announcer: next, we look at the history of the ticking of movement. -- chicano movement. his remarks are about 20 minutes. is a pleasure to have them back. professor ofnt history at texas university. he received a phd in history from the university. book. has a forthcoming he will discuss his just about to be released book.

[applause] >> thank you for that wonderful introduction. and for having me here again today. it is a real honor. sinceespecially in honor the book is not yet out. it got delayed, it will be out in august. it is also good to be here and is a relational multiethnic study. that is an important part of the field and i am glad to be here doing that part. cover, new title.

i'm excited about it. i'm going to give a quick overview of the book. on august 20 8, 1963, much of america nervously watched the march on america. nearly a thousand demonstrators gathered in texas to march towards the state capital in 102 degrees heat. , groups of the state white college students and mexican-american activists also joined. ,he protesters assembled listening and cheering to leaders as they gave a series of speeches. so in an unusual manner. never separate the latin american and negroes again in politics. we're going to march on the

street, right on the streets, sit in the streets, welcome the streets. we are going to fight at the ballot box and in the courts. and as the last message i have gotten for my governor. i can talk more about him whenever you like, not right now. he said, negroes today asks justice. do not -- itself is at self -- at stake. at the time was the most militant of the mexican-american organizations here -- in the state. strange as it may now seem, this march was just the tip of a much larger iceberg. 1930's,g in the activists gradually came together in a broader struggle for democracy in texas. in hose and ats

storefront in the offices gradually gave way to local experiments in multiracial collaboration. by the mid-1960's, the diverse activist created a formal egalitarian statewide alliance in support of liberal politicians and inexpensive multiracial civil rights agenda. they called it, the democratic coalition. my book tells a story of how these otherwise ordinary groups of activists first organized their separate bases, then cross connectedline, and their freedom struggle to the electoral arena. it shows how building bridges between cultures became the crucial weapon and destroying jim crow and the state, and transforming literal politics in texas and the nation. begin with the famous strike in san antonio in 1938. it is a well-known tale. organizinger role in

-- heroic organizing. the story often depicts the strike itself as a victory, in which they won the strike to lose their jobs. those stories are true and they are important, but i use a multiracial lens to understand how the strike turned into a mass uprising in the city. i see the political activity of the union, the alliances with naacp. putswed how this alliance mavericks into office. although the coalition was short-lived, it dealt a statewideblow to supremacist power structure.

looking at this moment through a multiracial lens renders a different. --ew scope of activision activism becomes visible. it also allows for new continuities to become clear. a decade after the strike, the leader of the cities militant , andan-american factions activist undertaker on the east moves these experiences forward. he formed a technical -- tactical alliance, and both men on localted to form school boards. soon thereafter, the man in the thele begin organizing barrios to a group called the loyal american democrats. it has a somewhat orthodox name. its true purpose was an insurgent club.

1952, they lured a speech. effectively -- he also began building a relationship with the wascan-american leader, who elected in 1952 but continue to serve as a key organizer of the city's black civil rights movement. together, they helped to elect henry to the civil counsel. counsel. three years later in 1956, opinion himself when a seat on himself won a seat. over the next decade and a half.

toa began reaching out liberals, you can see him here with john f. kennedy. when the senator at the time came to stump for stevenson in 1956. he was able to cash in on his work, becoming the lead organizer for kennedy in texas. sutton also did. they were in these positions i drawn on a decade or more of committee organizing, electoral mobilization, and by building coalitions across the lines. just one example. received an offer to work for kennedy, he demanded and received a phone call from pena kennedy, who gave complete control over the mexican-american wing. patronageromised him for the new administration, which are becoming a touchstone

for mexican-american activism into the 1960's. sutton also brokered his way into the party is the first african-american to represent whentate from that region he went to the national convention in 1960 and los angeles. pena and sudden death -- more immediately, by the winter of 1961, they transitioned into a series of permanent organizations. in texas and california. pena was elected first state chairman. were lookingcans ahead to getting the spoils of victory. throwing their weight around at parties.

remember the context here. in 1960's, texas is still part of the solid south. it is a one-party state emanating -- dominated by a conservative party. the primary elections are the all important place where politics it contested. the party had been split since the new deal between a loyal democratic faction of liberals and the conservative dixiecrat's. the960 still included governor price annual. as it turns out, as the kennedy deliver much. the organization grappled with its future. how do we continue to advocate, how do we move forward? it repeatedly split apart. in 1962 the group narrowly endorsed the segregation of the governor for governor. he was the incumbent. that did a walkout of the

organization's liberal members. which included many liberals and cano labor organizer iser's -- organizers. conservators in the organization bolstered the state convention in protest with the leadership's alliance the teamsters and other labor unions. they were a force for progress. where most historians have interpreted the splits as evidence of the fragmenting of some kind of idealized process, with this multiracial lens, we see the splits advancing the efforts of people like pena and other liberal activist who won the group to expand outward. he wanted to deepen his relationship with african americans, white liberals, to extend the labor alliance at a

