we're also looking for how to operate multidimensional diplomacy at all times. building and holding a coalition to pressure an isolate iran is one example. but there are others, as well. our willingness to engage, show good faith, our willingness to listen showed humility. our willingness to hammer out the kinds of solutions that would be acceptable beyond the usual suspects who always are with us is paying off. it's not just with china and russia, but other rising powers like india, turkey, south africa, south korea, indonesia and brazil where intensive diplomacy is absolutely essential. aligning our interests with these rising influential nations

is not always easy. in syria, we are seeing first hand how difficult it can be. but it can and has been working. iran is one example, but we're also trying to come together around other global challenges from working with the imf and others to manage the international economic crisis to securing loose noose. we are also putting a lot more attention into regional and global institutions that mobilize common action and help to settle disputes peacefully that stand for upholding universal rights and standards and supporting an open free transparent and fair economic system, and having security arrangements that promote stability and trust. because i don't believe that the rise of new powers has to be a threat to american leadership.

in fact, the rise of these powers is in part the result of american leadership, of the stability and prosperity that we brought to and fostered around the world since the end of world war ii. this is not 1912, when friction between a declining britain and rising germany set the stage for global conflict. it's 2012. a strong america is working with new powers in an international system designed to prevent global conflict, but we have to update that system. we have to continue to ask ourselves, how can we make it work better? we cannot do it alone. let me turn to a second example. orally last year when citizens took to the streets across the middle east and north africa demanding their dignity and human rights, those protests

caught fire and caught most people by surprise. we saw the beginnings of responsiveness and accountability in egypt and even in yemen, but in libya, gadhafi responded with brutal violence and the libyan people and the arab league, for the first time together, be asked for the international community's support. so we did put together a broad coalition led by nato, with a mandate from the u.n. security council. think about it. the arab league not only called for action, but members of the arab league participated alongside nato. without america's high level diplomacy cajoling, hand holding and occasional arm-twisting, that coalition would never have come together nor stayed together. now we're working with new partners to support emerging

democracies, and to help built credible institutions. i was just in brazil with the president co-chairing the open government partnership, which is an effort by the united states to bring countries in to the fight against corruption, a push for openness. i was so proud that libya was represented at that conference and made a speech about the kind of future, democratic future that they are seeking. now, we all know that this is a difficult transformation. and we see countries like syria that are trying to hold back the tide of history with brutal, horrible impact on innocent lives, but a situation as complicated as the arab spring demands a multifacted response. so we have to marry all these tools together.

old-fashioned shoe leather diplomacy and the use of social media. using every partner that is willing to work with us. and bringing disparate stake holders together. only the united states of america has the resolve, the reach and the resources to do this on a truly global scale. and that doesn't mean we go it alone. actually, it means the opposite. american not and should not shoulder every burden ourselves. as we saw in libya, our european and nato allies remain our partners of first resort, but new partners like those arab nations that flew the air cap and helped with with the maritime interdiction really made a difference. so we have to work on how we keep building those networks and

how we give capability and credibility to these coalitions that come up to promote regional stability and security in a lot of hot spots. and we paid particular attention to the asia pacific and the multilateral organizations there to build a new architecture of institutions that will serve as a bullwark for continuing prosperity and to deal with disputes like the territorial disputes in the south china sea. because after all, the asia pacific region which stretches from the indian ocean all the way to the shores of the americas, is a key driver of global politics and economics and so we are engaging in a whole hearted way. we are working on new trade agreements, educational exchanges, updated military

force posture. we are looking to bring leaders together from across the asia pacific. and just recently last september, in san francisco, we had a gathering for part of the preparation for the asia pacific economic community meeting in hawaii. we talked about something which i have talked about for a long time, but is really getting traction now and that is improving women's access to capital in markets, building women's capacities and skills, supporting women leaders, it's important not just because christine and jane and i are women with,ing but we know the more women participate in economies, the more successful those economies will be. so, we're working all the time -- [ applause ] we are working all the time on the full range of issues.

you've been very patient tonight and very kind. my friends who bought tables to support the wilson center and to come and be here this evening, and i wanted to just give you a short overview of why we believe that this kind of full engagement on all levels in our diplomacy and development work is the only way for us to move forward together. so as i look now at the work that the wilson center is doing and will be doing, i'm encouraged and grateful because there are no doubts in my mind that we need this public/private/not for public partnership. we can't do it alone. we need to be sure that we are

all on the same side, and in my view, all on the same team. and i was thinking a lot about this because we are coming up on the anniversary of the raid that killed bin laden. there will be lots and lots, wall-to-wall coverage about it. it was an incredible moment for me because of the extraordinary personal commitment that i felt. people asked me all the time what was going through your mind on that day? really, what was going through my mind were all the people in new york that i served and represented and what they had gone through, how much they and our country deserve justice. and i thought about how important it was to make sure we did everything we could to protect ourselves from another attack, and certainly thought about those brave navy seals who

