we believe that all men are created equal yet many are denied equal treatment. we believe that all men have certain unalienable rights yet many americans do not enjoy those rights. we believe that all men are entitled to the blessings of liberty, yet millions are being deprived of those blessings. not because of their own failures but because of the color of their skin. the reasons are deeply embedded in history and tradition and the nature of man. we can understand without rancor or hatred, how this all happened. it cannot continue. our constitution, the foundation

of our republican forbids it. the principles of our freedom forbid it. morality forbids it. the law i will sign tonight forbids it. that law is the product of months of the most careful debate and discussion. it was proposed more than one year ago by our late and beloved president, john f. kennedy. it received the bipartisan support of more than 2/3 of the members and the house and senate. an overwhelming majority of republicans as well as democrats voted for it. it has received the thoughtful support of 10s of thousands of civic and religious leaders in

all parts of this nation and it is supported by the great majority of the american people. the purpose of this law is simple. it does not restrict the freedom of any american so long as he restricts the rights of others. it does not give special treatment to any citizen. it does say the only limit to a man's hope for happiness and for the future of his children shall be his own ability. it does say that there are those who are equal before god, shall now also be equal in the polling boonls, the classrooms and the factories and in hotel rest rooms and movie theaters and also places that provide services to the public. i am taking steps to implement the law under my constitutional obligation to take care that the

laws are faithfully executed. first, i will send to the senate my nomination of lee roy collins to be director of the community relations service. [ applause ] governor collins will bring the experience of a long career of distinguished public service to the task of helping communities solve problems of human relations through reason and common sense. second, i shall appoint an advisory committee of distinguished americans to assist governor collins in his assignment. third, i am sending congress a request for supplemental appropriations to pay for necessary costs of implementing the law and asking for immediate action.

fourth, already today, in a meeting of my cabinet this afternoon, i directed the agencies of this government to fully discharge the new responsibilities imposed upon them by the law and to do it without delay and to keep me personally informed of their progress. fic fifth, i am asking appropriate officials to meet with representative groups to promote greater understanding of the law and to achieve a spirit of compliance. we must not approach the observance and enforcement of this law in a vengeful spirit. it's purpose is not to punish. it's purpose is not to divide but to end divisions. divisions which have lasted all too long. it's purpose is national, not region. its purpose is to promote a more abiding commitment to freedom. a more constant pursuit of

justice and a deeper respect for human dignity. we will achieve these goals because most americans are law-abiding citizens who want to do what is right. this is why the civil rights act relies first on voluntary compliance than on the efforts of local communities and states to secure the rights of citizens. it provides for the national authority to step in only when others cannot or will in the do the job. this civil rights act is a challenge to all of us to go to work in our communities and our states, in our homes and in our hearts. to eliminate the last vestiges of injustice in our beloved

country. so tonight, i urge every public official, every religious leader, every business and professional man. every working man, every housewife, i urge every american to join in this effort to bring justice and hope to all our people. and to bring peace to our land. my fellow citizens, we have come now to a time of testing. we nmust not fail. let's close the springs of racial poison. let us pray for wives and understanding hearts. let us lay aside irrelevant differences and make our nation whole.

let us hasten that day when our unmeasured strength and our unbounded spirit will be free to do the great works ordained to this nation by the just and wise god who is the father of us all. thank you and goodnight. [ applause ] night.

[ applause ] >> thank you, sir. >> speaker first. >> thank you.

>> i think we ought to move out. >> here my friend. >> thank you, mr. president. >> we did better today than we did the other day. >> thank you.

>> johnny, you got one? >> you bet. thank you, mr. president. >> thank you, mr. president. >> thank you.

>> held jobs edgar. glad to see you. hello, phillip, glad to see you. hello, roy. so glad to see you. did anybody talk to you about i wanted to talk to you before you leave. will you see that the others, i want to talk to them when this is over with. cabinet room. >> mr. president, thank you very

much. >> thank you, wayne. thank you, my friend. wayne has approved.

>> this one just won't work.

>> i'll distribute them right now. my daughter's birthday, july 2nd.

>> wayne -- this is my ninth anniversary of my heart attack today. >> this is a good healing bill. >> thank you, mr. president. >> thank you mr. president. >> thank you.

>> let's see. tell my bill, tell somebody in my staff

to make sure we get more pens in here. hi, cliff. how are you >> thanks. . >> hello mr. president.

>> thank you mr. president. >> thank you mr. president. >> thank you mr. president. done like a real pro. >> thank you mr. president. >> mr. president, thank you. >> thank you. >> thank you, jean. >> great speech.

>> mr. president, thank you. better get me some more chuck, we're going to run out. have you got some body bringing them over? >> the last one here. >> just a second. >> thank you mr. president nk yo.

>> thank you very much. . >> thank you mr. president >> , hello roy. >> that was a magnificent statement this evening. i hope we can get back to that. >> good luck, governor. >> best ever. >> everybody have one. mr. speaker? >> thank you, mr. president.

good to see you. >> mr. president can i have one? >> yes. >> mr. president, so good to see you. >> thank you. >> good to say. >> everybody covered back here? >> i didn't see you. >> anybody else? anybody else? >> thank you. >> can i have one of those for myself? thank you. >> anybody else? >> thank you very much.

>> thanks. >> thank you. >> good day. >> thank you very much. >> thank you very much. anybody else? did i get them all? >> mr. president just put your hand in there. that's fine. that's good, sir. thank you, kindly. just your hand, sir. that's fine. just fine, mr. president. thank you. thank you. thank you, mr. president. thank you. thank you very much.

thank you. >> just got a couple here for myself. >> thank you.

>> i had it here. congressional leaders

congressional leaders marked the 50th anniversary of the civil ryings act with a u.s. capitol ceremony which included awarding the congressional gold medal to dr. martin luther junior and his wife. this is a little less than an hour. hour. ladies and gentlemen, please welcome our honored guest, members of the united states house of representatives, members of the united states senate and the speaker of the united states house of representatives. ladies and gentlemen, the speaker of the united states house of representatives the honorable john boehner. >> good afternoon and welcome to the united states capitol. [ applause ]

as you can see the dome is under construction. getting some repairs and there's a technical term for that canopy but the architect said we could refor it refer to it as the doughnut. on july 2nd, 1964 congress completed the most fundamental and consequential ladies and gentlemen -- legislation of our long history. the civil rights act recognizes every citizen has the right to pursue happiness without discrimination on grounds of race, color, or national origin. this was a long time coming because of dr. martin luther king, jr. and coretta scott king. we have with us many special guests. we're grateful for the presence

of president johnson's daughter, linda johnson robb along with her husband former senator chuck robb. [ applause ] we're also pleased to have with us members of the king family. let us welcome them all. [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, please stand for the presentation of colors by the united states armed forces lower guard and the singing of our national anthem and the retiring of the colors.

