. they received $7.21 per capita in aid there is data that was more pronounced. because it was the only new deal agency especially important to religious leaders. now those people began to turn to the state rather than to local reledgeous groups for material aid and personal guidance.

replaced in part by two programs at the heart of the second deal. and the social security act. created permanent structures that overlapped. sent a letter to the nation's clergy asking what they thought. and he received more than 12,000 replies within two months. proved generally favorable in tone. for the first time in our history we have a national administration that is seeking to realize the objectives catholics, protest tants and jus. for religious leaders like this

one, the welfare state represented a religious achievement. one mississippi presbyterian and self-proclaimed southern democrat worried that the church's hold had been receivered. where they once had community contacts, they now looked to the government for everything. now it's possible that federal aid made it easier now they had options and clergy already inclined to question the new deal expressed alarm and outrage.

black and white proved elementary school to pulling them out of the depression as did much of the region's middle class. the south's republican turn lay in the future. still fresh. 30s and 40s embraced the welfare state. as domestic welfare state expanded from the 40s to the 60s, federal official ss as

conservative critics rose to power, they pushed for fifrter -- but it was democrat bill clinton who signed the personal responsibility and work opportunity reconciliation act into law in 1996 a provision that ensured equal consideration and competition for federal funds. more than 80 years since the new deal first established a in which the deserving poor received what they needed from

generous private charities i'm not sure where that money came from. in the post world war ii decades. they also risk dismantling themselves. thanks. [ applause ] >> good afternoon. in november 2001 first lady laura bush offered the radio address. she claimed that all people of good will deplore taliban streemt of women and girls. many suffered beatings for laughing outloud. women had fingernails pulled out if they dared wear nail polish.

she compared women's status under the taliban to places across the globe affected by the al qaeda terrorist network. the first lady's impulse to protect women and children has a long history in the united states. americans have decried rumors of infanticide, foot binding and abandoned orphans. they have also expressed concern for foreigners within u.s. boundaries including native american women and immigrant children working in urban factories. for more than two centuries americans have argued that foreign women and children demand not only our attention and sympathy but also saving action. literary critic has called this saving impulse imperial domesticity. she found that female writers

focused on problems besetting women and children around the world. these writers offered civilizing visions to savages in both the u.s. and abroad. today i would like to consider the operations of imperial domesticity, particularly in times of war. mrs. bush's remarks interest me not only as a statement about proper domestic organization but also as an example of wartime rhetoric. she offered her radio address and followed it with a ground invasion that drove the taliban from power. the u.s. was at war. because women and children are typically considered non-combatants supporters and opponents have argued for protecting them from harm. the discourse affirms that foreign women and children lead

terrible live ss american religious leaders and representatives who invest both war far and the nation's regard have played an important role in blurring the lines between calls for protection and projects of liberation. i want to explore this pattern in two historical situations. often by violent means. in november 1864, the colorado militia was led to one of the most infamous attacks on an unsuspecting indian community,

his men killed scores of women, children, and elderly members of the tribe. he had punished enemies who resisted american authority and attacked innocent white people. he suggested that his soldiers killed but few women and children. some disagreed. one captain offered gruesome details. i was presented a a massacre of 300, mostly women and children. it was a horrible scene and i would not let my company fire. this was 1864. late in the american civil war and not long after a union army order that established criteria for inflicting violence against

civilians. it included the aformed eded eded belonging to a hostile country and the country itself with its men and women in arms. the code also included a clause about military necessity. sometimes it demanded only kargting not only armed enemies but also other persons whose destruction is unavoidable. the code shaped union engagement historians debate the impact. most did not con seed that indians were legitimate come combatants.

protocols are detailed in the civilian protection as detailed in the lieber code reflected ambivalence that many americans felt. krit irks condemned the general. a paper out of new york reprinted it under the headline indians murdered. national sins that demand punishment. it was called a disgraceful act

unfit for the age that we live in. religious leaders acknowledge these impacts. this willingness to condemn u.s. offenses reflected many americans that they unlike native americans were civilized enough. in this way determining war far reflected the classification of civilization and savagery. so did do miss tick ideals and gender norms. they also envisioned to their

lazy husbands. stories of overworked indian wives confirmed the notions that native women longed for freedom. focused on indian women. these writers identified women as friendly because they did not social the women with armed resistance. they assumed that they would form new kinds of marriages once freed from indian men dominations. similar to the indian wars outcry over president obama's expanded drone program includes imperial rhetoric of protecting

and liberating foreign women. critics of the drone program point to high numbers of casualties. write to argue that the drone program must be dramatically -- dramatically -- -- anticipating the possibility that strikes might harm non-come baa tants, officials have stated it would not be consistent with the law of war.

with the sentry's old tradition of just war theory. articulated some of these principles which thomas aquinas system mized. eventually were accepted by the international community. president obama has evoked language from the just war tradition. obama has also acknowledged civilian deaths. he calls these.

