p p protecting acts of insurgency. the suspicious activity program comes directly on the heels of the 9/11 commission report which then led to the intelligence reform terrorism prevention act. so what we're seeing is a heightened acts of counter-terrorism being incorporated into domestic policing. then we look at how this rhetoric of national security and what i'm trying do is look at the structural and political side of it how the rhetoric of national security keeps on giving law enforcement a lot of immunity and local law enforcement agencies so instead of looking at issues and addressing public safety through the lens of what will benefit the communities, we continue to police our way out of social and economic problems. one example is in los angeles the homeless services is allocated $100 million in the

city of los angeles, but $87 million goes to the lapd to police the community in downtown los angeles and in the skid row communities. the other piece i want to talk about is the creation of this rhetoric as professor brown was speaking about it i was reminded of the lynch letters, and when you read the letters and some of the community members were reading passages and you could clearly identify that how predictive policing was part of it about the location of the plantation owner's house and the physical characteristics of the slaves and how they should be monitored and traced and how they should be tracked. then i want to talk about the infinite amount of money that is being poured. when we look at the homeland security grants how those monies are routed to the local law

enforcement that to the extent since 2003 in los angeles and the long beach area over $800 million has come directly to law enforcement agencies to keep on policing our communities. lastly on that point i want to raise the level of corporate profit and also we cannot stop without saying that the political cover that it gives our elected representatives who have completely become devoid of anything that is happening on the ground in our communities where every day the police is impacting us. so what i wanted to do was to share a little video. it's about a 2 1/2 minute long video that's impacting the community of skid row and how do we speak about the many ways that the community is being surveilled. these are folks who are unhoused. these are testimonies that we

have been gathering from our communities down in downtown los angel angeles. >> we know surveillance is going on. we understand all of things that happen. we understand all that. my problem is that people are dying in the streets down here. people are sick. people are dying in these streets. >> so much the policing issue on the streets and he was murdered.

this is what we call like this dream with a bunch of this weird hanging over the top of him like from a satellite dish or whatever it is. that's where we had our ceremony down the street, but in plain sight. >> he was killed by lapd last year. on this anniversary we marched from police headquarters to the site of his assassination and we

were followed by lapd because he was killed by them and the surveillance is a tactic that's used constantly on a daily basis. they come through, they watch the people on skid row and they walk away for an hour or half hour and take care of bodily functions and get something to eat and rush in and grab their property claiming it's been abandoned. >> i'll stop it there. i want to highlight the last piece that the gentleman said was that a smash and grab tactic of the lapd. so i think the idea of being how do we bring surveillance that you're being constantly being tracked and traced and monitored that even on down you leave your

tent for 30 minutes just to go take care of bodily functions and without any investment of any hygiene centers or anywhere where people can put their stuff $87 million out of 100 million goes to the policing. i'll stop right there. >> so the first question i have for you for both of you it pertains to i think it was at the heart of the two questions that were asked by audience members on the previous and the discussion and the previous two discussions it has to do with are you making -- would you say that you're making a more broad critique of surveillance in general or would you say that your critique is concerned with how surveillance is enacted within different strat fears. so i think those are two those are related issues and i want to hear your thoughts about that issue. >> yes. so one response that i give to my research a lot is well isn't

the government trying to help. isn't the provision of public benefits is that a respond to demands the people have made. it's like the government responding to the demands of the people, right and so absolutely, right, the provision of medic d medicaid, health care, the provision of cash benefits, the provision of public housing are all in response to demands that the people have made that their government provide them with at least the basic necessities, but there are multiple ways of responding to demands and we need not respond to a demand that exposes the beneficiary to continuing monitoring and surveillance. i just got -- i filed my taxes on time this year and i claimed

