anti-pr presidential case. >> the supreme court said it should make the decisions in those cases. >> monday on "the communicators," the chair of the house judiciary committee talks about some of the key issues in technology, encryption, surveillance, and e-mail. he is joined by a "politico" reporter. you only need to look at the problems we have had with foreign governments. we need to be moving toward stronger uses of an corruption and stronger encryption itself. panel ofhistory tv, a authors talk about their recent books, chronicling the history of mexican civil rights from the 1930's to the 1970's. we will hear about the fight for better farmworker conditions in california's salinas valley. the multiracial coalition in texas, the national farmer

association, and the testimony of three activists from the chicano movement. this is part of a daylong conference on the chicano movement, held at the university of california, santa barbara. >> our presenter is professor carlos -- history.phd in he is author of the award-winning book, "the strange career of bilingual education." and a fourth volume entitled "promising problems." this year, to discuss his book -- published2014 by yale university.

[applause] >> thank you very much. is an honor to be here. let's see if i can turn the shop -- turn the slideshow on. there we go.

there we go. i can manage powerpoint. thank you very much. honor to be here at the memorial conference. his testimonial from a couple of -- i ago, really has been found it incredible for my own work. my talk today is the chicano movement. we tend to think of him as a mexican-american generational figure.

the 1930's to the 1960's. you while ittell is to a certain extent, certainly by the mexican-american intellectual, he also had a tremendous amount of influence on a movement. and lengthy career at that point, the late 1960's and , really causes me to see the chicano movement in a slightly different kind of flight, maybe a light refracted or slightly askew. this is my recent biography. i have several copies there, please by. $30, a very cut-rate price.

mexican-american immigration was published just a year ago. sanchez isue george the most important intellectual of mexican-american generation and one of the most important activists. also his life and career is very instructive in addressing important themes. book, there is the plug. doesn't he look happy? happy to be alive. he had gotten a 10 year job at the university of texas. is 1940. .e has the jacket so i show you this picture because i want to give you a sense of who he was before the movement.

the son of a regularly employed minor. at the age of 16 years old. that same year he becomes a rural public school teacher. which is the county that contains albuquerque. over the course of several years he becomes principal. already a featured principle. he gets married to a local teacher. he starts taking night classes and correspondence classes. he even julie obtains a bachelors degree of education from the university of mexico in 1930 without ever having a regular semester. he was the ultimate nontraditional student.

and the most ambitious student that any of these professors ever met. that is clear from their letters of recommendation. in education, in berkeley at 1934. he publishes landmark books, several monographs. studying education in latin america, really coleman aiding in his magnum opus. these handsome fellows are clearly up to no good. these are three activists that i write about considerably, connected intimately with the 1940's and 50's.

you have corpus christi on this side. founderound -- he was of the american g.i. forum and a major activist. have a other side you famed attorney that argued before the united states supreme court. about thisnow a lot story and that is a shame because we should. sanchezree were active, obviously did not work alone. he worked in partnership with many others. served as a fundraiser for lots of activities in the 40's and 50's. his activism really hits on all thecommon themes of mexican-american generation, prioritizing integration above on u.s., capitalizing citizenship, even to the point of self defeat.

faith in u.s. democracy, even in the space of widespread vital racism and an emphasis on education is the key mechanism to escape social builds. the american council of he ish-speaking people -- involved in the trial of several important cases. the jury trial case in 1954. many respects, predicts it. also try the case in texas. there are two cases in 1967, both of which are about declaring school segregation

illegal. victories ithese is hollow. by the dawn of the 1960's, over 80% of mexican-american children spend more than one year in the first. only 8.5% to reach the 12th grade. what had all these victories done? they haven't changed anything. you still have the fact of segregation through curricular mechanism. evident of a language handicap that extended through the third grade and well beyond that in most texas public schools. you have mounting frustration in the community as the 1960's come on. enjoy it sanchez is aware of this. this coleman in the chicano movement.

this picture is from the march ofy of texas in 1972. over thehicano protest student newspaper at that time. students wanting a center of mexican-american studies. in march of 1972, the full flourishing of the movement. why wasn't he their? he was laying down on a bed. he was either laying down on a bed in st. louis hospital in austin or at home. he knew he was going to die.

and yet you think he missed the chicano movement. yet from his deathbed he is ,aving his spouse draft letters memos of protest. over the protest of the denial of chicano studies. then director of the program -- still taking action. i still think he was very active in the 1960's. at first it is important to recognize that things do slow down. certainly a lot of things in his personal life. you see him here relaxing with his spouse. they spent their weekends with

their grandchildren. sanchez had several grandchildren. he wasn't as much of a father to his children. spent a great deal of time with them in the 1960's. he also had many health problems. with tuberculosis. at the time they didn't have antibiotics the way we have to treat tuberculosis. cutting or severing the long. cane, he haduse a mobility issues, he had tons of other issues. he had cataracts. pressure, helood had broken hips and ribs. he went blind in various points,

which is hard for a university professor in the late 1960's. the only picture i can find. you see sanchez giving a dress on latin american education. his role at the time for an informal foreign-policy expert for the kennedy administration. in that, henvolved to thetantly arguing kennedy administration, you need more mexican-americans in your administration, and you need them in the foreign service.

sanchez in the planning committee for what will eventually become the white house conference. late 67, it is important to know george sanchez is here, he is up skewered but you can see his hands on the desk that he is obscured -- he is obscured but you can see his hands on the desk. he says, i'm going to refuse to participate anymore but i'm telling you you are going to have problems. sure enough met with widespread protest. some would argue it is -- and here you see george sanchez.

he is actually looking at the speaker, paying attention to the talk. you have this guy shielding his face from the camera because he doesn't want his picture taken. there are many arguments about what politician that was. -- this is then demandingdcat march, a minimum wage from the texas legislature in 1966. he is active from touchstone movements -- touchstone moments. he indicates sort of right here. there are things about mexican-american ideology. it inhibits his ability to fully be one with the student.

supportive. problematical for many young activists. uncomfortable with -- he was uncomfortable with nationalism. he did not support basic tenants of authority in american life. the inherent good of government, government can do good. he never stopped trying to connect with students and young activists. he didn't necessarily understand or appreciate the issue.

he died not long after he posted this photo. to the end he fought the same old fight he always thought, seeking respect for the community's contribution to the rich tapestry of american life. argue they are also cheek on a goals -- also chicano goals. it has been honored to share. >> from the university of new

york in stony brook. her phd-- she reached from stanford. she will discuss her recent book, entitled -- published in 2015 by yale university. [applause] >> good morning, everyone. thank you for being here. and thank you for asking me to be on this great panel. "ground for dreaming," asks us to think deeply about the people who cultivate and harvest the food that enters our grocery stores, our restaurants, our farmers markets. there is no doubt that

farmworkers are some of the most invisible workers and vulnerable people in our nation. of workers are immigrants, either contracted guest workers or undocumented immigrants. the midst of several debates on how to treat within our borders and how to lift more people out with exploded conditions and poverty. the point to achieve better treatment, higher wages, and social equality for farmworkers has a long history. and i think it is a history that just need to pay closer attention to. i focused on the salinas valley of california. it has become one of the richest farming regions in the planet. those may associated with the in -- with the literature of john

.teinback thousands of tourists are drawn to this region that brands itself as steinback country. the historical narrative this region presents to its visitors, the story of how wealth was built upon the path -- built upon the back of farmworkers and in particular latino farmworkers are almost always blocked over. ofmay hear a brief mention the united farm workers union. what my book offers is a more latino centric history of california and agriculture. and a darker and more critical where labor exploitation, lit -- exploitation, racial discrimination, violence, and

transnational suffering has pervaded and continue to pervade farmworker communities. story we heariar about mexican farmworker activism is the story of shot is. or even the story of capturing national attention in the late 1960's this time of the chicano movement. what happens in the years leading up to that? how did mexican-americans navigate their social place and political identity? especially in a california that is becoming characterized by increasingly corporatized agriculture. what happens when the government imports hundreds of thousands of theican guest workers into country in 1942 and continues to do so until 1964.