♪ o say, can you see by the dawn's early light ♪ ♪ what so proudly we hailed at the twilight's last gleaming? ♪

♪ whose broad stripes and bright stars through the perilous fight ♪ ♪ o'er the ramparts we watched were so gallantly streaming? ♪ ♪ and the rockets' red glare the bombs bursting in air ♪ ♪ gave proof through the night that our flag was still there ♪ ♪ oh, say, does that star-spangled banner yet wave ♪ ♪ o'er the land of the free ♪ ♪ and the home of the brave? ♪

>> ladies and gentlemen please remain standing as the chaplain of the united states house of representatives the reverend patrick conroy gives the invocation. >> let us pray.

loving god as congress comes together to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the civil rights act of 1964, may the hands and hearts of this nation be raised in prayer and praise as we remember also a couple whose lives were intimately involved in those great struggles. the reverend dr. martin luther king, jr. and coretta scott king. justifiably considered the first family of the civil rights movement. may the breadth of god uphold their noble and heroic story. may it carry to all generations a message to inspire americans, to accept the responsibility of protecting the rights and privileges promised in our founding documents for all

citizens, no matter their belonging to a numerical minority in our country. may the sacrifices of martin luther and coretta and those of so many who were inspired by them, or who joined them in their struggles for justice echo now and throughout history as a call to us all to be men and women for others, especially for those whose rights are threatened. ed god, bless america. grant us peace and equal justice for all both now and into a greater future for our nation. amen. >> please be seated.

ladies and gentlemen, united states representative from the 11th district of ohio and chair of the congressional black caucus the honorable fudge. [ applause ] >> good afternoon. today we commemorate one of the most significant pieces legislation in our history and honor two of the world's greatest leaders, dr. martin luther king, jr. and president lyndon b. johnson exemplify the principles on which our nation was founded. these servant leaders committed their lives to moving america closer to what it can be. due to the work of dr. king and president johnson, i am able to stand here today as the third african-american and second woman to represent the 11th district of ohio and i greet you

on behalf of the 43 members of the congressional black caucus which i'm honored to chair. the civil rights act of 1964, did more than help in the discrimination in america. the civil rights act established legal discrimination would no longer be a barrier to what one could achieve, but that achievement should be solely determined by one's ability and ambition. the civil rights act clarified the difference between all men being created equal, and all men receiving equal treatment. the constitution established one as a principle the civil rights act of '64 established the other as a practice. giving a generation of americans hope that they too could be acknowledged as full citizens of this great nation. as president johnson signed the civil rights act of 1964 into law, he stated that america's founders knew freedom would only

be secure if each generation fought to renew and enlarge its meaning. with the civil rights act and his other great works, president johnson did his part, and to protect our freedom and with his words, activism and sacrifice dr. king did the same. today the responsibility lies with every american, especially those of us in this house. the civil rights movement and the civil rights act of 1964 established equal opportunity and equal protection under the law for every american. and together we must protect it. as dr. king said, the time is always right to do what is right. it is only right that we fulfill the promise of the civil rights act by ensuring every american's right to vote is protected. let us pass the voting rights amendment act of 2014.

[ applause ] now, please join me in reflection as we listen to president johnson's remarks as he signed the civil rights act into law. >> this civil rights act is a challenge to all of us to go to work in our communities and our states, in our homes and in our hearts to eliminate the last vestiges of injustice in our beloved country. so, tonight i urge every public official, every religious leader, every business and professional man, every working man, every housewife, i urge every american to join in this

effort to bring justice and hope to all our people and to bring peace to our land. my fellow citizens we have come now to a time of testing. we must not fail. let us close the springs of racial poison. let us pray for wise and understanding hearts. let us lay aside irrelevant differences. and make our nation whole. let us hasten that day when our unmeasured strength and our unbounded spirit will be free to do the great works ordained for this nation by the just and wise god who is the father of us all.

>> ladies and gentlemen, united states representative from the 5th district of georgia, the honorable george lewis. [ applause ] >> we gather here in the capitol to honor dr. martin luther king, jr. and his beloved wife coretta scott king. one of the most distinguished

husband and wife teams of the 20th century. often history remembers speeches or facts and figures, but i cannot forget their love. from their union came an enduring strength that carried many of us through the darkest days of the movement. when they stood together, their bodies became great pillars of hope, the roof of the american house resting on their shoulders. they led a nonviolent revolution, a revolution of values, a revolution of ideas. mrs. king had the rare ability to tell the story of the movement through song, through music, to travel the length and breadth of america she built dr.

mar martin luther king, jr. center for change. they taught us the way of peace, the way of love, the way of nonviolence. they inspired an entire generation to find a way to get in the way, to find a way to get in trouble, good trouble, necessary trouble. through their action their speeches and their writings, they helped create the climate for the passage of the civil rights act of 1964. and the voting rights act of 1965. and president lyndon johnson signed these two pieces of legislation into law. without the leadership of lyndon johnson, we wouldn't be where we are today and there would be no barack obama as president of the united states of america. [ applause ] so, it is fitting and appropriate on the 50th anniversary of the passage of

the civil rights act of 1964, we honor this unbelievable couple, dr. martin luther king, jr. and his beloved wife mrs. coretta scott king. they were my friend. my brother. and my sister. [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, the united states senator from michigan, the honorable carl levin. [ applause ] >> thank you and good afternoon, everybody. the congressional gold medal resolution that we are implementing today commemorates the ability of an inspired couple, armed only with the righteousness of their cause to help liberate millions from oppressive racism.

we also commemorate today the ability of elected officials. led by president johnson. armed only with the desire for justice to overcome the divisions of party in order to help overcome the divisions of race. in october 1960, martin luther king, jr. wrote to his beloved coretta from a georgia prison 230 miles from atlanta, a prison to which he had been hauled in irons in the middle of the night. and this is what he said. "i have the faith to believe that this excessive suffering that's now coming to our family will in some little way serve to make america a better country."

if the reverend and mrs. king could speak to us now, if our predecessors who passed the civil rights act could speak to us now, would they not challenge us to come together across lines of party and geography in a great cause. would they not encourage us, for example, to pass legislation restoring the protections of the voting rights act. [ applause ] or would they not encourage us to pass legislation reversing the policies that leaves thousands of nonviolent young men languishing in prison.