>> critics have regularly sounded their displeasure with obama's drone policy. major news outlet's included bloody descriptions. religious leaders have implored language to express their concerns. christian and jewish leaders criticized obama and claimed that they violated other laws. to the moderate disciples of christ to the national black church initiative. writers and leaders who have

expressed support for the war on tror such as calmness and first things have criticized the drone policy. americans have claim eded the burka required by the taliban has particularly -- indeed in 2001. a round table in christianity

today, a typical case. commenters emphasize the need to listen to muslim women about their choices. these american christians force their concern without criticizing the women themselves. as religious scholar has observe, it requires

independence and freedom. muslim women share this, but are connected to men who restrict their freedom. reflecting these assumptions, christian periodicals, a wide ranging set of them highlight muslim women in activities that americans view as free. modelling agencies and training for the olympics. my favorite is a piece about a pakistani television show called burqua avenger.

indian women who have not met yet their domestic potential. this ins tenseification matters because the gendered visions shape conversations about who is friendly and hostile about who is a good muslim and who is bad. writers take for granted that foreign women and children desire liberation from bonds that ensnare them. if they were not forced to bail, they wouldn't. if they were allowed to wear nail polish they would. at the very least, the sentiments at the heart have shaped arguments for protecting innocent civilians from war's destruction. i would argue that at times these sentiments have also kept americans from recognizing the kinds of damage that american

attacks have done to foreign women and children even if their bodies have been spared. afghani women and children have lost many things they hold dear. bombs have devastated their beloved lands. too many family members have died violently. in times of war, it compels us to focus on transformation. the men the communities and landscapes that they love.

>> i think that mike deserves the prize for who has come the furthest furthest. normally i would win but this time i have to cede that prize to matt. so thanks for the invitation. your hard work in putting this all together. my topic is the religious influence on american foreign policy. excuse me. especially religion's role in providing a sense of purpose and soul for american foreign policy. it's -- that i'm going be touching on are religious plurlism and freedom. it struck my listening to the paper so far keep popping up again and again on -- that's my

water, right? not just faith in the foreign obama's policy but america's mission in the world and how that's changing in the age of obama. what i argue essentially is that we are in a key cross roads.

>> i would like to more or less argue with myself. i have two very basic sources. they are basic but in my main field of diplomatic history. the first source is top down. it should be fairly obvious just in saying top down. secretaries of state, secretaries of defense and other others we can all, as i am saying that i'm sure a lot of you are doing a laundry list. people like william mckinley, dwight eisenhower and others.

but did so mostly for political calculation and we can tell that because the private record doesn't match up to the political statements. people who bring a tremendous amount of pressure to bear on foreign policy. even when policymakers have wanted to avoid religion they found it difficult to do so from a wide variety of religious actors.

emphasizing the values. unsurprisingly, there are lots of seats towards the front. a story that runs from the 1880s to the 1970s and did bring about a real change in actual policy. this is an example in which i can use in diplomatic history circles where historians want a very clear impeerically based case of direct impact and cause and effect of something like religion religion.

that did bring about a change in u.s. foreign policy despite what policymakers themselves wanted or did not want. it has -- it pre-existed the 20th century but as a consistent force in america's mission in the world it's really something that dates from 1898 to 1899 this new level of global engagement. in the sense it's mckinley who is the founding father i'm sure

a lot of you know this very famous story about how he was undecided about who to do with the philippines and god told him to annex the philippines. and those and the usual suspects who i mentioned earlier in my talk. it now seems to me came actually very recently in the presidency of george w. bush. in the age of bush this was obviously true in a top-down sense from the white house not just the president himself but figures like condoleezza rice and steven hadly all through the bush administration the influence was maybe not predom innocent but certainly very

prevalent. people like donald rumsfeld and others who are not the most spiritual men but a lot of pentagon briefings began ritualistically with power point slides that would start with scripture or a biblical verse usually christian but overtly religious invocation. not only recognized but encouraged political activism. it's worth repeating in a foreign policy sense. policy in pursuit of particular religious goals.

this bottom up influence didn't begin with bush. he didn't create it but he did encourage it. has has been consistent but surged again in the 1990s with the most obvious example being this bottom up pressure that led congress to pass the religious freedom act. >> you can see the rest of this at c-span.org. we're going now to a portrait unveiling of the new dean of the house of representatives, a title give on the the body's longest serving member. the michigan democrat has served continuously in the house since 1965 and the first african-american dean of the house. we're expecting to hear from many lawmakers as well as eric holder and vice president biden who is on capitol hill today.

>> i am going to get started right away as we should start, and that is with the invocation. and our good friend, the right reverend dr. windel anthony who is not only the president of the detroit ncaap but also the pastor of the great fellowship chapel. if he would come forward and give us the invocation. >> let me say good afternoon everybody and i do want to say to congressman john conniers, the dean and longest serving congressman currently in the history of the u.s. congress for the historic --

[ applause ] for the historic occasion for which we have gathered. we are very proud of this internation al international individual who has led the way for so many. when he was the chair of the house judiciary committee several years ago, i remember sitting in this room for congressional hearing and i looked at all the portraits on the wall and i said to the chairman, i look forward to coming back to this house well, today, it is that day. give the lord a hand of praise. and we want to thank him. you can do better than that. this is historic. we want to thank god for this

day. let us have a word of prayer. we thank you for this occasion and we thank you for since 1813, there have been men who have graced these walls and this responsibility. now john conniers jr. as the first african-american chairman of the house judiciary committee as one whose life emulates your word. today, john has actualalized a dream of doctor king. he is standing because rosa sat down. he is marching because king did not stop. 50 years after the voting rights

act, 50 years after we have struggled on that bloody sunday we now have this glorious tuesday by which we can come together to celebrate life and the ability of a nation to live up to a portion of its creed and to honor those whose very lives honor the law and the lessons of liberty. john has been a true servant for peace. he has been for women and minorities. he has been for labor. he has been for the majority. he has been for law and order.