mexican-americans found themselves competing and soon after these ways of undocumented migrants for working the field. groups of three mexican-americans and wereumented migrants experiencing these very tense triangulated relationships with each other, both in and out of the field. wary of undocumented migrants as labor competitors, mexican-americans grew even more resentful when white americans started stereotyping them as foreign as well. meanwhile they found themselves asthis liminal position guest workers, not really protected by either the united states or mexico. undocumented migrants were the most exploited and vulnerable workforce of all. this backdrop of the

program and the ins continually ramping up the survey of the us-mexico border, any political solidarity between mexican-americans and mexican immigrants would be really hard to come by for several decades in agricultural communities. this crucial period, during which the relationship between different groups of mexicans themselves were just as important in shaping the activism aschicano relationship tension between mexican origin people and white american. first tos one of the examine the complex relationships between different groups of latinos in the world of agriculture. and it helps to explain why in this agricultural economy,

chicano community formation and the movement may have taken a bit longer to evolve. in researching this book i had to be creative in the ways i dug up this history. corporate interest did not want to give me much information the conditions, wages, or treatment of farmworkers. so i had to reconstruct this .istory i had to conduct dozens of oral histories. i had to go through old phone books to understand the composition of mexican-american neighborhoods. i did research on several court and the importation of mexican labor. i looked at the department of labor records and tons of deportation files. i came across really fascinating people.

check --e climactic climactic chapters, he discusses an accident in which a train collided with this bus. killed dozens of these mexican guest workers. accidenth a her thick that shows just how hazardous and reckless they are in transporting farmworkers around the country. religious authorities came together to protest the exploitation. and in fact accelerated congress's decision to terminate the next year. in california, in which they started caring more about her and care -- and connecting more

with the concerns of world -- of rural chicano. the final chapter goes into the analysis of the lettuce strike in the salinas valley in 1970's. i compare and contrast the strike that came before hand. i think it was incredibly significant for several reasons. first there was an immense amount of racial violence. strike that saw incredible activism. time in which it is these long-standing barriers between mexican-americans and the undocumented, starting to crumble a little bit. to see their strength in numbers, they start to see the benefit of mobilizing with

each other. and ultimately the lettuce resulted in the signing of several labor contracts, with large corporate salinas valley and provide things to farmworkers like a health plan. these victories only came after decades of mexican-americans and mexican immigrants. how they fight for their rights. shall this didn't all of a sudden bring the chicano movement to these farmworkers in places like the salinas valley. these were not ordinary people, had been laying the groundwork for shabbos to organize them for decades. in the 1940's they were wearing

-- they weresial forming the civil rights organizations. rightere exercising their to vote, they were filing lawsuits against their employers with legal aid organizations. they were laying the foundation chavez toays -- for have a reception when he arrived. would havenk they achieved the kind of victories they did in the salinas valley. i ended the book by asking how things have changed or not changed. ever since 1970.

sadly many injustices have not left. actuallyrs wages have decreased. instituting a minimum wage. rest are not enough breaks, water breaks or cemetery facilities in our fields in california and across the nation. sexual harassment and assault is very prevalent in the field. and the temporary agricultural visa program we have is chillingly similar to the workers we had in that are contracted to one specific .mployer and are intimidated if they are complaining, they are intimidated that they might get fired.

tens of thousands of farmworkers suffer pesticide poisoning and farmworkers have an average life expectancy of only 49 years compared to a national average of 79 years. all the while, this old refrain cannot get americans to do this type of labor. it is this type of refrain that keeps agricultural work marginalized as this immigrant occupation. stays distant from the eyes and ears of american voters who could demand the industry take more responsibility or operate under heavy monitoring. immigration flows are not just coming from mexico anymore. more and more farmworkers in california are people like

indigenous mexicans from as far linguistically different. with this more diverse and all these new waves of immigrants, it is harder to get one labor union or organization to unify them all. -- theer doesn't have organization doesn't have the power it used to. while we might see these local gettings, we are not the majority of them the rights and protections they deserve or need. groundsrmworkers have for dreaming of something better and the only way those dreams will be realized is if we allowed history to teach us something. if we disinherit farmworkers

from this legacy of neglect and invisibility they have suffered from for so long, thank you. [applause] >> our next speaker is -- was here at the first conference in 2012 and it is a pleasure to have him back. he's the assistant professor of history at texas christian university and received his phd from duke university and has a forthcoming book co-authored with one of the giants in the chicano movement entitled the life and times of alfred penn yeah san antonio. he will discuss his just about to released -- just about to be released book about the making

of the democratic coalition. [applause] >> thank you for that marvelous introduction and for having me here again today. it's an honor since he says the book is not yet out. it will be out in august and it it isd to be here in that a relational, multiethnic study. here doing my part.

today, i'm going to give a quick of that story in the larger relational narrative. 28, 1963, while much of america watched the march on washington, nearly 1000 demonstrators in neighborhoods in east austin texas marched toward the state capital in the 102 degree heat. veteran activists of all colors from across the state, black teenagers, white college students and mexican-americans joined the procession. they listened and cheered for movement leaders as they gave a series of speeches. they did so calling for the passage of a state civil rights act, but in an unusual manner. theot ever separate independent white man and negro

again. we are going to march on the streets, sit in the streets, that at the alec box and is the last message i got from my government. i can talk more about him when you like. from san antonio said the negro today wants justice. he gives a speech on behalf of the political association which at the time was the most militant of the mexican-american organizations in the state. --ange as it may now seen may now seem, this was just the tip of the iceberg. african-american, mexican american and white labor activists came together in a broad struggle for democracy in texas.

organizers gradually gave way to local experiments in multiracial collaborations. 1960's, there was a formal egalitarian statewide alliance and an expensive multiracial civil rights agenda. they called their partnership simply the democratic coalition. aboutk tells the story how these groups of activists organize their separate bases, then crossed the color line to find one another and connected their freedom struggle to the labor movement. it shows how building bridges became the crucial weapon in the state and restoring electoral politics. it begins with the famous strike in san antonio in 1938. it is a well-known tale featuring the whole road

-- theation and oratory treaties on the mexican question that became central to southern california. historians depict the strike itself as a peer of victory. those stories are true and important, that i use a multiracial lens to understand how the strike turned into a mass up rising, particularly on the west and south side arias. i see the political activities of the union and faction of lack activists. alliance putis more a maverick senior into office and although the coalition was short-lived, it dealt a permanent blow to the power structure.

looking at this moment renders it different by: bash by connecting politics to the larger world in a new scope of act visit becomes visible. this also allows for new continuities to become clear. one decade after the strike, the onetant faction here and activist undertaker here carries his experience forward. in 1948, he formed a tactical men wereand both elected to serve on local school boards. soon thereafter, they man in the into abegan organizing group called the loyal american democrats. it had an orthodox name but it masked its true purpose as an insurgent political club and

civil rights organization. they succeeded in luring adlai stevenson to give a speech in the westside barrio, announcing a new force in local and state politics. they began building a relationship with bj sutton and served as a key organizer of the black civil rights movement. organization elected henry gonzales to the city council. rooted a multiracial one in community organizing. three years later, he won a seat on the county commission that he used to distribute patronage and serve -- and servitude and emerge as the firebrand advocate 's marginalized groups over the next decade and

a half. he began reaching out to labor leaders and liberals. you see him here with john f. kennedy. in 1960, he was able to cash in on this work, becoming the lead organizer of the campaign in texas. sutton became the organizer of the latin american wing of the state. above all, building coalition above the color line. officer --eive the the offer to work, he received a phone call from bobby kennedy controlised complete over the mexican-american wing and promised independent from the party and promised patronage .