[ applause ] we can best celebrate the lives of those we honor and remember today by channelling their inspiration and to taking on the tasks before us. tasks surely far, far less daunting than the ones that they undertook. that they undertook. coming together to help lead our nation on its continuing march toward a more perfect union is the duty that they have laid before us. and finally, to martin and dexter and bernice. our nation owes a debt of gratitude to your father and mother that can never be repaid. this congressional gold medal is the most that congress has the power to give. thank you.

[ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, the united states army chorus. ♪ we shall overcome, we shall overcome ♪ we shall overcome someday, deep in my heart ♪ i do believe, we shall

overcome someday ♪ we shall live in peace, we shall live in peace ♪ we shall live in peace some y someday, deep in my heart ♪ i do believe, we shall overcome someday

♪ we shall all be free, we shall all be free ♪ we shall all be free someday, deep in my heart ♪ i do believe, we shall overcome someday ♪ ♪ we shall overcome, we shall be free ♪

[ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, the democratic leader of the united states house of representatives, the honorable nancy pelosi. >> thank you all. thank you, mr. speaker, for bringing us togethering in the rotunda. and just think of it, we're sitting between -- under the gaze of the reverend martin luther king, jr. and abraham lincoln. they're looking at each other directly across the rotunda and here we are

[ applause ] it's an honor to be here with you with senator reid, senator mcconnell and also with senator levin, our dear colleague, jon lewis, the chair of our congressional black caucus. marcia fudge and with our democratic assistant leader mr. clyburn. awfully honored that he is here as well. i want to join my colleagues in thanking the king family for sharing your mother and father with us. we are deeply in your debt. as senator levin said, this is the congressional gold medal and certainly not enough thanks but as a token of our appreciation to martin, to dexter, to bernice and to dr. king's sister christine king ferris. thank you for being with us today. this day, of course, would not be possibly without your parents and certainly would not be possible at all without president lyndon johnson, so

thank you, lynn do d.inda johns and senator robb. clab cl [ applause ] again, as we gathered n the rotunda under the gaze of president lincoln we recall the gettysburg address when the great emancipator harkened back not to the constitution but to the declaration of independence. ours was a new nation, he said, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men were created equal. that is the promise of america and in making that promise come true that was the dream of dr. martin luther king, jr. and coretta scott king. a century after the gettysburg address, a century later, dr. king stood on the steps of the lincoln memorial and called our nation to act on those words to reassert the vision of our founding fathers. a year later, dr. king stood as an honored guest as president

johnson signed the civil rights bill into law. 50 years later, here we are, the law stands as a pillar of fairness, justice, and equality and enduring testament to the sole force of dr. king and coretta scott king. the civil rights act transformed our country. it made america more american. in 1959, the kings traveled to india, mr. lewis referenced non-violence. they traveled to india to study mahatma gandhi's principles of non-violence so they could apply it to the civil rights struggle here at home. actually, the indians and the kings learned from each other. it's interesting to note that in sanskrit the word for "non-violence" that same word that means non-violence and also

"insistence on the truth." insistence on the truth. [ applause ] they knew it would mean sacrifice and struggle for their family and for many across the country. and for the kings that they would insist on the truth at the heart of our nation that all men and women are created equal. dr. king was not only non-violent in his actions but non-violent in his words. that was the source of great strength to him and coretta and to the movement. when the civil rights act was passed, we would never have dreamed -- some of you weren't born, for the rest of us it was our youth -- right, steny? [ laughter ] we would never dream v dreamed that on this 50th anniversary we would look out on the mall and there would be a monument, a memorial, to the reverend martin

luther king as a neighbor to the lincoln memorial. [ applause ] and referencing what, again, mr. lewis said, and what would president lincoln think? and what would reverend king think that on that day when that martin luther king memorial was dedicated it was dedicated by president barack obama. [ applause ] all of this progress was made possible because of dr. king's insistence on the truth. and that insistence on the truth stirred the leadership of president kennedy and the legislative virtuosity and leadership of president lyndon johnson. and because -- and, of course, because of the courage of civil rights activists across the country and including this week we mourn james cheney, michael

swerner and andrew goodman. they and so many others made this possible. at the time, i'll acknowledge that the civil rights act was incomplete without the voting rights act. president johnson and dr. king would press for the voting rights act's passage in the next congress. it was only a matter of months later. and today those twin triumphs of civil rights stand among the greatest legislative accomplishments of our country [ applause ] and so as we bestow the medal on dr. martin luther king and coretta scott king we must insist on the truth. and this truth is to truly celebrate the 50th anniversary of the civil rights act. thank you all

[ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, the republican leader of the united states senate, the honorable mitch mcconnell. [ applause ] >> america, as we know, is the land of promise and opportunity. it's a conviction that unites all of us americans and one we repeat quite often. but for too long in this country that wasn't the case for a large segment of our population. and for nearly a century after the end of the civil war millions of african-americans continue to be consistently denied the most basic a cancer

of intolerance and injustice was allowed to metastasize while many with the power to top it wasn't looking. or didn't want to. . a pastor with a booming voice and a potent message helped change all of that. pu through the power of his words and the force of his example dr. martin luther king, jr. made those who may have wanted to look away focus on what he once called the long night of racial injustice. he inspired a generation of young people to action and he confronted the defenders of segregation head on. not with violence but reason, argument and an uncavering confidence in the justness of

his cause. dr. king knew that his role was not just to expose or to confront injustice, but to prepare the country to actually do something about it. and by the time the civil rights act of 1964 passed, the country was ready. thanks to him and the countless many who took up his cause convinced as he once put it, that civilization and violence are antithetical. dr. king and his followers may have had to brave jail cells and fire hoses and, in the case of dr. king, paid the ultimate price. but the sacrifice was never in vain change came, because when dr. martin luther king, jr. led marches, people noticed. they listen and washington acted.