as he has so eloquently demonstrated by his walk and his talk that an injustice of anyone anywhere is a threat to justice to everyone everywhere. we thank as we unveil this portrait for it reflects not just a portrait of him but a portrait of us by which we might go out and do justice to love mercy and to walk humbly with our god. we thank you for this day. let us all say amen. >> many of you have been to occasions here at the rayburn

building and as you know, members of congress come you know who you are and who order you are supposed to speak in. i would hope that you would do just that. every morning i read on our show black history facts. one an hour. and in the 9:00 hour i came -- we -- the producers gave me the

following factoid. i want to read it. it was brought before the 105th congress on this very date, january 6, 1989. house resolution 40 was the first formal attempt to obtain reparation to compensate slavery since reconstruction. briefly, hr 40 read as follows. to acknowledge the fundamental injustice, cruelty brutality and inhumanity of slavery in the united states and 2 t 13 american colonies between 1619

and 1865 and to establish a commission to examine the institution of slavery. the racial and economic discrimination. 1989 on this very date. history has repeated itself. ladies and gentlemen now i will invite the various members of congress to come forth. congressman? thank you very much for being there. i'm sorry. there they go.

and then congressman comes in and says you don't have the order. i do have the order. now if they will follow the order. then we will move ahead. >> wow, this is quite a turnout. it's not at all difficult to understand when you have the brand new, newly minted dean of the united states house of representatives. [ applause ] first we get to swear in the speaker of the house and then he gets a public hanging in the same day. but it's one that is well deserved and i have long looked forward to as well. former chairman brooks has been hanging up there for a long time

and i have been telling chairman conniers for a long time that it's about time for his picture to appear because of his long service, 50 years on the house judiciary committee. that is a remarkable achievement. but it's also one that has informed members on both sides of the aisle. i look to conniers in my work as chairman as someone who has led this committee which deals with some of the most contentious issues that we face in the congress with the kind of respect and demeanor that we all would hope to have. first of all i have learned much from you. i have learned that we can disagree without being disagreement. i think that is one of the things that he likes saying the most. we have found many, many areas to work together on.

i look forward to continuing that and perhaps another 50 years might be a lot but you might set the record for the longest service in the house of representatives. that's just another ten years. can you do that? i think he can. what do you think folks? absolutely. i want to commend you and your staff god bless you and god bless your service. here.

general holder sit is a pleasure to have you here as well. thank you all for being here. >> i recently released a memoir and i called it blessed experiences. and the reason i called it that is because i view the experiences i have had over my life irrespective of how

unpleasant some of them may have been as real blessings. and among those blessings was way back in the late 60s and early 70s. they have taken place across the country in those days. we were very interested in changing the paradigm. and one of the changes we thought needed to be made was in the chairmanship of the committee that runs washington. it just so happens that that committee was being chaired by one of my predecessors here in the congress. a j gentleman who we felt

immediated to be replaced if we were going to get some modicum of justice for the people. john conniers came to south carolina and i met him through my childhood friend who served on his staff. and we were not successful the first time. but we believe in that old adage if at first you don't succeed, try and try again. and we came back and on the second time we were able to re replace john. that skept the city and

washington as a plantation. i walked the streets with john. when that experience was over and i said to myself i believe i could do this. and so john, i can't tell you how proud i am to be here to be a part of this program. and to say thank you. it's interesting. every time i have offered to chair a caucus the one person who when he heard the rumor that i might be run gning john always came to me and said if the rumor is true and you going to do this i want to be part of your

kitchen cabinet. i never had to ask him for help or a vote. i don't know what he saw in me but from that day when i could only dream about being a member of congress way back in the 70s, he saw something in me and i want you to know john i always saw something in you. something that i would like to be just as soon as i grow up. thank you so much. >> well when i was first asked to come and rejoice at the public hanging of john conniers i wondered what kind of words republicans could add to these

kinds of proceedings. then i heard that joe biden was going to come to speak and you know he goes to a lot of funerals. and after thinking a little bit i would say thank heavens that first impressions are not lasting impressions. i would just like to go back to when i became the chairman in january of 2001 and this committee had a reputation of maybe 20 to 30 years of being the cess pool of partisan arguments and not really accomplishing a heck of a lot in terms of legislation. i'm going to treat you i'm not going to surprise you and in

return i said i want no fill with -- filibustering by amendment and i would warn you two or three times. unlike a lot of what has been going on here. that is because i found john conniers to be a person who keeps his word, the person of integrity, you know, a person who realizes that it's not partisan discourses that will set the type of history that is made of the judiciary committee.

that required a lot of cooperation in this room and between staff. but it required a lot of cooperation between the two of us and going over to the funeral parlor on the other side of the tap capitol and saying look this will be good for the country and that both of us believe was good politics and good politics is good government. john, this is a much deserved hanging. i am honored that you have asked me -- this is not something that we talk about those who have come and gone from this place i'm glad you're here and i hope you stay here for a while. god bless you.

>> plaf e [ laughter ] >> the leader is not here. and i've been asked as the asis about the tant leader to introduce our next speaker. the fact of the matter is all of us know eric holder. i'm not too sure that all of us knew him the real eric holder, before he became our attorney general. eric holder has move edd that office to a level many of us never thought we would see.

he has shown the kind of compassion for the law that a lot of us especially those of us growing up in the south looked for when we thought about the fulfillment of our dreams and aspirations. i sat down with assistant general and john in his office looking at "decisions," working on trying to figure out ways to move a positive agenda. and i can tell you without any equivocation, eric holder is the epitome of what martin luther

king jr., said when he said all of us can be great can serve. he is the epitome of a public servant. ladies and gentlemen, i am pleased to present him at this time. [ applause ] >> thank you, sir. well, good afternoon. i spent many an interesting day in this room. [ laughter ] ron, you can attest to that, right? it is a pleasure for me to be here today in this room for this occasion. it's a tremendous privilege to join so many distinguished guests colleagues friends and members of congress as we are recognized, congressman john conyers, the dean of the house of representatives for his lifetime of dedicated service as we celebrate his leadership and his many invaluable