he also broke his way into the party is the first african-american to represent the state from that region when he went to the national convention in l.a.. delivered the votes that they promised and narrowly carried the kennedy johnson ticket to victory. latter emerges as a .o-called sleeping giant more immediately, by the winter of 1961, the aviva kennedy club transitioned into permanent organizations. mexican americans texas were looking ahead to collecting these spoils of victory in the new administration, throwing their weight around in the democratic party's factional disputes.

the 1960's, texas as part of the solid south. it is a one-party state dominated by a racist democratic party and the primary elections are the important place were politics get contested. flipped tween the new deal and the conservative dixiecrat's that still included the governor. as the decade wore on, the kennedy administration did not deliver much and over the next two years, the organization grappled with the future and in the end repeatedly split apart over class, ideological, strategic and other conflicts. group endorsed price daniels for governor. of theompted a walkout

organization's liberal members, which included many liberals and chicano labor organizers. one year later, the first successful chicano revolt happened in crystal city. moderatesnson style both lefttor garcia the convention in protest of the teamsters and other labor unions. texas, the teamsters were a force for progress. most historians have interpreted these splits as the fragmenting of some kind of idealized process. i argue that we see splits reflecting and advancing the efforts of labor liberal activists who wanted the groups to build closer ties and expand outward. he wanted to extend the labor

alliance to the statewide level. rather than being defeated, he other things,nts building alliances across the state and the statewide democratic coalition i talked about at the beginning -- this cartoon reflects this philosophy. you can see labor cutting the ties, grinding down mexican-american voting power and see there on the bottom. they wanted them to become that much more liberal and committed and pro-labor in order to prosper in the segregationists context of texas. in the summer of 63, they came together and were on the march. together andme

laid out an ambitious agenda for civil rights and real political powder -- local power. they made civil rights their top policy issue and demanded immediate immigration and coordinated a series of massive voter registration and get out the vote efforts that forever transformed state and local politics. the africand in american communities. organized labor, which had been a bastion of which were white workers through itself into the black and brown civil rights movements. they supported demonstrations and even called -- demand that the governor of texas call a special session to address civil rights. i don't have time to go into all the activities of this coalition, but the book will be out in august and available at a

bookstore near you. say that these networks that were established remain robust throughout the decade and grew the 70's. these are photos again from the united farm workers procession from the valley to austin in 1966. this story looks rather different through the multiracial lens. the photo on the right shows the state's most recognizable militant leader in the states ,lack civil rights union greeting mexican american farmworkers. he a just led a march from east texas and timed it to meet the mexican-american farmworkers when they arrived on labor day. you can see on the left, another photograph amidst the eagle, signs from the afl-cio and from the naacp.

came together to demand this minimum wage increase as well as civil rights and labor rights. rethink some of the important questions historically and in the present moment. punditry -- they tend to emphasize conflict but i group called the bat -- called the vast space in between. they were neither natural allies or inveterate enemies, they were simply different. all sorts of different lines of difference. just getting them together for a meeting represents a monumental task. where'd you hold such a meeting

in the segregated south? coalitions depended on them recognizing the difference rather than pretending they did not exist. the difference between the house and the coalition. the democratic coalition of texas, each of the group remains separate. that is why i have this diagram is the best representation rather than a pyramid. the process -- coalitions came together and had to be reorganized and existed in the creative tension of groups that had great differences.

ofre are many examples coalitions coming together. there are several competing coalitions at a given time. more conservative coalitions who worked with white elites. black brownal coalition to the left of the liberals. the use of multiracial coalitions proved critical and civile key tool for rights and some semblance of democracy. i want to close by highlighting how the book contributes to the discography of the chuck conner movement. i'm talking more about the previous group. rather than strictly the chicano news movement. us to think invites

about how the line between these groups is somewhat fuzzier than we assume. it is not strictly generational, but rather that class of ideology, gender and most of other differences continually divided both cohorts. -- itilitants looking for has opened up new opportunities. the politics of the labor activists in many ways, there politics are little those of the chicano radicals and were probably asked that, unafraid to eager tohe streets and organize the barrios as nonwhite minorities and build coalitions with african-americans and labor activists.

it represents a central debate among the mexican-american generation that age alone does not prefigure these politics. the faction was more militant, less white and more expensive in their vision and the caricatures commonly ascribed to activists of their era. the original formulation was much more diverse and somehow we lost sight of that. i went to extend the chronology backwards and think about this longer movement and the continuity. i think the story tells us a great amount about the roots of the chicano movement. they were the mentors of the chicano youth and involved in later movement and handed down politics to the so-called young turks.

thank you for having me. it has been wonderful to share this with you. [applause] >> thank you. we look forward to your book, but i don't know about a bookstore near us anymore. amazon, maybe. congratulations on your forthcoming book. it gives me great pleasure to present a good friend and colleague, professor victor fuentes, officer emeritus in the spanish and portuguese department. degree ind his romance languages and literature and is a major scholar of 20th century spanish literature and a member of the north american academy of the spanish language. he has recently turned his attention to california history and his 2014 book.

today, he will discuss his most recent book. it's one of the first biographies of cesar chavez in spanish. he will first discuss the book in english and then in spanish. [applause] >> thank you very much. it's an honor to be here. 1965, i hadhere in this dream that one day, the future, i would be here celebrating the chicano movement.

i do 99% or 98 percent of my work in spanish, so excuse me as i try to do this presentation in english. [speaking spanish] the big triumph of the farmworkers. tremendoused a 70's andn the 60's and the legacy is still alive. is farmworkersms judges andld be doctors and professors and we have them now.

this book in spanish because there have been hundreds of books and articles about cesar chavez, all of them in the majority of farmworkers at that time, the mother language was spanish and cesar chavez's mother language was spanish. there are these books published and none of them deal with the speeches he gave in spanish, countless to the farmworkers in the moment where you see the great connection of cesar chavez with thefarmworkers

innish speaking, it was done the language. see cesar chavez talking think someone got the speeches and published a book. also, i have learned a lot when we dialogue with the 3%. cesar chavez in , a lot of that struggle -- were talking as a child theublished a book about terrible condition of the

farmworkers and it is a great book. that human erosion for a change here in the 50's and the 60's, no matter what the conditions , the farmworkers began to be part of the national conversation in this country. cesar chavez sacrificed his life for the farmworkers. his -- they banished

sister by speaking spanish in and they say i'm andg to speak in spanish cesar chavez said one thing that is very important. when you have your own language and customs and those are shattered, i remember trying to find out who i was. his parents also join the march and cesar chavez, when he worked , doing justicey

50's has a long tradition of fighting for to go to school. they had not studied that much, , so period of cesar chavez the recent -- why i wrote in spanish -- they have written so much about cesar chavez. it is hard to be original. one of the purposes of my book is to go to the bibliography and on caesar sawten , and-- on cesar chavez

there is a long chapter with the s, and it started in 1964, and it lasted almost 11 in 1990 again -- that is very interesting. years, i wouldo go to volunteer on the weekend and work in spanish. great tradition of the working press in the united states in the 20th century. it was incredible.