statewide level. it could work across texas, he argued. rather than -- freed from his more conservative partners, pena did just that. this cartoon reflects this philosophy. this is from the liberal labor wing of the organization. you can see labor cutting the ties. the examples of san antonio and crystal city. this wing of the group wanted texas to -- sorry, wanted a paso to become more liberal, more prolabor. by the summer of 1963 this coalition came together and was upon the march. 300 representatives of these

various groups came together and laid out an ambitious agenda for civil rights. economic justice and real political power. they pledged to support liberal candidates, they made civil rights their top aussie issue. they demanded complete and immediate immigration rather than voluntary or gradual forms. they coordinated a series of massive voter registration and get out the vote efforts that forever transformed state and urban politics. unprecedented numbers of mobilizations of african-americans and mexican-americans. they threw itself completely into the black and brown civil rights movement. the supported demonstrations, they participated. they even demanded that the governor of texas call a special section of the legislature to address civil rights. they got into it as well. i don't have time to go into detail about all of these its eventuald disintegration, but stay tuned, the book will be out in august,

available at a bookstore near you. but suffice to say now that these networks that were established between activist andcan their like-minded counterparts remained robust throughout the decade into the 1970's. these are united farmworkers procession. looks rather different to this multiracial lens. the photo on the right shows the states most recognizable militant leader in the black civil rights movement, greeting hispanic farmers. he had just led a group of african-american youth on a march through east texas and was tying it to media mexican-american farmers when they arrived on labor day. .n the left, another photograph they all came together to demand

this minimum wage increase as well as cinnamon -- civil rights and labor rights. the third of this coalition helps us to rethink relationships. when a tree, activist and 10 in one of these two cans. emphasizing cooperation -- two camps. emphasizing cooperation. african-americans and mexican-americans were neither natural allies nor inveterate enemies. they were simply different. they had different leaders, different neighborhoods, practice different religions. sometimes spoke different religious, different cultural practices. all sorts of different lines of difference. they were so disparate, that just getting them together for a meeting represented a monumental task. where you hold such a meeting? these activists wanted to get

together understood that successful coalitions depended on them recognizing the differences between them rather than pretending they did not exist. they agreed to not always agree or even get along. they understood the distinction between the house and the coalition. the house is the phase space, the coalition is where you together to work together even though you disagree. of democratic coalition texas, each of the groups remained separate. but they still work together for a common cause. that is why i have this funnel diagram, which is the best representation, rather than a pyramid. coalition building was an active, contested and contingent process. as one member called it, coalitionee. coalitions fell apart and had to be reorganized.

despite these obstacles, there are many examples of coalitions coming together. in texas, there were often several competing coalitions at any given time. the liberal code division, a , andconservative coalition at times, particularly in the radicals, a more african american coalition. they proved critical. for liberals, it was a key tool in their achievement of civil rights and some semblance of democracy in the state and nation, however in complete the process of been. i want to close my highlighting how the book highlights the chicano movement. i'm talking more about the previous group, the mexican-american generation, rather than strictly the chicao youth movement.

but history invites us to think about how the line between these groups are fuzzy or than we commonly assumed. it is not strictly generational, but rather class, ideologies, strategy, gender, and other differences continually divided them. they split apart because of all these reasons. the more militant activists use their independent to then forged new ties across the color lines. ways, their politics parallel those of the chicano radicals. they were unafraid to take to the streets to demonstrate, they were eager to organize eyes -- organize the barrios. the disputes repair over how to approach those questions represented the

central debates among the so-called mexican-american generation. age alone did not prefigure these older activists politics. they were more militant and less that isan the character commonly described to activists of their era. original formulation was much broader, much more diverse. i want to take us back to that and extend the chronology of the two, movement backwards. movement chicano backwards. it tells us a great amount about the roots of the chicano movement. involved inrectly the later movement. they handed down the politics to the so-called young turks. they participated themselves as the next wave of people got underway. thank you for having me, it has

been wonderful sure -- to share this wotith you. [applause] announcer: interested in american history tv? visit our website, www.c-span.org/history. more.es in history and announcer: monday on the communicators. ceo matthew broke up talk about the future of the cable industry in the challenges it faces. and the sec's plan to open up the market for companies to build or sell set-top boxes.