contributions and as we you believe unvail the portrait in the walls of this great institution that he has served for four decades and he will continue to serve for years to come. from the moment that john conyers began his patriotic service in the michigan national guard, army corps of engineers during the korean war to his presence in selma alabama in 1963 to his election to the united states house of representatives in 1964, to his chairman ship of the judiciary committee to his current status as dean of the house and longer eest serving member of the united states congress, this extraordinary leader's life has been defined by a singular drive to serve. his actions have been guided by deep and abiding love of country and of community. and his service has been animated by an unwaivering

commitment to the cause of justice. as one of the 13 founding members of the congressional black caucus representative conyers helped to bring together other trailblazers and pioneers to give voice to people of color. years ago, he led the fight to secure appropriate recognition for the reverend dr. martin luther king, jr., by introduceing legislation to have a national holiday in his honor. through times of trial and great consequence, he has dedicated himself to advancing the principles of universal human dignity, tolerance as well as respect. as a major proponent of the violence against women act of 1994, he joined with then-senator joe biden and other congressional leaders to bring help and hope to millions of americans who had too long suffered in silence. fighting to end the poisonous notion that violence in a

person's home was a private affair. as a champion of legislative efforts like the motor bill of 1993 and the help america voter act of 2002, he's insisted that every american will have fair and free access to that most fundamental of rights. the access to the ballot boxz. the ability of the right to vote, no matter who they are, what they look like or where they live. he continued that work in the 113th congress with representative strong leader and former chairman of this committee and crafting legislation to address the void that was left by the supreme court's unfortunate decision to validate one of the core provisions of the voting rights act. representative conyers has been a key leader and a partner 234 his work in passing a law that introduced the law for

crack and powder cocaine. introduction to both parties like bobby scott who realize that we must make common sense changes to our federal sentencing, not just for fundamental fairness, but also, for the sustainableility of our budget. he has been a key national leader and a vital partner in the justice department's on going effort to protect the american people from crime and to ensure the full rights and protections of our constitution for everyone in this country. time and again i as well as numerous attorneys general has advocated for his honest counsel to strengthen the rule of law while advancing our most sacred principles and most cherished

freedoms. i've always appreciated the remarkable wisdom and the consistent devotion to service that he has brought to every challenge that has come before him. and, on a very personal level, over the years i have also come to regard congressman conyers not only as an important partner, but also as a man who made it possible for me and a man named barack obama to attain the positions that we now hold. [ applause ] >> we stand on this man's broad shoulders. [ applause ] >> so, congressman, i want to thank you once again for your outstanding service and the numerous contributions you've made. your unique place in history of this great institution is more -- it's much more than

assured. and, today with the formal dedication of his portrait, we pay, i think, a fitting tribute to a legacy and a shining example that will continue to guide and inspire generations of lawmakers in this new congress and law into the future just as it has inspired countless leaders and attorneys general over the last four dek kadscades, including me. thank you very much. [ applause ] >> if the vice president is in the house would he please come forward? [ applause ]

>> i'll be honest with you; i didn't even know he was here. it's the first time i summoned the vice president of the united states and he showed up. [ laughter ] >> well, what an honor to be here. john, you and i have been doing this a long time. and i was thinking on the way over trying to calculate -- i served in the judiciary committee on the senate side for a long time. but when we leave, we don't get portraits. but, john, you and i have worked on an awful lot. you long before me. but for over 25 years. as counter parts under committees. and it's an honor to be in the

presence of the dean. john, you've served as committee in this nation for a half a century now. if you're like me, you probably don't like that being mentioned that often. but it's true. and you have really served. but it's not really about the years the chairman has served. it's about the service he's rendered during those years. it's not enough to say that you helped pass the original voting rights act because you've spent every day since that day, john, every day, defending and expanding the promise of that act. you fought the battles to create a national holiday honoring dr. king. but you still fought and are fighting the war for the principles that dr. king stood for. civil rights, economic justice,

opportunity, equal educational opportunity. you made rosa parks one of your first hires. and you stood then as you do now, long before it was fashionable. you stood for protection and equal rights for women from the day you assumed office. and three decades later, you stood by me as we fought together in the house and the senate to pass the violence against women act. you were a powerful voice here and nationally. to get that done. john, at the dawn of an era that brought us both to public service, john kennedy said president kennedy said, our success or failure will be measured by the answer to four questions.

were we truly men of courage? were we truly men of judgment? were we truly men of integrity? and were we truly men of dedication? john, by president kennedy's standard you have been a great success as everyone in this room and for two generations has known and understood throughout this country. you've shown your courage and your convictions. time and again. a lot of people have convictions, but not everyone has the courage of the convictions to stand up for them and take the slings and arrows that come sometimes from being ahead of your time. it takes a lot to have the

courage to standby them, even when it's very hard. but you have. john you've shown judgment through your leadership in the congress as a whole but, in this committee in particular you've shown judgment in the staff you've hired and the people you've mentored. some really fine fine people have come out of your tootlingalige. my comment is do you keep your word? do you do what you say? do you not conveniently say "when i made that commitment, circumstances were different. i hope you understand now." you never once said that, john, that i'm aware of.

at least never, never to me. and you've shown dedication, john. you've never waivered from the goal that brought you to public service in the first place. when i got elected like you, was a young man. i was 29 years old when i got elected to the senate. everyone from that point on in general election would say what's the secret? they thought, hell, if i won, anybody -- it must be a secret. it couldn't be just running a good campaign. very serious. they didn't mean to be insulting, but it was, like, there's got to be a secret. and i tell them all the same thing. whoever asks advice. i'd say you have to know what you're willing to lose over it. you have to know what you'd

rather rather lose than have to chak e change. joan, you've never not known what you're about. you've always had that north star, man. you've never, ever walked away from it. john, there are portraits and there are portraits. the son of a uaw work for over half a century, helped define an era. in literal terms you helped define an era, john. this is a portrait. it's a portrait that symbolizes that distinctly commitment to american service and dedication greater than self.