they have one in spanish and one in english. and there is the english version also. so that is amazing. 1964 -- people who did not ,ave any education in spanish but someone complained to them. mistake you are making in spanish." having education and going to school before they start their said, "we ateey our bread with the sweat of our

hands." coversve on the pictures, a great artist from the 1950's, so the workers there -- they have all of these great pictures of the mexican revolution. picture that is so , he was like an icon of , said that is one of the important themes of my book, that whole chapter. booker thing, i wrote this -- another purpose. ofe have been very critical cesar chavez, three or after

your books. not perfect, he did make some mistakes. there is no doubt. what he did was much more greater than all of the mistakes. any trade union or any movement, a discussion, they take that, and they selected, and they --ed to put a negative image the union, in the late 1970's, it was because of cesar chavez's mistakes or whatever. ideal with this. in the late 1970's and the 1980's, there was a tremendous

backlash against the labor movement and trade unions. the labor movement between 1975 and 1985 lost 4 million or 5 million members. unionion was the poorest -- they lost a few thousand. whoever was or there -- and the workers. the republican governors, you know, against the unions, trying to do away with the unions, so this was nothing to do with cesar chavez. stronger,ez is much

and one of the important things -- let me say. see. another important theme in my book with the union and cesar chavez, the 11 last years of 1993 -- mostuntil they writeitics, very little about that period, and they say they did not 1994 --, but you see in uc signing contracts, negotiating, marches, and -- you see signing contracts, negotiating marches, and cesar chavez is very important.

we have the union continuing to be active, negotiating contracts, and having strikes. there is a book to be published last chapterand my deals with the use of technology, and pewter's -- , andology, computers benefit programs and other types of programs that cap the union growing, not in number -- that kept the union growing, not in number but in strength. the great future of the spanish-speaking people or the and 20 more years from

now, the child of the farmworker will be there. now, the number of the majority -- of the minority is now the majority in california. it is tremendous progress. the obama recognized he won latinos.due to the cesar chavez from the 1950's has been fighting for that, so let wasust -- so i think that original in my book, the last chapter. most do not deal with that. read -- eight poet from

a poet from nicarague, and it is a little flattery, but i want to end with this. spanish] there was some

great photography. thank you very much. [applause] mr. garcia: mr. fuentes threw me a little bit of a curveball. i thought he would do some speaking in spanish, but maybe because of c-span, he did it all in english. so i am going to conclude this with my own recent publication. in the last two years, i have published two books on the chicano movement. one is entitled "the chicano movement," published in 2014 by rutledge.

based onme is partly o conferencel castr from 2012. other contributions include those i have solicited from other scholars to provide a more rounded coverage of the movement. part of the new direction in the american history series published by rutledge. the book is dedicated to sal ca stro. from uc sanman diego who was kind enough to write the foreword. there are 11 entries organized around three sections, immunity struggles, the student movement, and geographic diversity in the chicano movement. some at this conference all can ande did by showcasing providing research on the movement. let me move on to discuss my

other new book on the movement generation." you can see the cover on your screen. it is about three major activist icano movement in the 1960's and into the 1970's in los angeles. one is with us this morning. let's give him a hand. [applause] tomorrow,: and another and i will participate in a special panel on reflections on the chicano movement. unfortunately, gloria cannot be with us at the conference. she is battling health problems, with us is, like sal, in spirit, and she has our prayers.

by the way, this book is only $25. [laughter] as i mentioned in my introduction, this book has a long history, and i am pleased it has been published by the in 2013.y press i started this back in the 1990's with interviews. my previous work had dealt with earlier historical generations. as i began to develop a historical approach in my study of chicano history. it encompasses the first mass wave of mexican immigrants in the 20th century. thei was also curious about children of these immigrants and fromolitical refugees 1910. to understand this, i wrote

several books that focus on leadership and community struggles, between 1930 and the early 1960's, prior to the chicano movement. works as wellmy ,s testimonials, all histories and this generations spanning the great depression, world war ii, and cold war organize the great civil rights movement in had socialstates and justice struggles, but i wanted to push this forward with the chicano movement, and i am a product of the movement. chicanose many became because of the movement.

know,my schoolmates, you their first names have been transformed. even the teachers have transformed them, so francisco became frankie, and maria became mary, but the teachers -- at least in my case, the good sisters, they could not change my mario name, and i felt disadvantaged, because all of my girlfriends had those anglo first names, and i did not have it. well, here comes the movement, and they discovered their names, but i did not do that. o," and i wasmari already ahead of the game. [laughter] mr. garcia: as many of you know, my moving into the chicano movement was with the work published in 2011.

chicanoeautiful to be that day. the words of sal and perhaps the largest strike of its kind in american history. i wish he was with us today, but i know he will live in our memories for the rest of our uniqueso my new book is in that instead of encompassing one-story, it includes three stories, giving it a collective aspect. histories written in the voice of the activists but written by me. this is intended for you, the reader, to observe, or in this reflect on it and then hopefully take on the

struggle. i am very fortunate to have selected these three individuals for the book. how did i select them? one was a natural. he was one of the college and hes who helped out, organized part of la rassa, -- la rasa, with millions of dollars to do more for the community. movementublished the and then also what happened in 1970. it was after the preleased riot -- what the police riot led to at that time the most

prominent latino journalist in the united states's death. he was involved in many other movements that i could not possibly include them all, so here are some of the images in the book itself. this is at the time of the walkouts, helping to organize the students. la raza. those for eve, 1969, and the recently constructed church in order to force their demands. in, includinged undercover sheriff's who were acting, and 21 were eventually

and the key organizer .as also some were sentenced to three months or four months. some of the others were, "how come you did not get convicted?" i guess i am"well, a better catholic than you are." [laughter] witharcia: this is raul, the historic pictures he took at the café, with the 1970 , and this is with the war in east l.a., and they incredible, brutal attack on the demonstrators, and

three people were killed out there. he happened to be a cross the street as he walked down the boulevard after the burning of the buildings and cop cars and so forth, and then he witnessed the two county sheriff squad and like a good journalist, he started taking pictures with his camera, and he had these historic pictures of the attack, including one just beforedeputy he shoots into the silver dollar , and according to the autopsy, hit that man in the head, killing him. book, he discusses his own conspiracy theory, and there are many conspiracy theories.

they were suggesting a .oratorium to the violence of there was a whitewashing the sheriff's deputies. outside that day, looking for him to get rid of him, and he was still running a column with ," and channel 24 -- he was showing a lot of police abuse in east l.a., and he was targeted. cops were looking for him that day, and he was killed. he was not killed by a teargas projectile. him, but hestunned was killed inside. killed, lookwas what happened to his head.

it was basically blown off. and when you see what happened to his head, there would have been no head. head, and you see a film at the mortuary later on, thinks a head, so raul he was killed inside. that is the conspiracy theory. raul at the inquest, because he testified at the inquest. ,t one point, the inquest judge they were showing one of his pictures, and he said, what is that image there on that side, and raul said that is a teacher of cesar chavez, the great revolutionary, and they started clapping.

that communists were involved in the antiwar moratorium. raul.s he ran twice for the legislature, but in 1972, when the party held its convention, ,aul went there just to attend , with onecompetition who had helped to organize the conference, with several election victories in small towns, including crystal city, and then another contemporary with his group -- and they both wanted to be elected as the national chairperson of the national ofty, as the party dreamed

becoming national, but they needed someone to chair the convention, so they said, "how about raul?" he reluctantly agreed to do it, something he wished he had not agreed to do, because he was caught between those forces and had to deal with it, so he talks in the book about his role with da party.nal uni the is a picture of raul in 1970's. ,ater, a phd from harvard teaching for many years until his most recent retirement, and then this leads us to the second protagonist of the book, gloria arellanes. i had not met her until i started writing a book. -- writing the book. what a great woman. -- ie only female minister

will repeat that -- the only easte minister of that in los angeles, gloria has a unique story. she was part of the first contingent. she rose to a leadership position as well as providing leadership to the women in the group. despite encountering sexism, gender discrimination, and even potential sexual assault, gloria became the backbone. it was gloria, for example, published a newspaper, but the greatest accomplishment that gloria and the others made to the movement was their organization and running of the free clinic. was the most, this significant contribution they make to the community and to the movement, and it was gloria's

leadership as a director of the health clinic that made this possible. in gloria was also involved organizing the antiwar movement, and it provided an outlet for others in the movement by her group. together a the least known of my three activists, she deserves a prominent place in the history of the movement in los angeles, and this is a picture of a -- what was called a wedding, members of the -- one of the members of the group got married at the church of the epiphany, and serving in the wedding party all along with the women, so left, andoria on the this is gloria. --s is one of those photos