and the regulation of the internet. and all of their networks will require that they be carried on the most widely distributed level of service, and so does everybody else. is thise end up with bundle of bundles that everybody has to take, and as an operator, i would love to desegregate that bundled and sold to people as they wish. most consumers don't recognize that if that happens, the price of the individual channels or even the bundle of channels is going to skyrocket. consumers said they do not even want a box. the effect is our members are providing choice through competitive set-top boxes, through apps, through giving consumers choices about with -- which box to purchase. being part of that relationship with the customer to determine what is this that they want most and how can we can ride it --

provide it? [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] to learn more about the cities on our current tour, visit www.c-span.org. we continue now with our look at the history of long beach. >> we are at the port of long beach here in california within the city of long beach. we are sitting smack dab right in the middle of the port complex. this port complex is approximately 3200 acres in size. we are the most modern and largest seaport in the u.s. and we are a department of the city of long beach. we consider ourselves part of the community here in long beach. this is the largest economic

engine for the city, for the region, for the state. $180 billion worth of cargo that comes through this port supplies the region, the state, and the nation. regionally, this port supports about 315,000 jobs within the region and 1.2 million jobs throughout the u.s. our cargo touches every congressional district in the united states. the port of long beach was established as a former harvard apartment in 1911. we are a little over 104 years old and through that time, this port actually started on a wooden wharf and was a lumber terminal that used to come up from the northwest to supply lumber here for the growing city of long beach and the region. where we are today, 104 years later, is sitting on the most modern, sustainable marine container terminal in the world.

the first successful marine terminal that we had was a lumber terminal that sits in our inner harbor. what we have done is over 100 years really built out our facilities. a lot of what you see, we built a lot of this land. that has once again made us successful for being able to handle a lot of the demand of cargo coming through here. the reason why the port of long beach is so successful is because of our location, both within the state, the weather, geographic features, the infrastructure. we have deep water. where other ports have to do a lot of dredging, they are on rivers. we are very fortunate that we have a lot of those natural features that allow us to continue to modernize our

operation and be able to, frankly, handle the largest vessels in the world whether it's container vessels. we just celebrated the arrival of 18,000 container vessels. very few ports around the world and the u.s. specifically can handle that size of vessel. we are very proud with the infrastructure we have within the port that we do, as well as the rails and the highway system that help support moving cargo outside the port in the region and out to the u.s. as a whole. our cargo touches every congressional district in the united states. so, we are very proud of that. 40% of the u.s. container cargo comes through this port complex. we are a major national asset when it comes to continuing to have the efficiencies to move cargo.

not only did we do containers, we are a full-service port. we move cars, we have mercedes and toyota, which are major customers. we move lumber, we move crude imports as well as other types of commodities. some of the challenges that go along with the growth in the history of the port, probably the environment. that's probably number 1. it's the physical environment and the environment of the impact that our operations create on our local communities. and so, over the years, the port of long beach and the city of long beach have been very successful in being proactive, whether it comes to water quality and ensuring that we have the proper facilities and we don't have the pollutants that enter the harbor. dredging and cleaning up the

legacy pollutants in the sediments of the harbor is important for the habitat. we have a very clean water quality report. we do monitoring. we have great habitat. we do surveys of the entire bay. this harbor complex, even though we have grown and developed, we have been able to maintain and have some sustainability within the port without having a major impact on habitat. probably our biggest success and the biggest challenge at the same time is really reducing the impacts of port operations from air quality. because of the nature of what we do in the port, there are a lot of mobile sources. a lot of combustion to comes with those mobile sources. whether it's the vessels that are very large with huge engines. at one point, they were burning dirty bunker fuel that was very black and had a lot of toxins in it. we have been very successful in coming up with strategies in the

program to reduce the overall emissions from those sources. where we are sitting right now today, we are on the long beach container terminal. it is going to be -- when it opens up, the phase one portion of it will be opening up in the middle of april, may, for full operations. it will be the most modern and cleanest marine container terminal in the world. everything from the time the vessel reaches the berth to when the cargo reaches the fence line is fully electrified. there are no admissions. one of the amazing things about this operation, when it comes to systems being in place, is what we call

an automated guided vehicle. it's completely 100% zero admissions. it's electric. everything from the stacking cranes to the short cranes, they are the most modern and most efficient when it comes to moving cargo. that is important for not only the environment but also for where we need to be for efficiency in moving cargo. this terminal will really be state of the art. we have a lot of people really focused on this most modern terminal and when it goes live, there are a lot of people who are thinking about doing similar types of renovations and coming up with new types of operations on their marine terminals as well. we are a port town and we are proud of that. our city is proud of the port. over the years, we have maybe hit some bumps in the road. not listening to our community, not thinking about the integration between the port and the city. but i think we have come a long way. we are on the right track.

that will make us even more successful in the future. announcer: our city tours staff recently traveled to long beach. learn more at our website, www.c-span.org. you're watching american history tv, all weekend, every weekend. each week, american artifacts takes viewers into the store sites around the country. takes usd historian inside the hart senate office building. opened in 1983,