reagan had the worst approval rating. and when you think of him crushing carter in a landslide, and everybody loved him, but it is not true. there was controversial policies and salvador coming up, and taxes increasing, and defense spending, and that was unknown about him. but when he is shot, people separated the man they admired to the accomplished politician. that forms a bond between him and the public. lou canon who made the most esteemed reagan biography told me, that really reagan's calmness under fire cracking joke s jokes in the ambulance and in the e.r. and people saw it where people were glued to the

television set across the country for coverage. they felt it was the grand fa the or mo who was shot, and kept them being in trouble in places where other presidents would have faced a lot rougher time. explore an interactive time line and view photos and videos and listen to audio clips and read documents from del wilber website "raw hide down." tomorrow on george washington's birthday, the institute has gathered political thinkers to talk about the legacy of the first chief executive. among the topics discussed are washington's farewell address and including the precedents he set for the predecessors including the last legacy, the decision to relinquish power after only two terms in office.

this program is 90 minutes. i am amy cass senior fellowt ta hudson institute. on behalf of what so proudly we hail at .org and aie citizenship, i want to welcome you and our viewers around the country courtesy of c-span to this event in honor of washington's birthday. this is one of the series of events and discussions we're sponsoring on the american national calendar. built around selections from the recently published anthology what so proudly we held in story, speech and song. our purpose in the series is to revive interest in and attention to our national holidays seen as important tools often neglected

for shaping american identity and encouraging zefk understaci. and we are to talk about the contribution to the nation, and the people who have created and sacrificed so much to have blessings that we enjoy and blessings so familiar that we tend to take them for granted. our national holidays suitably observed can refresh the national memory and unite us as a people. more determined and better able to preserve the blessings of liberty to ourselves and the posterity. for these purposes the birthday of george washington february 22nd, 1732, should be a particularly cherished national obligation.

in fact america celebrated washington's birthday long before congress in 1879 declared it as a federal holiday for workers in the district of columbia, and in 188 5, a holiday for all federal employees everywhere. it was celebrated already at valley forge in 1778. after the founding, it was annually if unofficially marked throughout the new republic. on the centennial of washington's birth february 22nd, 1882, congress adjourned out of respect for his memory. in 1862, the union threatened by civil war, congress chose to read washington's farewell address on the occasion of washington's birthday. every year since 1896, the united states senate has selected one of its members to

read it aloud. in legislative session in honor of washington's birthday. but it was not the duty can of memory that moved the congress in 1868 that passed the holiday law to provide uniform annual observances of certain legal public holidays on monday. by creating more three-day weekends congress hoped to quote bring substantial benefits to the spiritual and the economic life of the nation, end quote. but what it accomplished is to turn a holiday into a vacation and eventually for many americans, a day for bargain hunting. washington's birthday is now celebrated on the third monday of february and never on february 22nd. as a grateful nation enjoys the

spiritual and economic benefits of washington's birthday mattress day sales. so far are we from remembering the father of the country, many of us will observe presidents' day with a further confusion if we are honoring only washington and his fellow february giant abraham lincoln or all of the presidents e s regardless of m. yet, i was pleased in discovering and planting this event, the federal holiday is still officially known as washington's birthday. i'm happy to report that there is a new effort in congress the restore the official day of celebration to february 22nd. washington's farewell address provides a fitting point of departure for the conversation and celebration today.

published in 1776 on the threshold of a new presidential election, it declared washington's intention not the stand for a third term. washington used the occasion to an nouns his retirement and to offered a vice to the nation regarding the preservation of the union in the face of foreseeable dangers foreign and domestic. though the text offers advice on matters of policy, it is also a summons to national attachment through memory of the recent rev lug lution their past, and the dedication of the purpose. as parliamentarian of the vice president, it provides input on both subjects that washington addresses and on the function of the american presidency.

salutarytopics both for the degree of the topics today. we have a panel to discuss george washington. we have scholar leon kass to begin serving by reading a few passages. and we are joined by the co-editor of "so prude proudly hail." and edward brookehizer, biographies of washington, madison and hamilton will speak about washington as exemplary president. harvey mansfield, keenan professor of government at harvard and honors of book on burke, machiavelli and the executive roles of power while considering the role of the american policy in the american polidy.