you used to go to an amusement park and bus stations, and you would go into one of those booths and get your picture taken, and this is one of those kinds of pictures, which shows gloria. gloria is also honest about the woman.at she was a big she said she thought she weighed close to 300 pounds. she was a big woman, and she was bullied because of it, but she that, andose above she began to use her physicality , "my bigness to advantage," and when she was ets, she said i always from my to speak, never

chair, because i wanted to use my physicality to a certain myself and my power and so forth, and she said that was effective, and she encouraged other women to do that. some fairly large women. and at one demonstration they had in east los angeles, they , and itandeered a tank is an interesting story that is in the book, but as they are in the march, all of the people start clapping, and they start va," but it is an amazing story. kennedy,sination of and gloria -- you can see her just in front of the little boy. of gloriaer pictures because it was hard to find pictures of her. , andid not have very much

with the political complexities -- but her story is a fascinating one and very powerful. thethis is a picture of free clinic on whittier boulevard. able to get volunteer doctors, volunteer nurses, students to help out, and she was the director. others would try to take credit, but it was the women who did it. they provided all kinds of and even birth control counseling, even abortion counseling, or at least directed people to planned parenthood and so forth. it was an incredible effort that was really, really relevant to the community. it was the women through the free clinic that really make that connection with the

community, the guys try to take the credit, and then worse than that, they would come in at the end of the day, and they would use the clinic. forth,re partying and so and the women were expected to go back the next day and clean it up, and gloria complained to david sanchez several times and said, "this has got to stop. we cannot run a clinic with you guys messing it up. it has to be sanitary." for whatever reason did not pull his weight, and gloria said, "we are out of here," and they did. the first contingency left because of these kinds of conflicts, and that is when gloria organized -- this was the unoz, leading up to 1970.

she worked in east l.a. for a period of time. americanr was a native indian, and she discovered that side of her, and she became involved in a movement in southern california and rose to the leadership with them, as well. and this is a picture of gloria, saliously later, and ro muoz. last, but not least, there was rosalio munoz. there is no way i could do a book on this without her. chicano to be elected, and he took on the seat -- the selective service by refusing to be inducted. and then mexican independence

proclaimed he would not allow himself to be inducted by a military and government that practiced genocide, he said chicano community. using his refusal to be created arosalio to challenged rapp's status, but he soon realized -- athe best way for theirnt to challenge status, but he soon realized the was toy to do things organize the largest demonstration of the chicano

movement, and it was the largest by any minority group in the country. infamy.at will live in august 20 9, 1970, when 20 -- 70.ust 29, 19 but it was also tragedy due to the police. became involved in other causes, and he is still doing so today. this is outside the induction center. the peace sign. his peace beads or whatever they are, and here is the organizing of the antiwar movement, and this is one of the earlier demonstrations.

was -- what year was that? that was part of roosevelt? >> part of roosevelt high school. roosevelt, and, this was in 1970, one of the early demonstrations that help to lead up to the big one that year, august 1970. this was the san fernando valley, and this is rosalio on august 29, at the commendation of the march, and there was the speechr -- he gave his to the people who were assembled , and there were parents and grandparents and children there. a peaceful demonstration, and so forth, and different people were

going to be there in the park and so forth, and shortly after he concluded his speeches, that is when the sheriff's deputies began to move in and destroy the demonstration, but all of that is in the book that rosalio recalls, and that it was this, were august 29, when they opposing what happened. far right as looking at the image. this is the demonstration less than a year after the demonstration in l.a. against the war to protest police abuse and also so many of the other movement,the chicano and this is a much later picture. this man will be with us

tomorrow. and what i came away from writing this book is a deep respect of the commitment and integrity of these three activists. downs,ced many ups and political and personal, and they continued to struggle. they were not ideologues but practical activists who wanted to improve the economy. they demised the best of the chicano generation. depicted the best of the chicano generation. i do not deny that the movement has its faults. movements do because they are comprised of human beings. wanted to put a face to a social movement, movements which are often discussed in the abstract. this was a major historical icano history,

where men and women made an impact. it made chicanos and other ,atinos in tube the activists and all of us of chicano background -- i want to thank them for their patience in this journey. thank you very much. [applause] i want to have now the presenters to come up here to the table so we can begin a discussion, dialogue, both among the presenters and also with

you, the audience, and then we will take a short rate, and we will have another professor. thank you. so i first want to ask the participants -- we are waiting because heto come, said he had a lot of questions, so we want to be sure we include victor, but i want to ask deeper dispense -- i want to ask the have anynts if they questions about their presentations, so let me open it up to them. do you guys have any questions? and you can use the microphones there on the table, and then --n we get to the discussion i do not know how well it is working, but we will try to get

it to you. all right. any of you have questions of each other? mr. fuentes: i wonder if you can tell me about the labor relations -- the change -- supposedly, it was going to change the destiny. what is the status now? what do they do now? ms. flores: they were certainly to get a group founded and to be a place where farmworkers could come with their grievances and their .omplaints that institution became weaker. -- chavez and others --

it declined, so the group is something that is available to farmworkers and to state and federal government -- institutions are still there for agricultural labor and workers to go to with concerns, but i get the sense that because of our current political moment and the ways in which conservative politics took away power from farmworkers themselves and the powern which the usw's declined over time, it is really not being as effective as a in the-- as it was back 1970's, so unfortunately, agribusiness is an industry in this country that is highly

unmonitored, highly unregulated. there are not the regulations as there are for industrial -- that is just the way it is right now. mr. garcia: -- >> in terms of movement,e chicano both of you seemed to suggest that that is important, and are you suggesting continuity more than discontinuity between the previous generation and the chicano generation? one or both of you? >> i'm going to answer this question by saying yes to both.

it exists the way it does for very strong reasons. themselvescal actors saw these breaks in identity. they saw these moments which they thought were transformative and ushering in some a new, but at the same time, historians look back, and i do find a tremendous amount of continuity that perhaps people at the time did not recognize, and so one of work has beenmy drawing that out, and in doing so, i do not need to suggest chronology, a new but in a way, these continuities simply serve, in my opinion, to make these generational breaks and differences. i think it flushes them out -- it flushes them out that much more and add new ones.

-- and adds nuances. krochmal: it is a big book, and there are too many characters involved, so i had to cut it off, but yes, i wrote it in a piece i did about how leaders helped to bridge that data between mexican-americans and others. the skills that they had to go out and organize the communities, and years ago, i was already sniffing in this looking at the hypothesis, and i ask, what did you think of them? and his response was, we were just kids. they did not appreciate what

they had done, and they did not spend a lot of time documenting. ok, questions from the audience, and i see you have a brief question or comment. >> sanchez had a tremendous influence. first ins among the , andtate to get a masters he also got a lot of history .rom sanchez chicanomed a

mexican-american group. we were here before them. there was an intellectual leader -- bilingual , and 1964, there were several articles on education, and one of those teachers -- and stro, but that, i think, is the direct link. pena. i had a chance to speak on the same platform in 1970.