john, 20 30 years from now, young members and that i shall staffs are going to walk in and say i heard of that guy. no, i mean it. they're going to say i heard of that guy. that was a time of profound change in the american landscape. it was a time of profound alteration in who we define ourselves and who we were. john, you helped that definition. this country will be well-serve ed the counter part committee and the other body which i served were strived to meet the measure of the portrait. the measure of a portrait to a man, i might add, continues to be beneath that portrait, thank goodness. ladies and gentlemen, it's a great honor to be here. and, john, it's a great honor to

be with you and be presumptuous enough to call you a friend; and i think i'm your friend. [ applause ] >> i'm going to now press my luck. i've summoned the vice president of the united states and he showed up. and i looked around, i said is the democratic lead erer of the house here and i hadn't seen her. i guess i can summon her. let me tell you, i'm in talk show heaven.

you get -- i'll tell you. you get to stand here next to all of the people and you look out and i see my good friend, michael eric dyson and his wife and oh, there's so many of you. but, ladies and gentlemen, i've got a 14-month old granddaughter granddaughter. and i just can't wait until she gets of age so that i can tell her where a woman's place supposed to be? i can tell her any place she wants it to be. >> thank you. by the time your grand baby is of age, a woman will also be in the white house.

not just the house of rep representatives. my friends, since i am i believe, the last speaker, i am standing between you and the portrait. so i will be brief. but i will say it is an honor to be here with all of you. and the reason i was arriving late. john conyers he sends you his congratulations and best regards. for some of us, that's a lot of history. in the room. the vice president has spoken so eloquently about john conyers' association with rosa park. the only person martin luther king ever endorsed for public office. what more do you need to know? what more do you need to know? that the vice presidents and

john conyers are here together with their shared values, the values that relate to hate crimes, gun safety all the things that had been a struggle of security and zifrlcivil rights and the rest, they have championed. so i just have to tell you this one story. you tell me if it's appropriate or not. i just can't resist. [ laughter ] >> so ron dellums, we're going back in history more. we californians feel very proprietary about john conyers. i will say that we started the day with him. he started, he led the prayers in the catholic church this morning. you didn't know that, did you? he began the prayer service, right? went on to the caucus meeting where people were cheering because it was announced that he was going to be swearing in all

of the members of congress as the dean of the house. and it went to the floor and did just that. the dean of the house where all of us took the oath of john conyers. so there's so much to be said. a beautiful statesman to have this picture unvailed in his honor. he was telling me that when he was coming to congress he worshipped at the shrine of john conyers. he was determined to come to congress and look very regular and not too menacing to some people who might think that he was too left wing, if that's a word. so he comes to congress, he's all set and ready for the next day and he's going to go on the floor and everybody's going to say yeah, i can identify with him. he's a regular guy.

and he gets a call the night before from john conyers. i don't know know if this is true. [ laughter ] >> he's all set. he's got his clothes laid out there. you know how precise he was. he said john conyers called me and asked me if i would nominate him for speaker against carl albert the next morning. [ laughter ] what do you say, man? so this man has been a disrupter from the start. and thank god he has been a disrupter from the start. and, now as the vice president said so beautifully and what an honor to have vice president and members of cabinet here.

for john conyers and the unvailing of his portrait. when people come here to this capital, to this campus of the capital and they will see this painting. and they will know that this is a person who has made a difference in their lives, in their lives. in so many different ways. the first in bringing that intellect, that progressive set of values to it. that different perspective. that was disruptive, that made a difference in all of our lives and for generations to come. that's why it's so appropriate that this evening, we unvail. a portrait of a great man, a

great statesman, a disruptive, transformative force in our country. a person that when they unvailed his portrait the vice president stayed to hear somebody else's speech so he could see exactly what was in that portrait. and that is a tremendous compliment to john conyers. thank you, job. [ applause ] >> who's going to pull the string? >> i'm going to bring up your family now. >> all right. >> and this is monica conyers. john conyers, iii and give them all a round of applause to present them. [ applause ]

>> i'm sorry. what did you want? oh, is this how they do it? all set? okay. >> all right. here we go. [ applause ]

[ applause ] >> does he get to speak -- conyers get to speak? >> he should get to say something. >> ork. all right.

>> benediction time. >> all right. >> if you don't mind we're going to -- i've been asked if i could just get everyone's attention for one moment because it is appropriate that we started with invocation, and it is appropriate that we end with benediction. and, as you know, the benediction is not the end. it's really the beginning. it's when you turn out and do the work that we're here to do. ladies and gentlemen let me bring forth the bishop and pastor of greater grace. >> as we bring this portion of the event and this most sacred

unvailing of this portrait together i would ask that you touch each other and just connect one with the other. where there is unity, there is strength. a house divided against itself cannot stand, though unified can do anything. we thank you for this special ceremony and we thank you for this time of honoring this great warrior. this statesman who has served in excellence. a man of integrity. a man of impeccable honor. we thank you for his life. we thank you for his health and for his strength. and, as we will say in the church down through the years, you've been mighty good to him. we asked you to kobt to keepcontinue to keep it in the hollow of your hands. continue to keep his mind strong, his body healthy that he might continue to be a champion for all of us, your

people. and we pray that you will grant him continued strength bless his family in the city and in the field, their going out and their coming in. and, as we leave this place on today, let us know that it's in you that we do all things. but, without you, that we can do nothing. in jesus' name we pray, amen.

the 114th congress gavelled in today for the swearing in of members and the election of house speaker. watch the house and the senate floor proceedings as they happened tonight at 8:00 p.m. eastern. and, with the new congress you'll have the best access, the most extensive coverage nymph. . >> track the gop as it leads on capitol hill and have your say as events unfold on tv, radio and the web. now, it's a lackook at food policy, sustainability and climate change. this is from aspen, colorado.