and also scholar leeward who is the autobiographer of winston church hill, and no problems in his research from the last several presidents. we hope to have time for the panelists and questions from the floor. the questions for the panelists should be provided on the sheets provided by outside as well as online at www what so proudly we hailed.com. so, too, is the next of washington's farewell address to which we now turn. thank you. i am going to read a few selections from the farewell

address. these are my personal favorites and touch on the themes. first remarks from the beginning that tell you something about the man. in looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which i owe to my beloved country for the many honors that it has conferred upon me. still more for the stead fast confidence for which it has supported me and for the opportunities that i have thence enjoyed of manifesting my enviable attachment by services faithful and persevering and though unequal to my zeal. if benefits have resulted to the country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise as an instructive example in the annals that under circumstances in which the passions agitated in every direction were liable to

mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, the svis tud of fortune, and not frequently the want of success has continenced the spirit of criticism. the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and the guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. f profoundly penetrated with this idea i shall carry it to my grave with unsightly ceasing of the vows that heaven may continue to use the tokenbes of its bene lens. that the union and the brotherly affection may be perpetual, that the free constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained that. the administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue. that in defining the happiness

of the people of the state by the auspices of the state, and by the use of the blessing as required the glory of the recommending to the applause, the affection and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. on the constitution. this government, the off spring of your own choice unawed developed in mature investigation and deliberation completely free of the principles in the distribution of its power es united security with energy and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment has a just claim to the confidence and your support. respect for authority and compliance with the laws and the acquiescence of the measures are duties enjoyed by the fundamental maximums of true liberty. the basis of the political

system is the right of the people to make and altar their constitutions of governmentment but the constitution which at any time exists shall change because of an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory of the power of all. the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. towards the presentation of the government and the permanency of your present state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discontinence regular operations to the acknowledgment of the author i, but that you resist with care the renovation no matter how capricious the comments. a passage only political prosperity. of all of the dispositions and habits that lead to political prosperity, religion and

morality are indispensable supports. in vain, that man claimed the tribute of patriotism which subvert the pillars of happiness, and the firmest spots of off heavy handedness of man. and a piased man ought to respect and cherish them. a volume could not trace all of the connections with private and public fa lis ti. let it be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation for life if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths that are presented in courts of justices. and let us with caution adopt the supposition that morally can be maintained without religion. whatever can be conceived to the influence of refined infrastructu

infrastructure, we are both to expect that international morality can persist. promote then as a primary of institutions the general diffusion of knowledge. and in proportion, the government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlight enlightened. on public credit and debt. as an important source of security and threat cherish credit. one method the preit is to use it as sparingly as possible. avoid expense by incorporating peace. later there are much greater disturbances to propel it. avoid likewise the accumulation of debt not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous disposition in times of peace that which dets of

unavoidable wars may have occasion and not necessarily throwing on prosperity the brethren which we ourselves ought to bare. and finally on foreign relations, a few passages. observe good faith and justice toward all nations, and cultivate peace and harmony with all. can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? it is worthy of a free and enlightened and at no distant relation to give to magnanimous two people that is judged by exaltedness and doubt. who can doubt that the fruits of such a plan would repay any temporary advantage which might be lost to the steady adherence to it. can it be that proprovidence has not convicted the fa lis ti of

nature. in regard to our extending commercial relations, we want to have as little connection to them if possible. it is difficult to steer clear of the alliances of any porg of the full world. harmony, liberal intercourse with all neighs are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. but even our commercial policy should have hold a commercial hand, and not seeking further preferences. keeping in constant view that 'tis folly to look for disinterested favor of another. it must pay for a portion of the independence for which it may accept under that character. no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation-to-nation.

to the illusion that just illusion ought to take with pride and then discard. the world's most generous pri prized bunny is attached not to the nobel prize, be tow the mo ibrahim prize, awarded for good governance in africa as determined by a simple test, a democratically leader who actually leaves office at the end of his term. the winner receives $5 million plus $200,000 a year for life. the 53 african nations yielded one claimant for 2010, but none for last year.

the prize money or not, washington has not been able to draw. and so it is his public refusal of perpetual power. not once but twice. first when he resigned the supreme military authority in 1973, and then relinquished presidential authority in 1997. although washington went willingly, it cannot be said that he went quietly. not a course that he made any fuss and bother, and that is not his style. he did on both occasions take the opportunity to speak to his fellow citizens about the perils ahead. the impulse to extend his guiding presence over the generations indicates how difficult it actually was for the most competent man on the stage to exit in his own accord. in washington's first valedictory, the circular to the states, the general noted that there were some who would object to his offering political

counsel in the future, viewing it as arrogant, and unwilling to step down in the proper duty. silence in me would be a crime. why why a crime? because although the war had been won, it was yet to be determined, according to washington, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse. in view of what he called the present crisis, washington was convinced that it was not only permissible but incumbent on him to set forth his thoughts on government, which he proceeded to do by describing four pillars that were needed to support the glorious fabric of our independency and national character. like the circular, the farewell address was never delivered as a speech. it was from the first a written document intended to be pondered, not applauded. its audience and mode of distribution, however, were strikingly different from the circulars. the circular had been sent to the respective governors of the state who were addressed with