houston, texas. i think it was maybe the largest demonstration against the war in as directhe was there continuity within the two condo oovement -- within the chican movement. first racist -- that influenced in the 1800s -- the chinese workers. mr. garcia: any response? >> really vary in lightning. i had no idea about the

chicano movement in arizona. time, givent in what is going on in arizona right now. >> [indiscernible] now with this conversation? and that overwhelmingly referred to the latino experience? refer to the latino

experience? mr. garcia: some of this clearly extends the chronology into the 1980's. as was pointed out, and then what happens in the 1980's? salvador.l andgovernment in nicaragua, ,aul and other former activists they became involved. --in, it is pushing against

we are looking at 10 intense , until 1975, and vietnam, pointed out, there is also a continuation into the late 1970's. another question? a question over there? maria? comments, and my grandfather was a migrant worker who went to arkansas, and the relations

between -- the racial .nterconnections interconnections with the workers, especially for my grandfather, working in the ,ields, and when he came back he would tell us all kinds of as to how well the african-americans treated the mexican-american workers. and he would say a spanish word. do you know what that means? partners. andwe would go to texas --

that interconnection between the .armworkers and the filipinos you did not mention that, and i do not know if you want to. flores: yes, i talk about the filipinos a lot, and the filipino labor activists in the ies and the- canner thread areas, and then i filipino community through the book, because them and others, they were all part of this world that i talk about, so incredibly important. i think much more work needs to

be done. we need a book on the filipino in this largerle farmworker justice movement, so absolutely, they are incredibly important. there are some books and testimony talking about that. garcia: yes? >> [indiscernible] lori, the gender dynamics -- [indiscernible] if you can speak a little bit on that. ms. flores: yes, gender is

important. women have always been present, and in the salinas strike of 1970, the strawberry workers, -- they came from texas, who were working in the valleys in california, they were sewing the strike flags. and it was them going, we are to go up to philadelphia. it was the women. and starting the strike, then within the strike itself, women were the ones willing to thearrested with chavez for photo opportunities, making a strategic move to capture more national attention, so it was often women in this

male-dominated world of puttingure who were themselves in front of the picket lines and in front of that violence and in front of intenseialized, very discourse in public, so the gender dynamics within mexican american and mexican immigrant emily's -- operating -- it was withnually being tested all sorts of borders, literal and crossing the literal borders and forming relationships with undocumented migrants, and with what a woman was allowed to do and say and perform in the chica no movement and a civil rights movement, and they are the ones that after cesar chavez went to prison after the salinas strike or the ones creating the vigils and the community demonstrations

and moments of solidarity, so women and gender are incredibly important to talk about within chicano history and in the history of the movement. mr. garcia: other questions? >> you had mentioned agriculture. were you able to persuade them to change their mind? ms. flores: that is one of the biggest challenges. i went multiple times to growers, two companies -- to co mpanies, to the big families in the salinas valley, and they would not budge. they did not want to know what my project was about, and they

saw i was interested in learning i wastheir employees, and not asking about their families andhow they got involved rose to prominence. they did not want to if you -- give me any more than their family history, so when i pressed them, even for artifacts, they were not interested. and like for the portuguese american workers, it did not matter what their ethnic affiliation was. it was an economic wall that i was running into in that i wanted to learn more about the workers, and they were not interested in giving me anything, so the ways in which i sort of got around that was the salinas public library had done

histories of these growers, and in these oral histories, they would let slip things that were really valuable, like what their workers were making or how many hours they work making, how many lived in a bunk house together, just these little details that i could use to reconstruct their daily lives, and you just have to read things against the grain all of the time, and people will not give you directly what you want -- you have to find other ways to get it. and i tried my best -- people

got into agriculture and happen to be very successful and were pioneers, so i do it knowledge that they were not always the establishment at that over -- so i do acknowledge that they were ,ot always the establishment and i tried to make people so istand this is complex, hope that the sources i did get our enough to give readers a vivid picture of that world, but it was very difficult. mr. garcia: we are going to take a 10-minute break, and we also have the books here.

we will permitting, have a general round up session, question --ve a later today. so let's thank our panelists. [applause] and, again, there are books. we will keep the books here throughout the day. if you want to purchase them, they can sign them, so we will take a break and come back. [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] announcer: you are watching american history tv, 48 hours of programming on american history every weekend on c-span3. follow us on twitter for information on our schedule and to keep up with the latest history news.

announcer: up next on american history tv, author david montejano, on texas chicano history. the professor discusses the relationship between anglo-americans and mexican americans >> it is my privilege to introduce my speaker for the conference. it has the distinction of having presented in all of the three south castro memorial conferences. we should give him a special badge for that.

and i am a coming back my good friend and colleague back this year. montonta hondo -- mr. ejano, it is an honor to have it for our key speaker. he is professor of ethnic studies at uc berkeley he has also chair the center for research on social change. prior to teaching at berkeley, was an associate professor at of test inity austin. of research have been comparative history, race and relations. he has published widely in journals and books.

his books on the chicano movement include a local history of the chicano movement, which also won numerous awards. that book was followed by another book called "ponchos journal. both of these books were" published by the university of texas press. he has received numerous distinguished fellowships, including a national endowment for the humanities, fellowship -- the advanced studies of his presentation today is on the past and present of the chicano movement, some reflections and questions. it is my honor to welcome dr.

david montejano. [applause] dr. montejano: thank you. og, because i am an i am not technology we -- not

technologically savvy. my smartphone is smarter than me. this is quite an honor. my charge, as i understood it, initially, was to sort of sketch out the landscape and maybe suggest some future directions. but the other thing was to reassure you that, this wide of the prolific record of publications, the there is [indiscernible] he has not taken all of the option out of the room yet. and light of the early morning presentation, i don't think we have to worry. so excited to hit the presenter this morning. i would like to give a round of applause for the panel. [applause] so what i want to do today's present some reflections based on my research on the chicano movement and to invite you to

consider some points for future investigation. initially, i was going to point out what i thought were strengths and weaknesses. i'm not going to do that. i decided the best way to proceed would be to use my own experience, to suggest is inrned to suggest what the other words, an organic explanation rather than a thatal one,, something breaks down the partition between survival and the economy -- survival and the academy and knowledge production. so this will be somewhat autobiographical, but i think it is also reflective of the , of thateneration generation of scholars. we are, in a sense, products. those in my generation were

participants and beneficiaries. many of us went on to graduate scale -- go school processing because of the movement. we wanted to recover our history or learn what was going on around us. there was agency in our part, but there was also a structure of opportunity. that is one of the point to want to make in my presentation. we should study that interaction and structure. oftentimes, we just rely totally on agency and forget about structure. in images case, i think i am an ideal candidate for this kind of task. , in many of you look at me am always introduced as having a distinguished record, having several books.

you say, my god, you know, there has been a smooth ride. it is not anything like that at all. as an undergraduate at the university of texas in austin, in the late 60's, i was very active in various political movements. -- themworkers farmworkers strike in california and texas, the black civil rights movement, the antiwar movement, and the council culture movement. up going intonded sociology. this is in the early 1970's. i didn't realize that i had been the subject of family my aunttion later and

asked where david was because i had been in jail. and my and said [speaking in spanish] [applause] [laughter] very involved with the movement. so when it came time to choose a dissertation topic, it was the chicano movement, and particular the brown berets. i thought the berets had the key to political consciousness. these are guys from the barrio. many of them high school dropouts, some of them heroin addicts. here they were becoming politicized, joining an organization, becoming involved in various events and so forth. so my thing was, if i could discover the key to that lyrical consciousness, then perhaps that phenomenon could be duplicated.

that's what i wanted to do. from la causa 1970. this portrayed my thesis, the , now the yesterday brown beret, disciplined, proud, so forth. imagine instead what i found out when i got into the field, into the so-called field in southwestern san antonio. what i found was a disintegrating organization. this was 1974, 1975. the disintegration reflected what was going on largely in the chicano movement. the berets were falling apart and so was my dissertation topic. [laughter] this is what i found.