without the mighty strength of this man convinced of the rightness of his cause, speaking truths for which he and those who loved him paid so dearly the course of our nation's history would have been less just. so dr. martin luther king deserves as much credit as any president or senator for the passage of the landmark legislation we commemorate today. but it's also fitting today to recognize those others who worked so hard to make the civil rights act possible. . presidents kennedy and johnson and many senators whose essential role in this fight is sometimes overlooked. every time i walk into my office i'm reminded of the heroic role of one of my predecessors as republican leader everett dirkson played in this great effort. [ applause ]

and his famous words when the votes were secured for passage stronger than all the armies, he said, referring to victor hugo, is an idea whose time has come. and the time has come for equality of opportunity and sharing and government in education and in employment and it will not be stayed or denied. it is here, he said. [ applause ] near that portrait of dirksen hangs my portrait of a role model of a young man. john sherman cooper kentucky. he worked tirelessly to not let

the civil rights act be derailed. those in the segregationist camp tried to hold up the bill but dirksen and other democratic allies, many like hubert humphrey and mike mansfield finally prevailed. i can watching senator cooper round up the necessary votes. it was a powerful lesson in how determined many and women can use the senate to achieve our founding purpose. at important moments in our his tri senate has served an outsized role in leading us toward the more perfect union we desire. i believe the senate can be that place again and that it must if we're to stay true to the vision of the man we honor today. and it's true that politicians

sometimes need leaders like martin luther king to help focus their attention first. so we thank you, members of the king family, for giving us this opportunity to thank dr. king and you for that work and that legacy and for the idea that inspired him which we all renew today. may we all continue to draw inspiration from the vision and the memory of this great man. and from the leaders who helped to translate that vision into law. thank you. [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, the majority leader of the united states senate, the honorable harry reid. [ applause ]

>> today, of course, we gather to celebrate the 509 anniversary of the civil rights act of 1964. for people in this historic building, there are people who fought to overcome in obstacles in passing this historic legislation. as we've learned, certainly it was a team effort. speakers to previous my speaking today have indicated that, and that certainly is the case. in the senate, majority leader mike mansfield and his floor manager hubert humphrey crossed party lines with republican leader everett dirksen and republican whip thomas to overcome every attempt to repeal

this bill. and house of representatives, democrat emmanuel seller and republican charles hall lech proved that equality need not be a partisan issue. they rallied their parties to support the civil rights act. and the legislation has support for the white house. it was first championed by john kennedy and pushed across the finish line by president lyndon johnson. linda, i think it would be appropriate for you to stand and be recognized as lyndon johnson's daughter. [ applause ] so we all thank those named and unnamed to helped craft and pass

the civil rights act. it was difficult, as i said before, it was a team effort. they refused to let inequality continue to n our great nation. but the battle against racism in america wasn't only waged here in washington, d.c. the battle for civil rights was fought on bus rides through south carolina, mississippi, and even on the edmund pettus bridge in selma, alabama. one of those who fought for equality we've already heard from -- congressman john lewis. while still a teenager he worked alongside dr. martin luther king, jr. he soon became one of the principal leaders of the civil rights movement. when i they jon lewis and others fought for equality, let's look at specifically jon louis. hoz body bears the scars of the vicious attacks perpetrated by

racists. he was beaten for entering a whites only waiting room. his bus was firebombed by the ku klux klan and later on this same trip he was beaten by an angry mob, his head smashed with a wooden crate and those were just a handful of examples of the struggle that people went through. but three years ago i stood next to john lewis as we reenacted through him the selma march. she shared with us what happened on that bridge that day and told us that what happened on that day, with the police beating him and others, he, of course, that day suffered a fractured skull and nearly died. but even in the face of such violence, john lewis never wavered from dr. king's revolution of non-violence.

and he never stopped fighting for freedom and he still hasn't stopped. [ applause ] he coordinated the mississippi freedom summit, a campaign to register black voters in the state of mississippi. he rallied young men and women, predominately college students, to mississippi. those volunteers were arrested, beaten and murdered, some of them were but still the movement did not stop, it kept moving. i was here in washington, d.c. working and going to school when dr. king delivered his "i have a dream" speech. i, along with the rest of america, was moved by his words and are still moved every time we hear that speech again and watch it again. but just a year later after he gave that speech i was back in nevada in my home.

i was in a las vegas convention center where dr. king spoke. i'll never forget how he urged that relatively small crowd there that evening, people of all backgrounds, to "learn to live together as brothers or we will perish together as fools." and, of course, i am none of us ever will forget how dr. king gave his life for the cause of equality. so for those who fought for equality, for civil rights, congressman lewis, dr. king and countless others, the scars borne and the lives sacrificed and the price paid for freedom and equality, it's because of their sacrifice that we today, we honor, we commemorate the civil rights act of 1964. [ applause ]

>> ladies and gentlemen, the speaker of the united states house of representatives, the honorable john boehner. [ applause ] >> in the fanfare of history, it's easy to overlook the small moments that make big things possible. so let's go back to july 2, 1963 and to somewhere far from these halls. let's go to pickwell, ohio. never been. small pleasant town in west central ohio, in my congressional district. it's not far from dayton where the wright brothers got their start. flying into dayton that day was a man named burke marshall. the assistant attorney general of the united states. he was picked up by the son-in-law of the congressman

that he needed to see, william mccullough, the top republican on the house judiciary committee. now, mccullough was a farm kid who went to a one-room schoolhouse but he was also a world war ii vet with a law degree from ohio state. the white house would try to rush him into something and he'd say "hold on, hold on, i'm just a country guy who's got to muddle along a little." but without him president kennedy had said, the bill can't be done. so marshall's there on this urgent business, he's expected to meet mccullough straight away. unfortunately, the son-in-law says the congressman is busy speaking to the pickler botarians. so they go for a long lunch and take a scenic tour of the miami valley. they get into town, mccullough is still with the rotarians.

well, the meeting finally started and he looks at the assistant attorney general and says "i'm going to tell you two things -- i'll support this bill as long as the senate -- you commit that the senate not weaken this bill." i kind of like the sound of that myself. [ laughter ] and, two, that the credit for moving this bill is shared between both parties. i like that sound of that as well. [ applause ] and so the deal was struck. and a year later when the final vote neared, the house paused for a standing ovation for william moore mccullough. you know, there is no indispensable man, but there is a common man, the one who makes

no distinction between the assistant attorney general and the local rotarian. he doesn't use his status for personal gain, he uses it to serve others. for him, the biggest thing is the right thing. it isn't a household name and it doesn't have to be. you can find him right there not in the fanfare but in the fabric of history. my slope that this gold medal ceremony today serves to honor dr. king and all who set out to answer what he called the most urgent question. what what are you doing for others? [ applause