went out on that moonless pakistani night, but i also thought about how important it is that we don't just focus on the threats. we don't just focus on the dangers. we have to keep reminding ourselves of the opportunities and the necessity for american leadership. it's in our dna. it's who we are. everyone in this room already knows so it is a little bit like preaching to the choir, but we have to keep telling that story. i want to end where fred began the evening. i love politics because i think it's the way people resolve problems and issues between them, and it's not just electoral politics that counts. if you've ever been in a church you know about politic. if you've ever been on a

faculty, you know about politics. electoral politics, the life blood of our democracy, is something that our country has been doing for longer now than anybody else in the history of the world. and we have to set an example as to how it's done. that doesn't mean we have to always agree with each other because we will not, but it means we have to show what it means to work together, to compromise. when i go to burma, as i did the end of last year and i go to their new shiny parliament buildings and i meet with these people who are trying to figure out, do they really want to try this thing called democracy? and they ask me, can you come help us know how to have a democracy? i realize that our ultimate

strength as always has been rests in our values, who we are, what we represent. we can't ever lose that. so we will need the help and partnership of everyone here. we're grateful for the wilson center, which is a wonderful resource for a lot of the work we do, but mostly we'll need citizenship to push and hold accountable our leadership regardless of party, regardless of whether it's in government or business, to make sure that we never, ever lose what makes our country so special. when i get off that plane representing the united states, i am so proud and so honored. i want to be sure that whoever is the secretary of state next and next and next for 20, 30, 50, 100 years into the future, will always be viewed the same

level of respect and appreciation for what this country stands for. and i need to be sure that all of you share that mission, as well. thank you very much. [ applause ] four years ago i was a washington outsider. four years later, i'm at this dinner. four years ago i looked like this. today i look like this.

and four years from now, i will look like this. that's not even funny. >> mr. president, you remember when the country rallied around you in hopes of a better tomorrow? that was hilarious. that was your best one yet. but honestly, it's a thrill for me to be here with the president, a man who, i think, has done his best to guide us through difficult times and paid a heavy price for it. there's a term for guys like president obama. probably not two terms. >> miss any part of the white house correspondents' dinner? you can watch online at the

c-span video library, behind the scenes, the red carpet and all the entertainment at c-span.org/video library. congress is on break this week. here is a look at american history tv's lineup programs. now republican senator marco rubio talks about u.s. foreign policy. introductory remarks are given by connecticut senator joseph lieberman.

senator rubio campaigned with the presumptive republican candidate mitt romney. this event is an hour. good afternoon to all of you. it is my great pleasure to welcome you to brookings today and particularly for those viewing this event on our webcast. we've got a lot of other media here, as well, which is a great compliment to our two guests of honor. we are also especially pleased to have five distinguished members of the diplomatic corps here today as well as four brookings trustees. it's always an honor to have a member of the senate come down from the hill to think tank row, so it's a double honor when we get two senators. the fact that they represent

different parties testifies to their bipartisanship, which is a rare, if not endangered commodity in this city today, one we here at brookings do our best to foster and protect. senator marco rubio is a member of the senate foreign relations committee. he is a member of the select committee on intelligence. and he has already established himself as a vigorous advocate of intense and widespread u.s. engagement and leadership in the world. he is an internationalist. from that perspective, he is going to be talking to us today about american foreign policy and the challenges facing american leadership. he will be introduced by joe lieberman who is a long-standing friend of this institution. i might add a very good friend to quite a number of us here today. joe, we're going to miss you when you leave the senate.

i have no doubt you will remain a forceful voice in the national and the international arena. when senator rubio finishes making his remarks, marvin kalb is going to moderate a discussion here on the podium and then engage as many members of the audience as he can for the remainder of the program. so, joe, over to you. >> thank you. >> thank you very much. thanks to strobe talbot, brookings and thanks for orchestrating and inspiring this event today. i am really honored to have been asked to introduce senator marco rubio, a rising star in the next generation of america's foreign policy leaders. marco came to the senate at a moment in our history when america was looking inward,

focused on our economic woes. it would have been very easy for him in that political climate to have given attention only to domestic issues. i would guess that many people advised him to do exactly that, including probably a media consultant or pollster or two. but instead, marco sought membership as strobe has said, on the senate foreign relations and intelligence committees, and has devoted much of his time and energy to foreign policy and national security. he has not done so because there are votes to be gained, but because of his steadfast belief in the importance of american leadership in the world and his understanding of how much that leadership determines our security and well being here at home. marco rubio's foreign policy is

principled, patriotic and practical. it grows, i believe, from his own life's journey from tyranny to study of history and contemporary challenges. his foreign policy, as i've come to know it, puts him in a proud bipartisan tradition that links together our greatest republican presidents like ronald reagan and our greatest democratic presidents like harry s. truman. it is a tradition that recognizes that america is defined not by the land under our feet or even by the blood in our veins but by our founding values first among them being freedom and equality of opportunity whose promotion and protection lk always be our first national purpose. it is a foreign policy that

drigs that is by part and an-dalistic and recognizes that there is evil in the world, that we should not be afraid to call it by its name, that we have enemies who cannot be negotiated into peace. but must be confronted with our strength. and it is a bipartisan foreign policy tradition that recognizes that the survival of liberty and prosperity in our country ultimately depends on the expansion of liberty and prosperity through without the world. in word and deed, marco rubio has become a leading advocate for freedom firefighters and political dissidents throughout the world. from venezuela to iran, from syria to north korea. you can regularly find him on the floor pst senate speaking out for those whom dictators seek to silence.