>> well, my name is brian flank lynn. i have the privilege of introducing our first panel of guests for the day. first, we will hear from dr. kate cartieangle. she is the author of religion and profit, which has won an award for outstanding scholarship. she has been a fellow at the american council of learned soets, the american philosophical society and the center for study of religion at princeton, university. her current project the cause of true religion investigates the consequences for transalantic protestant networks in north america, britain and europe.

her presentation today is entitled the founding fathers and modern america. our second panelist is darren dochuck. in 20 1, professor published from bible belt to sun belt playing folk religion, grass roots politics and the rise of evangelical conservative a book which won a host of awards. dochuck is currently working on a book tentively titled gold is black oil. his determination, crude awakenings in oil arises from this project. our third panelist is dr. spencer fluman.

he has held fellowships from the center of religion in american culture and the church for later day saints history. his book a peculiar people, antimormonism in 19th century america was published in 2012 and won the 2013 mormon history association's best book award. the presentation is entitled never ending mormon moments. our fourth and final presentation for this panel comes from dr. charles irons, associate professor of history and chair of the department of history and geography at elon university in elon, north carolina.

hi current research is on the complicated process through which black church goalers withdrew from white con ge gagss following the civil war. and his topic today is religion and the outsider candidates. allow me to offer a quick note here for this session and our sessions today. each of our guests will give their presentations without taking much of a break in between. and after these four parenations, the moderator me, will open the floor to you, the audience, to be able to ask questions or make comments which you can direct at a particular panelist or at the group in general. we welcome these comments. it is now thankfully time for me to step aside and let others speak more intelligently about faith and politics.

>> thank you ryan, for that introduction and for joining us for this first session so early in the morning. it's an honor to see so many distinguished scholars and friends on the panel. so what i'm going to talk about today is a conservative lead ere ship in american politics. in september and october of this year, both colorado and texas saw very public and very political struggles over the proper teach of the nation's history. the college board, a private organization that administers the widely-used advanced placement tests released in high schools, release new guidelines for aps history.

and those are the words of a member of the texas state board of education. explicit p mentions of religion in the discussions about the ap history standards were mostly relegated to the fringes creating the imprets of a secular debate. we can find strong resonances of what is a religious practice shared by many conservative christians. has produced a unique, identifiable and exclusive narrative of history through discussions like that over the ap curriculum.

obviously, through trends, many have been interested in the process of the revolutionary war and the founders who are seen as some of the greatest and, obviously, some of the most influential americans. so when conservative christians have created they're participating on this subject. second, i want to be careful about how i'm using the word christian. obviously, american christians are an extraordinarily diverse and broad group of americans, numerically, politically, theologically. they are endorsed and can find their way to academic

scholarship and certainly, christian historians in particular can mediate between the academic commutety and christians in the subject. i don't want to minimize these very important trends. the con september that scripture interprets scrapeture suggests that in the words of megachurch pastor rick warren, the bienl is its own worst commentary.

the overall meanings must har monoize. the idea that scripture interprets scripture is a method of higs xx kal analysis as well as a form of textual reading. the interpreter determines what are through his or her knowledge the whole principles. applying this in american history requires a two-step process. first, the knowledgeable writer introduces a clear sense. having can be social security consistent and identifiable principles transforms the purpose of learning about history and the kinds of evidence used.

further more conservative christians make the revolution a religious act. now, these readings begin and end with principles. not just an interpretation, but usually, in structure. the american pay trots bible published by thomas nelson press in 200 9d, begins with the seven principles of the judeao ethic. they had to leave upon a common understanding of law, government, social order and morality. the awe e authors of this text continue. whether each of the founding

fathers is a christian was not the issue. evidence that the majority of them embrace the basis for a civilized nation. america's prove den shl history has its list in the conclusion. teaching and learning americans christian history. nour, if we try to sum up the principles that appear across all of these different texts and distill them into a common core, conservative christians generally agree that the the principles of the founding era were a high level of protestant devotion and strong institutions. kbod's covenant with the

american people, depending on the writer, this can be the personal liberty or the economic liberty. guided by a focus on principle, generally more comfortable riding in a thematic or topical vain rather than using a narrative or chronological approach. but then moves through washington as he appeared in a series of roles in a topical fax such as low church men or soldier. the primary goal here is to focus on wae w's character as it

appeared in different situations. but the consequence is to take the man out of time. michael novak, in his book, on two wings uses a similar strategy when he frames and this is his heading for the substantial section in the book, ten questions about the founding. the highly influential web site moves seemlessly between different time periods. despite this nonnarrative approach e proech, the key moments in the christian reading of the revolution can be teased out. the story begins with the pilgrims and the puritans. the narrative then leapfrogs to the american's con flikt with great brit tan. the kries sis adored at valley

forge is the piffleal moment in the narrative. from that terrible winter, writers turn quickly to the revolution's fulfillment almost ten years later. or, more frequently, to analyses of the guiding principles. the prominence of the puritans to the american founding emerges from many sources. the following chapter then covers all 13 colonies in some detail, but concludes with biblical declaration and civil governments that clarifies origins. all the colonies of 1683 would

just have well been made by all 13 colonies, they claim. it stated we all came into these parts of america with one in the same end and aim namely to advance the kingdom of our lord, jesus christ and to enjew e joy the libber fills of the gospel and peace. this is the meaning of the entire colonial era. the revolutionary war functions as a climax rather than as a primary narrative and the e normally influential work light and the glory as its authors use half of their pages to describe the pilgrims and the puritans. the story regularly shifts in time between the author's search fr meaning in the present and a richly elaborated narrative.