[ applause ] [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, founding director of the national smithsonian museum of african-american history and culture, mr. lonnie g. bunch, iii. [ applause ] good afternoon. the national museum of african-american history and culture on behalf of the smithsonian institution is humbled and honored to help preserve the legacy of martin luther king, jr., and coretta scott king by accepting into our care the congressional gold medal. there is little that i can add to the well-deserved accolades

that have already been spoken except maybe to offer my thanks on behalf of those of us who were too young to participate actively in the civil rights movement but who were the beneficiaries of the leadership and the courage of dr. and mrs. king. as a result of their marches in selma and birmingham and chicago, generations of african-american have had the opportunity to march but march in their university graduations. [ applause ] clap as a result of their sacrifices and their commitment to and fairer america, many of just experienced possibilities once unimagined. thanks to dr. and mrs. king, our lives and our opportunities were transformed and america was made

better. there really is nothing more powerful than a people, than a nation that is steeped in its history and there are few things as noble as honoring all of our ancestors by remembering. with the acquisition of this medal, the smithsonian will ensure that as long as there's an america, the courage, the impact, and the legacy of martin luther king, jr. and coretta scott king will be honored, preserved and remembered. thank you very much [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, please stand as the chaplain of the united states senate dr. barry black gives the benediction. >> let us pray. gracious god, you created us to

live in harmony. thank you for this opportunity to mark the 50th anniversary of the 1964 civil rights act and to posthumously award the congressional gold medal to two drum majors for justice and freedom, dr. martin luther king, jr., and coretta scott king. empower us to work as did martin and coretta to build a beloved community where the brotherhood and sisterhood of humankind will become a reality. in the spirit of martin and coretta, stir us to resist

oppression with transformative love. in the spirit of martin and coretta, inspire us to continue our commitment to non-violence, direct action in the spirit of martin and coretta make us your active disciples who join you in your work of bringing deliverance to captives. restore us to our best selves with new strength and a hopeful faith hastening the day when all of your children can join hands and sing in the words of the negro spiritual "free at last, free at last, thank god all

mighty we're free at last." we pray in your sovereign name. amen. >> ladies and gentlemen, please remain at your seats for the departure of the official party and until your row is invited to depart by a visitor services representative. thank you. >> up next, senate historian don richie discusses the congressional debate and passage of the 1964 civil civil rights act with former cbs correspondent roger mudd and former "harold-tribune" reporter andy glass. this is an hour.

>> this session will be with two very distinguished guests today, two veteran reporters who covered the civil rights act of 1964. just by way of introduction, we're in one of the most historic rooms in the capitol complex, the senate caucus room, now known as the kennedy caucus room is the room where the mccarthy hearings were held, the watergate hearings were held, this is the room where john f. kennedy announced his candidacy for president. it's room where a lot of nominees have been grilled by committees. thereby have been a lot of inquisition, but today we're not doing an inquisition, we're doing a conversation and we're very pleased to have andy glass and roger mudd as our guests today. andy glass was born in warsaw, poland, and arrived in the united states during world war

ii. he became a citizen in 1948. he's a graduate of the bronx e high school of science and yale university. in 1960 after he completed his military service he became a reporter for the new york ""herald tribune"" and in 1962 he was assigned to its washington bureau. in 1963 he became the "herald tribune's" chief congressional corps spon dentd, having grown up in new york city and having read the new york "herald tribune," i always lamented when it folded as a newspaper, went out of business in 1966. but his career continued. he worked for "newsweek," he reported for the "washington post," he then came up here to capitol hill where he worked for senator hugh scott, the senate republican leader, he was a press secretary for senator jabets, then he went back to journalism. he went to the "national journal" and also for cox newspapers where he was a column

list. more recently we're familiar with him because he was the managing editor of t hill newspaper and in 2006 he joined politico. so that's quite a resume over time. and our other guest today is roger mudd who was born right here in washington, d.c. and graduated from washington and lee university and took a masters degree at the university of north carolina in history and he was studying the relationship of the press with fdr's new deal. and at that point he thought he should get experience in seeing what the press was like so he took a summer job with a num, the richmond "news leader" and it happened the richmond "news leader" owned a radio station called wrnj across the street and that station needed a news director and so instead of going on for his ph.d. in history as he planned he planned to become a broadcast news journalist.

he came to washington, d.c. in 1960 for wtop, that was both radio and television. informs the same building with the cbs news and so he moved to the national news in 1961. though some of you who are old enough may remember that in 1961 the national news was only 15 minutes and that it wasn't until 1963 that it went to the standard half hour program. in the subsequent years, he became a regular on cbs. he was their cbs senate reporter. he was covering political campaigns. he was anchoring wherever walter cronkite was away. he was a regular feature on "cbs evening news." in 1980, cbs had the equivalent of the war of the roses and he went to nbc and then to pbs and many of you are much more familiar of him in recent years as a host on the history channel

on many of their programs. he's also the author of a wonderful memoir that i recommend very highly called "a place to be: washington, cbs, and the glory days of television news" which has a lot of stories about covering the senate and covering in particular the civil rights act of 1964. so andy and roger i want to welcome you both and thank you for being here today. you were both members of something called the cloture club and i wondered if you could tell me about what the cloture club was and how you found yourself members of it back in 1964? >> thank you for that kind introduction. we inconvenient it hvented the . it did not exist until it rose phoenix like from the ashes. but the problem was that it was a filibuster and nothing was

happening except a lot of speeches. and we wanted to make news now that didn't mean we created news or made it up but we were like bees going to flowers, flowers were senator russell, senator dirksen, senator humphrey, majority leader mansfield and others and we went around and asked them questions and made comments and said, hey, majority leader said "x," what do you any and at the end of the day roger had a pretty good story for cbs news and i had something to write for the "herald tribune." so that was the nature of the cloture club. there were five of us -- roger, myself, peter compa unfortunately and ned kenworthy of the "new york times." peter was the senate correspondent for the baltimore

"sun." ned ken johnworthy of the "new york times" and john haverhill of the "los angeles times" we created and ran, as it were, the cloture club. >> everybody's dead now except andy and me. [ laughter ] >> and we're headed there. >> including dirksen and mansfield and all those names. we travelled in a pack but journalism does prohibit you to a certain extent sharing stuff. so we tried to keep independent of each other but the press conference the senator would say "oh, god, here they come, the cloture club." but that was -- it was interesting that not every news outlet, not every newspaper, had a full time reporter assigned to cover the filibuster and the civil rights bill. there was -- we didn't have anybody, say, from the