so the tecatos who had given up heroine while they were in the berets had returned to it and had taken several berets with them. at the same time that i am having problems with what am i going to do with this dissertation topic, i was hired at the university of california berkeley as an acting assistant professor and given a timeline to finish my dissertation. so you can imagine -- i will come back to what happened later because i am at berkeley now. fortunately, about this time that i am trying to deal with this dissertation, i met paul taylor. paul taylor was a labor historian. he did most of his publishing in the 1930's and 1940's. i was surprised he was still alive. he was in the same building that

i was in berkeley. he had already suffered a stroke. eyelids taped to his forehead. i told him i was familiar with his work. he immediately tested me. name my book and who published it in what year? i said "american mexican frontier" university press, 1930, whatever. that opened up the doors and we start a talking. that the futures serve bankrupt library. so i started going to the library and, my god, i was hooked. here were interviews inducted in the 1930's. i focused on people of all stripes, mainly politicians and ranchers, farmers, of course growers and so forth. i was shocked. i was shocked because here were -- i mean, here were and low texans talking about mexicans

with no holds barred. a language i had not heard. and also learning about to the imposition of labor controls, again, another part of history that i did not know. so i'm getting involved in the my historical introduction to the historical chapter kept growing and growing. eventually i said, that is going to be the dissertation. so i guess that leads to one lesson i learned right away, that be conscious of your audience. ok? no, excuse me, actually, the lesson that comes before being conscious of my audience, and that is be sure you have an ending to your inquiry. [laughter] ok? be sure you have an ending you can live with. don't start spending years on something and then not know how to wrap it up. and part, that was because i was conscious of my audience. that was the reflection i had from this.

i realized that come if i wrote at the time -- you had to understand that we had very little literature of the time -- if i wrote a book on the berets at that time, it could easily have been misinterpreted and generalized to apply to all latino youth. so i wasconstance -- conscious of my audience. so the history that i was learning about anglos in mexicans in the making of texas, this was a book that anglos -- that i wanted and close to read. i didn't want it to be dismissed. i said this is a texas history about interactions between two people. and also given the fact that most of my documentation came from anglos, you know, the voices and so forth, angle had to be in there. so here i was countering the triumphalist literature. i made sure that anglos and makes offense -- and was in

mexicans in the making of texas. to stemllary to that is the political implementation -- political implication. aware reading the world that myandparents and parents european in texas. that led me to a humbling inside. -- because we chicano youth placed a lot of blame on our elders for what we thought was passively. passivity. we were[speaking spanish] you know, how could you take this bs in this type of segregation? that's because we didn't have the history and did not understand the pressure of oppression that they had to continue with.

looking ate start that structure, it was because of changes in that structure that we could even say that we had a coupon of movement. the college students at the time, we were ahead of that change and structure. we were evidence that there were leaks in that structure. mean,re we were, now, i the structure had since allowed us to exist and now here we were involved in contesting the structure that we were surrounded by. interesting argument in one of the examples of that leak, one of the weeks. i realized that the catholic school system that developed alongside the public school structure was very important. mario and i are both products of

the catholic schools. and given the time that we lived in, that probably was the only of the kind of underfunded mario education that we would have had otherwise. looking at structure to understand and trying to connect the dots, right. -- i startnding the with the fall of the alamo and come up to 1986. and i ended with the notices on the challenges to jim crow structure, both by two chicano movement organizations.

here's a map. i didn't reproduce it. this is just an illustration. this is a map that comes up later, and when of the later chapters. what those trying ozark are bying rights lawsuits filed in 19741975.4 -- this is happening. lawsuits being launched by chicano movement organizations. can you imagine a regional map with all the triangles representing the lawsuits that we filed during that time? it would be very precedent.

i was listening to 10 crews talking about how we have to bomb isis. if we did that, it would be our own carpet bombing. but there is something else and that map -- in this map. each triangle represents a community history. there is a narrative under each triangle, folks, a narrative that has not yet been captured. the reason i can say that is , if you understand the organizing strategy, they didn't just show up. they went into communities, gathered the leaders of the local community, thmeter -- the leaders of the clergy, small business people, so forth, bring

them together and say this is what we know by a committee. this is what we want to do, but we need places. we need plaintiffs. we need plaintiffs. many turn them down. ali know, in terms of what happened as a result of these lawsuits, we have anecdotal evidence kind of stuff. that is all we have. here isht [indiscernible] havef fort bend county, we [indiscernible] who was elected to the house of representatives in texas and then becomes a major leader of the mujeres of la raza. that is just one story. i don't know all the other stories here, you know?

can you imagine what we have here is the basis than, i think it begs for some kind of comparative method, you know. and of course, the comparative method is still the foundation. even one we are doing a single case study, you should be thinking comparatively. you,les that i can give like in anglos in mexicans, restaurant to understand what it was like in the southwest right after the war, whether we were occupied militarily. how do we understand that? i started reading u.s. policy briefs on japan, under occupation, right after world war ii. and this is where the notion of a piece searcher comes from. i don't talk about japan in and was in mexicans, but you are

thinking comparatively. -- labor oppression or labor control, this comes from germany leadthe treated their peasants and workers in the late 19th century. even though we are doing acing ok study, we should be thinking comparatively. this is stuff that does not come at imprint in a book, but we are thinking about it. anyway, anglos in mexicans came out in 1987. it took me another 10 years or so before i moved to the movement prompts. wasn't really sure if it was not to come out. what really should me out of werekind of complacency the [indiscernible] they really gave me age-old. when i saw the papers, i thought i've got to do this.

he was an avowed enemy of this kind of movement. we can talk later about why that was the case. but it doesn't make any difference right now. -- theppened here was collection to the university of texas in austin, in one box labored "the chicano movement." box, my god, that it was a treasure trove. star dancing. [laughter] was allugh what i found

negative for my mean, we talking about he had police photos of participants, police photos of the house where we were meeting, where i had been. he had police photos of people i had interviewed. he had confidential memoranda. he had letters from clergy who were opposed to the chicano movement. i'm reading this, father, how could you? you were in the meetings with us. and here he was writing confidential reports. all of it was there. i thought this was the time to dive back into it. here are some of the lead photos. universided the la comunidcad. a freedom school.

there were a lot of freedom schools throughout the south. this is a chicano freedom school. here is another police photo of he had policehird photos of participants in the movement who were arrested. he had several. i like that face of defiance for it there. i like this one, too. [laughter] but i used the photos of the women to make a point about the emergence of the chicano movement. the photos, folks, visuals are so important, god, so important. here on theinsight lesson i learned is that, when you're looking for relevant archives, don't forget the opposition. do not forget the opposition. they can provide the basis for

attention in your narrative. , theylicing agencies write reports and have secretaries and so forth. they did a much better job at the documenting the movement than the policed. we were the policed. they were policing us. if you want to read and adjusting history of the marcha, braves, readf the the police reports. yes, definitely, look at oppositional archives. they are very important. to give out the dusty xote soldiers,

it's a history of the movement. and there is a companion journal of me hanging out with the guys. there were two different voices into different methods involved. case, the language that i have used in anglos and mexicans i found was insufficient when i was at the ground level. anglos and mexicans covered 150 years of a vast swath of land in texas. quixote here in soldiers, it is one community. inadequate toy capture those kind of dynamics at the neighborhood level, now i

was dealing with matters of self-identity. the course of the writ themselves into greater degradations of poverty. the poor choose finer among themselves and the youth are organized by neighborhood. it was natural that the berets, working with the berets, to be drawn to the gang literature. take gang identities and not dismiss it as ecological or in some other way. gang studies, the social work literature, all of those ended up coming relevant for understanding the world that the berets grew up in. given the prominence of gangs and chicano literature, it made

it tied to the chicano movement more. in essence, this is a cartoon i found in the box. [speaking spanish] end,of course, at the where is the pride? where's the anger? where's the shame, people? that's one of the jams that i found in the box. i found a masters thesis in getting a masters in social work. amazing.