this continue wall telescoping between past and present fween knowable around unknowable details creates highly readable prose. how using principle alters the framing and events. the authors write a document that was pragmatic, real igsic and expedient. and it also embodied the same principles of government by consent of the government which would become the corner stones of democracy.

there a space of one page the authors demonstrate centrality to a history that stretches from biblical times then through the enduring influence of jefferson's words to our present. interestingly, the document itself, and the question of what specifically is meant by principles of equality emits language that stresses submission obedience and the sovereignty of the king is not parsed. your attention is forced to connecting the principles between these different moments rather than inviolated to engage in any plotted history rather

this particular document framed within its particular moment. we can see this process again if we look to where the narratives go next. from the puritans, we jump to the warriors of the revolution. >> the warriors have two primary characteristics. first, a culture that valued public prayer and its clergy. and, second, leaders who value yebtly and successfully struggled as men to live up to the great responsibleties god has given them. michael novak lists seven events that reveal the power of the second ring.

each shows that fait was a primary motivator of the american revolution. but rather the american founding in its greatest terms. values like the principles become actors in history. in his declaration, novak actually lists the declaration of independence as one of his e vebts, is, itself in a prayer and doing it with jumping forward. so the various elements of the cannon are then continually reinforced through the repeated appearance the second is the

piety. the american pay trots bible has a brief section discuss e cussing washington's character, but rather than offer examples of his own words, the authors focus on the dilemma of how a man of such greatness can even be known. including glowing tellings after his death. the great crisis becomes the central moment of the revolutionary era. it brings the teaching about washington, the importance of prayer, the key role of faith through difficult times. marshal and manuel recount a story familiar to many americans of washington and bowing his prayer ahead in valley forge. though, the great man saugt privacy, he reportedly was seen

by a neighboring quaker who then said the word. the sne of valley forge who, in a time of crisis turned to his faith and bible to act decisively. it has led to some of the most widely reproduced article tic etistic i rememberages of the revolutionary era expressing the core meaning of the nation's defining moment for many americans both within the conservative christian community and then, also, beyond it, as well. and that core meaning is that in this case a nation was united in a time of within a christian leader to god. by retelling the story. the nation is founded. after valley forge, we actually have very little further narrative of what happens in the revolutionary era.

reframes of the constitution that have been elaborated to the left. many of the complicate edd the substantial porgsz of the american population that was not on board with the patriot movement. but there are other elements of the popular imagination of the american revolutionary era that are also left out of this retelling that make the christian narrative of the era particularly distinctive. the boston tea party washington crossing the delaware news are missing from the telling because they don't fit within the guiding principles within the way that these authors want to promoet. the constitutional convention and the ratification process. this last one i think is often, when i hear academic historians. this one is particularly surprising because it provides the best evidence of seeking

christian nation. that piece of the story is left out. these emissions are not a problem, however, because the meaning of the era is clear, fran sen dent of e and timeless. conservative christians have described the founding era and with complete moral meaning and divine inspiration. minimizes not only con flikt but, indeed is e historical process. and their obvious applicability to the present. and here, we should think of in the present tense the importance of devout leaders, the prominent public life, a love of lynn e liberty and a unified nation favored by god. providing the purpose for studying the era and until they are universeally embraced, they need to repeatedly study and con

template e plait the era. the purpose is to bring about change. the rich competitive circularity of this process is no more problematic than een when it is applied to scripture. this is history as religious practice, as much as it is religion as a political act. and the alesion between the two is the . >> good morning. good to see you. i wan to taket to take a few minutes and talk about pipe lymeslines and property stant protestants. rjs in early 2012 barack obama set owl out for okay okay.

it made march feel like july. and, so, at a rally in curbing, oklahoma, obama brushed over and talked to energy instead. he laid out his plans for mesh e american's future. he dry e dreamed drilled the nation's vote. and then over the last few years, for gas and oil exploration, across 20 e 23 different states. we're opening up more than 75 states. we've quad e quadrupled to add enough new pipeline to encircle the earth and then some. obama's statement obama's statement came laes. the plan was four fold. more jobs for hard-working

americans. more oil development and infrastructure with government assist, more drive towards renewable energy and care of the enviesht e viernt. and more domestic production and less depen day season eepend sill on foreign oil. that's how we have to think about energy. god bless you, god bless the united states of america. as policy the speech clanged with few incongruities. how might an open-ended energy policy benefit the earth. or reverse global warming whose effect obama's over-heated lmpb e listeners were sweating out. e e republican democratic naysayers question the speech and none of the above results. now, it should be fair, obama's talk was boilerplate designed to

rally troops. hoe e he predicted in his administration the black planet will begin to heel. amid evidences of rising waterers, he began to boast about pipelines. his broader record further reveals uncertainty in a struggle over the keystone pipeline, for instance, which inspired his oklahoma visit he has spoken for and against the enterprise, urged construction in some sections, delayed in others, paused for environmental re-assessment and infuriated actors with his ine indecision. the president, one can say, has been trapped repeatedly in the can none drms of politics. but it's too sampl e simple to

highlight the products of profoundly complex circumstances. war energy politics drawing into collision multiple ideals. no simple matter of opposed self-interests. in other words, energy politics are totalizing an exponential ecology. since the dawn of the oil age, americans have viewed the black stuff as more than a source of fuel. it has defined their diet and sent them to war allowed regions to flourish, others to fall. generated anxiety about america's place in this world. and its people's prospects in the next. so considering oil's ultimate significance, it's no far reach to conclude that present-day energy politics carry religious weight. this is indeed what i would like