"washington post" with us regularly. bob -- robert all bright was assigned to the story but we never saw him and big newspapers, "chicago tribune," "atlanta constitution," st. louis post-ditch pat-- "st. lou post dispatch," they didn't think the story deserved zone coverage which was -- which the cloture club was doing but it was my first introduction to covering something that important day in and day out and i learned as much about the senate and the vanity of the senate and the dependence on the staff members and how some senators were pretty stupid, some were very bright and in between there were a lot of senators. but it was an education for me. >> if you're looking for a conspiracy theory, which i love,

as a 28-year-old reporter who is getting page one bilines everyday in the new york "herald tribune." so think about what the "herald tribune" was. it was competing the times but it was basically a liberal republican newspaper. and the owner was a guy named john whitney, a friend of president eisenhower, former ambassador at the court of st. james in london and very much interested in seeing this legislation succeed. he was married to -- i think her name was haley and her sister was married to a head of cbs -- bill paly. and roger stood out among the three networks, there were only three then, as getting a lot of

airtime. we can go into that later. and i wonder now 50 years later whether the paley sisters had something to do with having all of this happen. >> what was i going to had? the problem is i had a thought and i've forgotten it. i stood out not because of anything i had done special, i was just the only one. i had no competition. three networks, abc was kind of a weak sister then and nbc over at cbs we always called nbc the national biscuit company. [ laughter ] we regarded nbc as they sat warned leather patches on their elbows and smoked their pipes and did wonderful stylish stories the second day but they were bad losers on the first day

and if in your opinion the news business, you ought to do -- anyway. one -- i've been up a week or two, road down on the elevator with bob mccormick who was the nbc correspondent on the hill and i overheard him sniffing about cbs' coverage. he said "our people aren't interested in that." so i had no competition. that's why the prominence. >> i was going to ask you, what was the challenges for a tv correspondent to cover the senate in the 1960s? in particular the civil rights but just in general. how easy or hard was it far tv correspondent? >> well, everything -- the main stuff was behinded closed doors, as you can imagine. cameras were not welcome except at certain places. cameras didn't get into the house until 1979 and not into

the senate until 1986 i think it was. and i thought when cameras finally got into the chambers the world of political reporting would really, really change because for the first time the public would be able to sit in and watch what happens on the floor. well, as you know, not a lot happens on the floor. [ laughter ] so as -- so it was difficult just to know where to go with the camera. you couldn't go lots of places. you couldn't go into the chamber, you had to wait for the sergeant at arms and stake out a place and then you've have had v to grab them as they came out and interview them. so it was hard work and most times you came up empty handed because they didn't want to give away what was going on behind

closed doors until they get nailed down. the changes and amendments to title 9, title 6, title 2. >> if i could add to that, my clear recollection is that roger is an expert in what the trade calls an establishment shock. in other words, he would go outside the capitol but stand in the place where the viewer would know where he was in front of the senate or on the capitol steps. so the day the crunch came, which i think was in late june of '64, senator russell made a point that when roger was going to cover the vote, which was the crucial vote, the 67 that ended the 84-day filibuster he couldn't do it on the capitol grounds. my recollection is that they kicked you off and you had to go across the street. am i right on that? >> well, you were kind of right,

andy. the first week i broadcast from the actual steps of the senate and nameless other senators got the bill small, my boss and bureau chief and said "we can't have that." so i was moved across, still on capitol grounds, just across the street where the park is, where the retaining wall is and that's where i set up. and i remember about the second week i came down the steps to do the 9:00 feed for the morning television show and there was a crowd of tourists waiting for me to get there and i'd never -- [ laughter ] i'd never -- i'd never been in a crowd like that. i didn't know what they were going to do. whether we were going to hold up signs or wave or anything. they didn't -- they just stood there. didn't make a sound, didn't

deserve anybody. and -- didn't disturb anybody. then after i finished they came up, "can you sign my guidebook?" [ laughter ] so, andy, it was before the vote that i was moved across the street and the day of the vote we had a big, big -- the art department of cbs set up an easel, a chart of all the senators and their names. and that's how we did the last counting. >> well, this was one of the longest debates that took place in the history of the senate and i went back and was reading some of your stories from the "herald tribune" about it and in march of 1964 you started one of your stories "the talk begins. >> all it took to get the civil rights debate going was a two-week discussion about whether or not to debate it." [ laughter ] and that was just to get it to the floor. so that raises the question. this was a story that just dragged out for months.

what were the complications of keeping that story on the front pages of the "herald tribune"? >> good question. well, there were two filibusters. there was a mini filibuster to decide whether or not to send the bill to the judiciary committee which was then headed by james eastland of michigan and it would have got there or to use some complicated formula to get it directly to the floor which was the strategy that senator mansfield and senator humphrey decided on. so that was a debatable matter and they debated that for a couple of weeks and they finally brought it to the floor and then they had, i believe i historians in the room, it's still the

longest single filibuster in senate history. 84 days. as we said earlier, it was a stretch to try to write about it. one day i wrote senator long, who came back and talked about the part of the bill where -- i think it was title vii about employment that they had to have female priests or something and so and so i wrote for the "herald tribune" the next day, you could just about get away with this, "senator long, who had dined well, but not necessarily wisely." [ laughter ] went off on this -- then i wrote about it. i also had a great advantage, i must say, over the "new york times" because it was so arcane

what was -- emotion on the floor and the previous motion and so on. and the "herald tribune" was very good about that because i would just write "a parliamentary hassle ensued." [ laughter ] and that was the end of it. but the "times," which was the paper of record, had to explain how it happened. >> there was a slogan up here that reporters love congress because there's always a story in congress but their editors hate congress because so much of the story is timetable. the bill moved from the subcommittee to the full committee. you had to report not only once a day but many times a day during a story. how did that come about that you were on the steps for multiple sessions everyday? how did you ever find enough to say each of those times? >> i was assigned by the newly