at a moment when the america faces many serious challenges, both here at home and throughout the world, and when it has become fashionable to suggest that our best days are behind us and we ought to pull back, senator rubio brings to the public arena a contagious personal.optimism and an abiding and patriotic faith in america's destiny. ladies and gentlemen, it is my pleasure to introduce to you senator marco rubio of florida. [ applause ] >> thank you. thank you. thank you very much. thank you, senator lieberman. you know one of the best things about working in the senate is the opportunity to learn and to know from colleagues whose statesmanship is an example for the rest of us. in my brief time in the senate, i've had the chance to get to

note joe lieberman and learn from him. he represents a screw of america's role in the world and the tradition of democratic leaders like franklin roosevelt and harry truman through john f. kennedy and joop jackson. in my every experience with him, it's been evident that joe leader man is a statesman to takes positions on every important national issue because he believes they best serve our corrupt's interests and values. so thank you, joe, for your introduction and more importantly thank you for your example. i'm privileged to serve with you. i want to thank brooks for this opportunity. i wanted to contribute food a few opportunities on the current debate other ever over america's role in the world in this the 21 century. and i wanted to give this speech today to share with you, my observations of someone who has a long-term interest in foreign pol. >> i'm calls cautious about

generallizations in politics but until recently the general perception was that is american conservativism believed in robust and muscular foreign policy. that was certainly the haul the foreign policies of both president bushes and of president reagan. but when i arrived in the senate last year, i found that some of the traditional sides in the foreign policy debate had shifted. on a more forceful foreign policy, in fact, the resolutions i co-authored with senator casy on syria and the resolution i cosponsored with senator menn menendez condemning fraudulent elections in nug rag ga were held by republicans. the further you move to the right, the likelier you are to wind up on the left. i found the sentiment to be true

not just in the senate but back home, as well. for example, many of my loyal supporters were very high little critical of my decision to call for a more active u.s. role in libya. now the easiest thing for me to do here today is to give a speech on my disagreements with this administration on foreign policy. and i do have many. but i wanted to begin by addressing another trend in our body politic one that increasingly says that it is time to focus less on the world and more on ourselves. now, i always begin by reminding people of how good a strong and engaged america has been for the world. and in making that argument, i have been recently relying on bob kag and's book "the world america made." he did not pay me to say that. he begins with a useful exercise, to imagine what the world order might have existed from the end of world war ii

until the present if america, absent american leadership. could we say for certain that it would look anything like america's vision of an increasingly freer and morley international system where conflicts between great powers are avoided, democracy and free market capitalism flourished, where prosperity spread wider and wider and billions of people eamericaned from poverty pop would it have occurred if after the war america had minded its own business and left the world to sort out its affairs without our leadership? well, almost surely not. as bob persuasively argued, every world order in history has reflected the interest and the beliefs of its strongest power. just as this world order still largely reflects ours. now, of course, many of these things were not achieved by us on our own. they weren't achieved because we succeeded in all our international endeavors, they weren't achieved because everyone always agreed with everything we did and they

weren't achieved because we were the most popular country on earth. they were achieved because the united states had a vision, the will and means to do the hard work of bringing it into existence, and then of maintaining it. we had the will and the means to defend its norms institutions and the security of our partners. face down, kits challengers, assist other people in attaining their liberty, keep trade routes open and support the expansion of free market capitalism. if that will accelerated the growth of the global economy. and we did it without coveting other countries' territories or seizing their assets or robbing them of their opportunities. the purpose of the institutions we established from the united nations to the world bank and the im fpt was to spread peace and prosperity, not to have a certain narrow american interests. other nations consented to our leadership because they saw what the economic and political values of the american world view had achieved for us.

and they wanted the same for themselves. they followed us because they believed that our way, the american way, the principles of free people the and free markets was the best way to advance their societies. but as bob also points out, we haven't ever really south this role and yet despite our worries, doubts and occasional resentment, we're proud of it. and we should be. as bob's books highlights about the post world war world war ii america made. the global gdp has risen 4% annually since the end of world war ii. four times faster than the average in past countries. 48 billion people mostly outside of europe and north america have been lifted out of poverty during that time. the number of democracies in the world have the proliferated nearly tenfold and we have had the longest period of peace

between the great powers ever. now, before nina accuses me of claiming that perk has ushered biblical promise of i new heaven and a new earth let's stop and remember that the world america made is better but it is not perfect. but it is vastly more peaceful and prosperous than any other age in recorded history. so this is the world america made. but what is the role for america now? is now finally the time for us to mind our own business? is now the time for us to allow others to lead? is now the time for us to play the role of equal partner? well, i always start by reminding people that what happens all over the world is our business. every aspect of our lives is directly impacted by global events. the security of our cities is connected to the security of small hamlets in afghanistan and pakistan and yemen. and of somalia. our cost of living, the safety of our food, the value of the things we invent, make and