to conclude what i would like us to conclude today that our struggles over pipelines also represent a clash of competing carbon gospels stemming from particularities of place, renderings in sacred terms that frame the political possibilities. so, in order to nudge us to this conclusion, i'm going to glance just very briefly, i think, at four gospels evidenced in obama's speech. the four points that i just highlighted. all of which are pressing on obama's current struggles with the keystone debate. highlight briefly their awakening, the moment at which this new thinking, a new imagination about pipelines and oil emerge, and mention a few prophets who set these in motion. and i'll pause at the end for more fuller appreciation of the present dilemma. first crude awakening. that which kind of stimulated a

protest against the petro machine in defense of possessive individualism. at the heart of obama's predicament is a quest to help petroleum's underclass. land holders, oil patch workers and average citizens in close proximity to drill sites and pipelines whose cries for access to the economic promises of oil and protection from overbearing oil companies reverberate with a familiar populous beat. if you look at recent struggles over the pipeline in the dakotas, we see ranchers joining native americans to protest the way in which land is being taken from them. this is combined with anxiety over jobs. just how many jobs will or will not be created by the pipeline. these entwined concerns bringing together kind of interesting and curious coalitions of activists have made oil patch locals of

all political stripes ranchers native americans a hesitant majority convinced of only two things. that oil companies cannot be trusted to care for the land and labor pools they seek to tap. and that local people deserve the fruits of the resource development that's disrupting their soil. in this rhetoric, they echo a disquiet that has reverberated for over a century, which takes us back to the first crude awakening in the early 20th century, which created an intending gospel of protests against petrol capitalism. americans came to terms with their energy revolution and its first victims. as we know, those who have read history textbooks, the first vicktims were those who struggled under the weight of rockefeller's development of oil. rockefeller was evangelical in his view of oil.

besides deeming his extraction of crude providential he believed it was acts of redemption expected to rescue the oil business from chaos. the christian certainty gave him a capacity to think in strategic terms. but also a messy self-righteousness of the mortals who made the mistakes of standing in his way. the mortals clawed back with moral critique. a journalist is a woman who destroyed the standard trust. what is less appreciated is the degree to which in this moment tarbell's actions grew out of her wrestling with god and her ghosts of her youth. i don't have time to walk us through her history of fascinating biography. someone who was raised in western pennsylvania in oil

country, to methodist parents. someone who took her methodist faith quite seriously. she in fact was very much part of the shitauglynn movement just a few hours away in new york. in western pennsylvania her father was an oil man whose spear was crushed by the rockefeller machine. she started to look at journalism as a possibility to combine her faith, her familial history and work that into a stinging critique of standard oil. we know the rest of the story by 1904 she publishes the history of standard oil which identifies rockefeller really as the man who symbolized all that's wrong in national life at that moment. and then the ultimate conclusion to this is the supreme court's ruling of 1911 which dismantled standard oil. the other legacy here, the one that would be in the future generations was a dock rin of pristine or possessive

capitalism. when fighting rockefeller tarbell stressed the innately pure qualities of the local patch in which she grew up. hers is not a condemnation, but to clean it up. life was joyous in these men, she writes glowingly, of men like her father. they look forward to the eagerness of the young who just learned their powers to the years of struggle. there was nothing they did not hope and dare. tarbell's faith in oil's first generation mirrored her belief in church and human ability of biblical principles. it matched her conviction that petrol capitalism would have to retain totalitarian if it would survive. she theologyized that she came to understand the struggle with standard as one to protect the

value of small-scale production by individual laborers. she would write god gave man the land, but man has to use his hand and brain in its cultivation before he can feed and clothe and shelter himself. it is the partnership of the two, land and labor, which produces wealth. because of rockefeller she lamented, labor had been made dependent on capital, by capital's theft of the land which god gave to all. so though she couldn't imagine it at the time, her countering epic of individuals would endure among men and women like her parents for generations to come. this leads to a second and third crude awakenings that i'll refer to briefly. it was fractured into 34 different companies, benefited from the diversification. in the 1930s, and 1940s, it's in this moment of chaos in east

texas where new -- a new oil boom is bringing kind of overproduction to the awareness of the federal government that the new deal is deciding to work with major companies to create some sense of order in the fields. here, the standards of new jersey, california new york are going to team up with heraldices, the secretary of the 1930s and '40s to bring orders to the fields. he and others at this moment, like eddy and loose, are going to frame a new vision, what i would call a civil religion of crude in the mid-20th century, in which government working with major oil companies could encourage expansion of both christiandom and a gentler kind of democratic oil kingdom to the rest of the world.

william eddy was one of the spokespersons of this vision, rights in 1940, as he was trying to open up saudi arabia for aramco standard of california. quote, we who believe in christendom need to cover ourselves with tolerance, re verence and charity. and wherever we walk we shall find ourselves on holy ground. three years later as a consultant for california standard, he was surveying arabia for crude. and brokering a deal between saudi's king and america's president based on his in his mind, a mutual trust. his was a firm belief shared by by ices, mattered to major oil to usher humanity into a new age. in the religious fervor behind this message has abated as witnessed in obama's cushing's

speech. bringing the federal government actually into the regulatory position that we see today. obama's gesture to this benevolence and closing to god's blessing i think we see the second to the reckoned awakening today. this is the rise of the wildcat oilmen we are familiar with here in texas, of course. wildcat imperative was a response to, defense to what herald ices and the american government was doing partnering major oil companies with washington to open up foreign fields. it was defensive in the sense that independent oil producers here in the southwest especially felt that their vision of america, their vision of their industry was being challenged. a number of prophets kind of