arrived president of cbs news was a volcanic man named fred friendly. and he thought the whole issue of civil rights deserved total dawn-to-mid-night coverage. so he said here's the plan, you're going to do a report on the morning news to television morning news, noon news, mid-afternoon news, cronkite news and good night news and you're going to do a report on every other hourly radio broadcast everyday until we finish. and i said, you're kidding? i said, i mean that sounds like a flagpole sitting stunt. he said no, no, no, this is serious. we're serious. and so i said okay. so it became up to me to make it sound interesting when 95% of the story was not interesting because as andy said, it was a

parliamentary hassle. so i started out just wandering around getting to know people, getting to know the staff, the senators, the south -- southern senators did not trust me. because they thought i was working for a big liberal network which wanted to cut the south back to stature and it was not until they realized after a week that i was not pulling my punches. i was doing both sides and the first day we broadcast i had humphrey out. i made sure before i ended the "tomorrow night we're going to have richard russell." so it was very balanced and so finally the southerners began to

trust me and i would begin to get calls from their press secretary. do you want to come over and meet with alan eleanor? >> one thing we could do, don, to keep the story going, is doing profiles of the key actors, senator dirksen, senator keek l, i mentioned majority leader mansfield and of course we'd always go up to the white house and try to get a feed or feel from larry o'brien or even the president who was accessible on this story but one day i went to see james o. eastland figuring as my colleague that they required some coverage. by the way, over 84 days it became andy but it was always with senator russell and mr. glass invariably. so i went to see the chairman of the judiciary committee. i said i'd like to introduce

myself, i'm the congressional correspondent with the new york "herald tribune," i'm sure you know. he kept nodding, a big flag of mississippi here and an american flag and was kind of nodding, not saying much. then after about five minutes of a monologue on my part he said -- he had a cigar. he took a cigar out of his mouth and said "sonny, you stick around here for 20 years and maybe you'll understand how this place works." [ laughter ] that was the interview. later we became more friendly and he invited me for a weekend to his plantation in sunflower county and had a great time a so things change. >> i don't think i ever new or covered a senator as interesting as richard russell. he was -- publicly he was a very remote, dignified man.

privately he was as generous as a friend as you could have. it took him a year before he called me "roger" and he never called me rojjer in public. it was always private. i would go down to georgia on occasion on political trips and i would go see him before i wind to tell him i was going and he'd give me the names and phone numbers of people i ought to check to see how he was and when i got back i'd get a call "come see me, tell me what you found out." and he was always generous in that way. he told me before the filibuster began in so many words that there wasn't anything else he could do. he knew he was beaten i think before it started. and i asked him, is there nothing you can offer america's

black population? and he said "all i can offer is hope that we can get through this difficult period." and that told me that he knew he was going to get defeated. and i thought the main conflict was not between dirksen and humphrey versus russell as it was between humphrey and dirksen, whether those two leaders could krooft a bill that would pull along enough republicans to so they could break the fill buster. >> my take on it was a little different. i always thought a the big 17 whose picture is over there, including john tower and robert byrd of west virginia -- >> not always honorary. >> not all the time and then there were also spies, the two spies were fulbright and

smathers who were going to these southern meetings -- southern delegations, southern caucus, whatever they called it, and leaking stuff to humphrey and we weren't allowed to write that but my feeling -- and i wrote at the time -- was there there was a rope a dope strategy, that there was a hope -- that's the right worth -- that the country which was very much united on the idea that this, as dirksen once put it, an idea whose time has come, would turn because there would be a summer of violence by what were then called negroes and the country would then lose interest in the bill. and so i think that was the reason that this thing was being stretched out. hoping that something would happen to change the chemistry. i thought that finally that

the -- the real problem -- my real problem was to stay sober when everett dirksen said "come in the back room, i want to talk to you." [ laughter ] because you'd get a buzz on when you wrote your story. but dirksen's had his own littl with, i think, senator norris cotton of new hampshire and others and was very jealous of dirksen who had a big ego, and getting those people to come along was a great feat, but, really, the guy who did it was hubert haus hubert would go on "meet the press" and "face the nation" saying it was dirksen's bill, and that's what he wanted to hear. >> he had this nasal iowa accent, chairman of the

republican policy committee, and wasn't a very good spokesman on television, and he resented dirksen becoming the spokesman about everything and anything. i remember the first time i met him, he said, mudd, mudd, i don't know what's worse. i mean, he was trying to be funny. he was. don asked us about the difficulty of covering -- if i may answer the question, for television, it was doubly difficult because, as you know, cameras were not allowed in the chamber. the rules in this press gallery allowed you to bring it a reporter's notebook, but you could not bring in an artist's sketch pad to get illustrations

sfrt floor, we hired a world war ii combat artist named howard bro brody, and i gave him a run down what i thought i needed to illustrate the report i would be airing for the kronkite show, so howard could come out in the chamber, in the gallery overlooking the floor, and would sit like this hands up to the temple and laser in on jake a memorize everything he could and leave the gallery and sketch it, and 15 minutes later, he would laser him again to pick up details about his hair and chin, and that's the way he interpreted so every night he turned out five or six sketches to illustrate what i was

beginning to write that night for cronkite show. he was a marvelous artist. he had one problem. he was a california liberal and gould not get down on paper jay thurman. >> great advantages to print because you went in the back room, like i said, like dirksen, and after we developed a relationship of sorts, he said to me one day, this is a story i've not seen printed anywhere, that he was playing with the house's money, and that was important to him, and i said, what do you mean, senator? he said, well, in world war i when i served in the artillery, that would be truman at the time too, they assigned me to the balloon core so the balloon went over the trenches at about a thousand feet, and with

binoculars and wire, gave way the german positions and made the buyer from the -- a lot of guns more accurate, but the problem with these balloons is that they were filled with hydrogen, and there were these german planes that would shoot the balloons down in flames so dirksen said the casualty rate was approximately 80%, and they were not injured. if you came down in the balloon, that was it. he said, i got out without a scratch so ever since then, i feel like i'm living on borrowed time, and that was something i always remember about him because i think he really meant that. >> i ask you about your sources.