the salutation, ". the citizens of america were me mentioned but always in the third person as they. by contrast, the farewell was published via the popular medium of the newspapers and bore the salutation friends and fellow citizens. the only instance of this intimate form of address in all of washington's writings. whereas, the formal voice of the circular had been actuated by duty, the warmer voice of the farewell is prompted by love as washington himself puts it, his counsels are those of an old and affectionate friend. so what did the nation's parting friend offer as his last legacy for our solemn comtemplation and frequent review? the 50 paragraphs of the address are carefully structured. the primary divisions are an opening section of six paragraphs which constitutes the resignation proper, a sen be tral section of 36 pair a graphs which delineates his maxims and

warnings and a concluding section of eight paragraphs which measures his own administration against his expressed principles and then solicits pardon for any shortcomings. the language of the opening section with its ostentatious modesty is now alien to us. our self-trumpeting politicians would never dream of drawing attention as washington does to his very fallible judgment and incompetent abilities. for himself, washington claims only good intentions. of course, it might be easier to appear humble when one's actions have spoken so irrefutably. the great man in the infant republic deflects the credit upon himself to his citizens. if benefits have come to the country, washington insists let it always be remembered to your praise since the constancy of your support was the essential

prop of the efforts. the converse of washington's humility is his gratitude. he closes the opening section with a prayer, a very carefully itemized prayer, hoping that the nation will be blessed with the favor of heaven, perpetual union, fidelity to the constitution, the wise administration of government, and a completion of national happiness that will inspire the worldwide spread of liberty. having given his notice, washington declares here perhaps i ought to stop. the attention of the reader is riveted both by the style of the statement, short, punchy sentences are pretty rare in george washington's writing, and its implication. what could move the ever proper george washington to go beyond the bounds of propriety? if he ought to stop, why doesn't he? two things, solicitude and

apprehension urge him forward to present counsels that he regards as all important. interestingly, he begins the central section by declaring that the love of liberty is secure in american hearts. unlike tokeville did worry that americans might sacrifice liberty, washington's fears take a different direction. he takes liberty as a given and proceeds to show its relation to three goods that are endangered, the union, the constitution and the virtuous conduct of government. the union comes first. it is a main pillar of independence. as such, washington says that our common country has a right to concentrate our affections. the name of america must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appalachian derived from local discriminations. washington may be retiring to mount vernon, but he does so as an american, not a virginian.

for washington, patriotism is a matter of sympathy, but not only sympathy. he supplements the cordial attachment of north and south, east and west with what he calls the most commanding motives, namely, those of immediate commercial interest which link us indissol u bli as one nation. this appeal to union, which is compounded of both sensibility and sense, culminates in washington's first warning against sectionalism and the designing men who would capitalize on geographic divisions who would divide and alienate affections rather than bridge them. one wonders what washington would make of our current partisan gee ago gra if i. washington at mitts that political fraternity on the large scale that the united states is attempting is an experiment, but as such, tis well worth a fair and full experiment. we are accordingly authorized to

distrust the patriotism of the parochial naysayers. though washington doesn't coin the word unamerican, he is very much fostering public suspicion of certain political positions, positions which because they could undermine the very continuance of the union, must be made disreputable. as lincoln would later say, having learned it from washingt washington, in this and like communities public sentiment is everything. with public sentiment nothing can fail. without it, nothing can succeed. consequently, he who molds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. he makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. in the farewell address washington is engaged in this ultimate task shaping a fundamental and enduring public sentiment that will support and just as importantly restrict the

efforts of future american states men. from union it is but a short step to the constitution for the constitution furts an intimate union. true liberty entails duties upon citizens. he delivers a lesson in democratic theory. the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and alter their constitutions of government but the cons city tulgts at any time which exists till changed by an explicit and an authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. the warning is not only against disobedience to law of the sort that had been displayed in the whisky rebellion which he had suppressed during his second term of office. not only that. not only disobedience to law, but more fundamentally the warning is against faction which washington defines as all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character with the real design

to direct, control, counter act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities. james madison may have argued in federalist 10 that the solution to the mischiefs caused by faction is to multiply the number of factions and then pit them against one another, but washington seems to have had serious reservations about the wisdom of interest group politics seeing it as an invitation to cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men to subvert the power of the people. washington repeats this emphatic warning against the spirit of party three times, first in the section on union, then again in the section on the constitution where he warns especially against the spirit of innovation upon constitutional principles, and then most comprehensively at the beginning of the section on good government. now washington admits that partisanship is both natural and

inevitable. it is, he says, a fire not to be again muched. his object is by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. so the disgust that americans often express at extreme partisanship, and maybe even their longing for bipartisan or post partisanship was encouraged by washington. a wise people behaves like a shovel full of dirt or a spritz of water tamping down the partisan flames. of course, ideal logs are endlessly inventive and have discovered they can em employ the accusation of partisanship as a means to further their own partisan agenda. thus, american politics becomes a less than candid competition to appear above politics. having made explicit his theme of public opinion, washington cl