpetual power, a refusal he performed not once but twice. first when he resigned supreme military authority in 1783 and then again when he relinquished presidential authority in 1797.

although washington went willingly, it can't be said that he went quietly. not, of course, that he made any sort of fuss and bother. that was not his style. but he did on both occasions take the opportunity to speak to his fellow citizens about the parols ahead. the impulse to extend his guiding hand over the presence indicates how hard it was for the most competent man on the stage to exit. the general had noted some may objected to his offering political counsel for the future. viewing it as an act of arrogant presumption. washington responded by saying silence in me would be a crime. why a crime? although the war had been won it was yet to be determined whether

the revolution is a blessing or a curse. he was convinced it was to set his thoughts on government. like the circular, the fairwell address was never delivered as a speech. it was intended to be pondered, not applauded. its audience was strikingly difference. the circulars were sent to the speculative governors of the state. who were addressed with the salutation, sir. the citizens of america will mentioned but always in the third person as "they." the only instance of this intimate form of address in all

of what's writings were as the formal voice was actuated by duty, remember. silence in me would be a crime. the warmer voice of the fairwell is prompted by love, as washington says at his counsel are an old and affectionate friend. so what did the nation's parting friend offer as his legacy for our solemn contemplation and frequent review? a central section of 36 paragraphs, which delineates his warnings and a concluding section of eight paragraphs which measures washington's own administration against his expressed principles and this solicits pardons for any shortcomings.

our self trumpeting politicians would never dream of drawing attention, as washington does, to his very fallible judgment and imp competent abilities. for himself washington claims only good intentions. it may be easier to appear humble when ones actions have spoken. he deflects the credit on ho citizen fellow citizens. from these services, washington insists let it be remembered to your praise, since the consistency of your support was the essential crop of the efforts. the converse of his humility is his gratd titude. he closes with a prayer, hoping that the nation will be blessed with the favor of heaven, perpetual union, fidelity to the constitution, the wise administration of government,

and a completion of national happiness that will inspire the worldwide spread of liberty. having given his notice, washington declares here perhaps i ought to stop. the attention of the reader is riveted by the style of the statement. short, punchy sentences are pretty rare in george washington's writing and the implications. what could move him beyond the bounds of propriety? solicitude and apprehension urge him forward to present councils he regards as all important. he begins by declaring that the love of liberty is secure in american hearts. who some decades later did worry that americans might sacrifice

liberty, he took a different direction. he takes liberty as a given and proceeds to show the relation to three goods that are endangered. the union, the constitution and the virtuous conduct of government. the union comes first. it's a main pillar of independence. as such our common country has a right. the make of america must exalt the just pride of patriotism. washington may be retiring to mount vernon, but he does so as an american. for washington patriotism is a matter of sympathy. but not only sympathy. he supplements the attachment of north and south, east and west, with what he calls the most demanding motives.

this culminates in his first warning and the designing men to divide and alienate affections rather than bridge them. one wonders what washington would make of our current partisan geography of heart land red states and bicoastal blue states. washington admits the fraternity is an experiment but is worth a fair and full experm. we are authorized to distrust the pay troetism of the parochial nay sayers. washington doesn't coin the word un-american, he's very much fostering public suspicion.

as lincoln would later say, having learned it from washington, in this and like communities, public sentiment is everything. with public sentiment nothing can fail. without it, nothing can succeed. he who modes it goes deeper than who he enacts it. he makes it possible or impossible to be executed. in the fair weal address, he is engaged in the task, shaping an endurining sentiment to support and just as importantly restrict the efforts of future american statesmen. from union, it is but a short step to the constitution. washington's main point in the section is that true liberty entails duties upon citizens.

the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and alter their constitutions of government. but the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. it's not only disobedience to law. but more fundamentally the warning is against faction. which washington defines as all combinations under whatever plausible character with the real design to direct, control, counter act or awe the regular bib ration and action of the instituted authorities. james madison may have argued that the solution to the mischiefs is to multiply the number of factions and then pit

them against one another. but washington seems to have had series reservations about the wisdom of interest group politics. seeing it as cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men to subvert the power of the people. washington repeats this warning against the spirit of party three times. first in in section on union. then again in the section on the constitution, where he warns especially against the spirit of innovation among constitutional provisions. and then at the beginning of the section on good government. washington admits partisan zip is natural and inevitable. it is, he says, a fire not to be quenched. his object is by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. so the disgust americans often express at extreme partisanship and maybe even their longing or bipartisanship was encouraby