who were your best sources in those day, and were they on both sides or essentially the promoters of the bill? >> yeah, they were instantly successful and so was dirksen. mike mansfield, not so much. dirksen would come up to the press gallery behind the chamber fairly regularly, and he'd bum cigarettes from everybody, and he was spinning these stories. jack, the reporter, a regular back then said, dirksen, before the press is like throwing imitation pearls to the real swine. there was jon stewart who worked

for humphries and neil kennedy who worked for three lawyers from the judiciary committee, and nemo kennedy was who i used a lot, and charlie ferris at the time was the -- >> democratic policy committee. >> yeah, he was the director of the senate policy. i don't think an hour or two went by that i didn't check with charlie to me, but he trusted us and told us he thought would be helpful, and it is a combination of senators and staff people. every session would begin with what we begin doug out chatter. when the leadership would come down the aisle, it was that moment the press was allowed on the senate floor with notes, and we could get in two or three

minutes before the bells rang if we could get the senators down close enough, we could pop questions to them, and that always gave me enough to write a 10:00 radio piece, but it was scrapping coming out. the chatter was helpful for us to know which way to go and which senators to follow and whether there was something thaefs an amendment that was going to be proposed. >> when roger talks about staff, it's important to emphasize these were people who were getting their hands dirty with the bill. they were sitting in meetings that we were getting a good fill on. one, i remember, was pat who worked for senator chavetz, i had a new york paper, so i had help there, but what was absent at this time were press secretaries. i don't recall ever talking to a press secretary during that whole time, not that i don't have anything against them, i

was one myself for a short period, but there weren't -- roger and i and other members of the cloture club dealt with others who were members of the senate or working very closely. one source i had was a good legislative assistant for the republican whip, tom of california, whose name was -- wait for it -- leon panetta, so things change that way. one story, if i may -- >> you have 30 seconds. >> bumming cigarettes, i was smoking at the time. dirksen came up to the gallery and said, you know, i'm like little johnny when the teacher says, johnny, can you spell straight?

johnny says, s-t-r-a-i-g-h-t. >> she says, what does it mean? he says, hold the gingerale, and one day i walked in, and he said, senator andy, you know about delaware, don't you? i thought he was going to talk about williams. it could go either way. i said, no, what about delaware? i took out my yellow pad. he said one congressional direct when the tide is out, no congressional districts when the tide is in. this is his idea of humor. >> the name, tom's come up, and he's not well remembered, i suspect. a lot of people didn't know he was the republican whip in the 1960s, a very influential senator, and he gave you

particular insights how the democratic conference operated, can you tell that story? >> he's the minority whip had, down the hall from the senate of a little hideaway office, and it used to be the added chamber for the elevator that went down into the caucus room beneath him, a big elevator because william hourtd taft -- because the supreme court was down there, and the elevator was removed, but the door was not, and i made friends with the senator's secretary, and she let me -- so when the senate democrats were caucusing in the old supreme court chamber, she let me come in and put my ear to the door. she would not let me do it when the republicans were calling.

so i had, you know, i had five or six hour break on stuff that would come out through this door, and those were little privileges that you accumulated when you nice to people. >> i think one thing, before we end, is very important. looking at the bill itself, the most controversial title of the bill was so-called title 267. senator dirksen's opening was get rid of title 2, second position was sever title 2. he was against the idea that private individuals were obligated to serve people regardless of a race or any

other criteria, and he based that on the same grounds that initially that senator goldwater did when he voted against the bill and against cloture saying it was unconstitutional. it was actually an 1875 decision by the supreme court that reversed -- excuse me, 1883 decision that reversed an 1875 reconstruction era bill that created public accommodations, so cleverly, the managers of the bill did not hang this thing on the 14th amendment, which was the way it had been declared unconstitutional, but it was the commerce clause. people traveled all the time, in a restaurant, crossing the state line, and the other restaurants, so the restaurants had to serve, and the irony is if you look at that bill today and you look at

education, we have to do that over. we look at voting right, still a controversy, but the most controversial section of that bill, don, was the one that was most clearly and quickly accepted, and the get was that hotels, restaurants, other places of public accommodation were open to blacks and that was it. >> one of the critical senators in that was george aiken of vermont, and i remember -- i wasn't caught up so much just personally in the civil rights movement, didn't know much about it. i was isolated ov ed on the hil. you don't know what's going on in the rest of the country, but i remember aiken kept worrying, was -- it wasn't was the bill pass and would america be great? it was, was the amendment going to get out of subcommittee, and the amendment was exempt all bbs

in vermont from the public accommodations, and that amendment would sweep all the way through the small hotels and bbs in new england, and that was -- i don't know whether that got through or not. >> i think under 50. >> under 50, yes. >> one other thing about covering is that -- i know andy will bring it up unless i do. back then cbs paid its reporters in addition to their base salary, $25 every time they were on the radio, and $50 every time they were on television. so here i am five times on television, ten times on the radio, and my weekly salary went up from about $400 a week to a

little more than $2,000, and when i realized this, my wife and i were then -- started a little remodelling well before the filibuster started, and in the middle of this, i called my contractor and told him, i wanted to switch the panelling from glue on to cherry. >> also, i never went to the office. we had desks in the senate press gallery and had western union, and we had typewriters, so if i didn't have too much to drink and still fairly sober enough to write a story, which was in my interest, i would go back after doing all this stuff with or without the cloture club and figure out what the story was that day, and they would always accept that, type it up, and

there were only six desks there because there were only six of us that were covering it, so we had big desks, three on each side, and then on the top of your story, you would write npr, which was not national public radio. it was night press rapid or something like that, and you'd just hand it to this guy, and the next morning her on the hill, i would go to to the tribune, and that was the next time i saw the story. it was a great way to make a living. i didn't make money like roger, but i was doing okay. >> i wanted to ask about the day of the vote of the cloture, one of the most dramatic day in history. it was the most critical vote. if they could get that, the bill was going to pass, andy, you were in the galleries for that voting and roger you outside recording on it, but can you describe the atmosphere and the

events that took place during that vote? >> well, i recall the night before the cloture vote i had dinner at the monaco which just opened with hubert, and he was still worried. he knew he had 65 or something, but he needed 67. they cut a deal with carl hayden, who i think by then was in his 90s, would vote for cloture if it was the 67th vote, and at the end, he didn't, but there was also very interesting, roger and i talked about this just before the session, claire engle who died in july of that year of brain cancer was actually wheeled into the chamber when his name was called, senator engle, and it was so dramatic because he had a

navyman push the wheelchair, and the clerk repeated his name again, senator engle, watching, looking over, and he couldn't talk, and he very slowly raised his hand, moved it to his right eye, and i think it was senator mansfield who said to the presiding officer, the senator indicated his support for cloture, and if he can do it again, you know, to confirm that, and inc.engle heard that did it again and votes yes. it was very dramatic, and right before that key vote was the great speech of dirksen who, i think, was quoting who -- victor hugo saying stronger is all the