toomath didn't come out well here. but in any case, being able to , theseze these gangs gang affiliations was really important. saying isat i am that, working on the ground level, me accommodating various .dentities .nd gender was important, class i also got into the chicano movement because i saw class there.aying a role what happened here? i lost my --

i don't know what happened here. thank you. thank you, man. this diagram, i will spare you the wall speakers, but they come from juvenile arrest statistics maintained by the police department. i was able to draw some conclusions from it. that i guess what i'm saying is that there are sources out there that we have not yet cap -- tapped. we have not really focused on the opposition are on the structure of the segregation structure that we are dealing weh erin this is a diet --

are dealing with. this is a diagram. it shows your class differentiation. cos.brown berets, batos lo ct, theyss of which ta exercised their identity. this illustrates again the .nfluence of class and gender i get away from, what i want to say in terms of an insight is doodling is very important. [laughter] doodling, folks. diagramming the relationships

between the various people or organizations, for whatever you consider important -- it's very important now. this is one diagram that didn't make it into print. but it's a way to clarify what the argument is. an analytical framework in my head.

you got a leak in the jim crow structure and then these folks go to the leadership positions and so forth. communities organize for public service. this is one of the conferences. he can see it again. money versus people. who do you want? is advocating obviously that you put money. -- alamold because you want a football team. invest in education, drainage, parks. but is -- but what is also important about this second organizationvement is the person speaking at the podium.

cops had, of the six presidents they'd have had them a five of them have been women. it was a vehicle for women to emerge as spokespeople, as leaders, and as candidates for public office. very important. toant to turn finally santo's journal. which is based on my original theme of hanging out with the guys. photographs.se i wanted to keep their anonymity. an artist to do illustrations for the book. so this is one of his illustrations. this is from a photograph.

it was an interesting collaboration between the artist and myself. i learned that he is not a graphic artist when i wanted him to be a graphic artist. i'd say, no, that is not the way it looks. you have to do this. but here are the guys. this is also from a 40 graph -- a photograph of the guys protesting in front of the consulate on the anniversary of the massacre. but again, showing the political nature of the berets, right? here is the nonpolitical nature --the berets at a meeting you can't see too well here, but well, one ofed, the guys that was packing had his gun. -- andther grade,

another bur a had a gun. and there was a can. they started venting who had -- they started betting who could hit the can. and that's me over there. this is drawn from interpretation. , a projector.o i had to return something. i coudln't just take. they wanted to be educated. they wanted lessons in history. filmest way was through they don't read. this was the second time i

showed them film. policeman came tooknthe film, the their guns. distracted.hey got they forgot about the lesson i was giving. this also the berets. this is at a meeting. again, well, the title is "what we do to live. " truck. a beret

it was funn y. this was a toilet, a sink,e verything. that's the material i had to deal with. didn't writehy i it up the first time. i was having a difficult. berkeley.g backt to the subtitle is "you better hurry up and finish. finish." i said, you got to get the floor right,. [laughter] brin in . to

. this is a poster that his own dad drew. there are interesting things int he illustration. that's the beginning. i don't like to leave things unsettled. i like to have resolution. and i have resolution in the end. end when iards the stanford, andm at lowenthal hadt literaturen 1955, of the image of man.

reading through what he wrote. i would known this, have had some communication with him. using hisd up language. quixote about what represented. the scribeause i'm the quixote, right? this is the coming together, using quixote and the brown berets.

famous artiston a drawinga certain style. maceo mimiced it here. odyssey.t was an quixoteecall, promised sancho to accompany him islandising him an kingdom.

my island kingdon. oddysssey that occured and in a sense tries to summarize my intellectual trajectory. this will my final reflection. the lesson is the academic calendar impacts yiour life and you have to find a way to deal with that. let me summarize these reflection. project that picka

has an ending you can live with. make sure you know your audience. pay attention to structure as well as to agency. understand the opposition and their interests. gather their reports from other photographs and so forth. method essential for composing and the nation, even when only engaged in a civil case study. important background thinking that never appears in print is doodling and diagramming the relationships between people, organizations and so forth. then acknowledged failures as well as successes. acknowledge the good and the bad. acknowledge complexity. and then finally come understand that the university has certain expectations and deadlines regarding research and publications, and you have to deal with that. thank you. [applause]

>> we have about 10 minutes or so. questionsit up for for david montejano. to access thed fbi records. i did as well. a lot of it is censored. it is interesting that a letter is actuallyry available as the result of the institutions that were oppressive to the community, like the fbi and so forth. o: they are there. you have to ask for the repeatedly.

it takes time. it's it may several years to get the beret records. and then when you get them, they will be in complete. much of it will be redacted. one document i got from the fbi about the berets was a page that was redacted. it was the austin membership for the brown berets. but it was all redacted. however, by noting how much was redacted, you can tell how many members were in the organization. [laughter] can squeeze out a lot of things even from a redacted memo. -- ime other questions would like to acknowledge the presence here are one of the early, early major academics in terms of chicano studies in the formation of things like the national chicano studies longtime faculty

member at uc berkeley. let's give a nice round of applause to mario barrera. [applause] ok, so questions, comments on the keynote address. >> thank you for that wonderful talk. i wonder if you could answer questions from the previous panel. what do think about the [indiscernible] expandred if you could on the appendix, talking about the limits of the movement. o: that's another

talk. of course, there is continuity. the idea of a second-generation movement organization is interesting. we can look at several environmental justice organizations, for example, that come out of the chicano movement. labor organizing comes out of the labor -- that you cannot movement -- comes out of the chicano movement. those that say the movement ended at a certain time does not hold any water. you saw the map. but goes up to 1984. i think the continuity is there. now you join the connections between the post-world war ii mexican american generation, the chicano generation, i think you guys have in doing a great job of that. obviously, there is continuity there.

you talk about georgia sanchez and so forth, americo p aredes. -- with a panel that cynthia orozco and emilio [indiscernible] who had written on various movements. spoke about the women of liu lector in the 1920's. theio talked about mexican-american movement after world war ii. cynthia started first by talking about how the lulac founders were criticizing the leadership that they had because they were all in the arms of the political bosses. then emilio followed and noted that those world war ii veterans were criticizing the very people that cynthia had lauded up as

leaders. the -- theriticizing world war ii vets were criticizing the lulac leadership. then here i come, the chicanos, they are criticizing emilio's points. is interesting that we might talk about this continuity ourselves. we might say you guys haven't done anything, but clearly there is continuity. i just thought it was ironic that it's generation was criticizing -- that each generation was criticizing the previous generation for what it hadn't done. >> there's another connection.

o linsky influences were there in the form of [indiscernible] then we pick it up with not only cops, but here in the l.a. area in the late 1970's, you have revers tions and father rivares. i would say, out of [indiscernible] went beyond a linsky and had more long-term goals and i think by influenced [indiscernible] the womenman that led they also moved on

to environmentalism and historical chicano studies. there are a number of rural leaders. voter registration. i want to add something i neglected to mention. in terms of what are considered to be understudied. to me, the rule is los angeles. 's already taking bites out of the offense, but there's still a lot of elephant left, folks. [laughter] >> we had time for a quick question or comments. >> i love this because

[indiscernible] dr. montejano: i wasn't seeing it as anti-spanish. i was looking for a metaphor. >> [indiscernible] and you went beyond that. montejano: i was looking for a metaphor that would bridge

anglos and mexicans. i thought i found it in quixote. >> let's give david montejano another round of applause. [applause] announcer: interested in american history tv? visit our website, www.c-span.org/history. american artifacts, wrote to the white house rewind, lectures in history and more at www.c-span.org/history. ♪ >> the senate crime investigation committee shifts its operations to washington where jay howard mcgrath is among the witnesses.

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a very pretty way. announcer: to night, robert gordon, professor of economics at northwestern university, discusses his book "the rise and fall of american growth," which looks at the growth of american standard of -- standard of living and questions its future. >> hurricane sandy wiped out the 20th century for many people. the elevators no longer worked in new york, the laxity stopped, you couldn't charge your cell phone, you couldn't pump gas, because it required electricity. power of electricity and the internal combustion engine to make modern life possible is something that people take for granted. >> tonight at 8:00 eastern time on c-span q&a.