a couple of deductions. i claimed the mortgage deduction for example. nobody showed up my house to make sure i was living in that house, and make sure there was no man in the house that was claiming that mortgage deduction. nobody was trying to coerce me into or out of motherhood as a result of my getting this benefit from the state. so yeah, there are multiple ways of providing benefits, it's just that the way that the government provides the benefits of poor people, because poor people are constructed as social problems and make sure that the way the government provides this benefit ensures that that social problem is situated inside government nets such that they can continued to be policed and regulated. >> it seems the case that they're not simply social problems, but they're social problems that they themselves have created. >> absolutely. >> in thinking about some of your research even on reproduction you think of dorothy roberts and you think of

a racialized way that these rights around reproduction have been enacted historically. >> yes. >> i think what we are hearing is that all of this is happening in a controlled environment and i think a point was made about a performance that takes place. most recently we launched a project in l.a. about looking at this intersection between surveillance and information gathering and public benefits and that results from just people speaking about it that they would be going to their caseworker for their renewal of their ebt card and the question would be asked why did you shop at that corner store. so the question being how did you find out i was shopping there. the issue of gender plays out a lot. this is is a single mom who happened to leave the children at home for a couple of minutes because the corner store was closed and you see a lot of this

happening. we work a lot in housing projects so more and more we are seeing that it's not just cameras that they are surveilling people, but these partnerships between law enforcement and the housing authority as well which is tracking the movement of these people and what's interesting is that all is being done in this term of now called community policing, that where community policing has become the guiding sort of operation, but yet at the same time it's again like policing the community more than anything else. >> one of the remarks you raised in your overview comments you talked about how there's the rhetoric within the police communities about public safety and issues of the sort, but i also wonder how we as a community are drawn into those conversations through the rhetoric of taxpayer dollars and all kind of other discourses that sort of position us as

citizens, as perpetuating some of the ideas that you're putting forth about low income communities being policed. i want to hear a little bit more about that. >> i mean, i think we cannot have this conversation without looking at the political intent and the history behind that. as we were launching this project one of the guiding historical naar trrative was th welfare queen. how a black woman was put out in the public arena and this whole process of demonizing the whole system and creating this criminalization of the communities. i think on the flip side what's interesting is when you talk about taxpayer dollars what's not getting attention is the amount of money that's going into resources that are being wasted and i will point to a study by a republican senator who retired, tom coburn that was

published called safety at any price and this is going back to 2003 and he identifies dollars that have been spent in emergency preparedness that have been wasted and gave these examples that in san diego there was a conference like this that was organized by a private corporation called halo and the registration fee was $1,000 per person for all of the law enforcement agencies and in that they organized a zombie apok a lips and how is law enforcement going to respond to that. so when we talk about this issue of taxpayers' dollars i think it's a limited conversation and we need to expand and challenge it. >> so it's interesting taxpayer dollars, it functions to

implicate the public into people's private lives. so in the context of poor mot r mothers the idea that that is funding that mother and now it's taken to justify the public having a decision in justifying a poor mother's way of raising your child. taxpayers dollars pay for the welfare and i have an interest in making sure you are not raising a future welfare beneficiary and it's a very logic when in fact taxpayers dollars pay for a bunch of stuff that i fund with my tax dollars, but i don't feel justified in imposing -- i'm not going to go

to oklahoma and tell farmers not to farm certain crops because they're receiving farm subsidies, but we open up those sorts of areas of poor people's lives because of taxpayer dollars. >> and the public discourse around those issues ignore the larger portion of the budget that it constitutes. before we shift into questions from the audience, let me ask you this. what solutions do you have or do you propose for how to maybe better enact more surveillance or whatever wherever you come down on that issue of surveillance. >> i'm working on this very question. i am working on a book called the poverty of privacy rights and the idea is i'm wondering how do we first give or situate poor mothers within this category of rights bearers of the privacy right because they

have been effectively disenfranchised and to the extent they have rights how do we give those rights some teeth. i don't think it's about making arguments to the supreme court about how we ought to interpret the due process clause. i don't think it's about necessarily or only about passing statutes that protect privacy. i think it's cultural work that needs to be done. i think that we need to gauge -- we need to dethro-tde-thho ne t discourse as to why people are poor and i think once we recognize that people are poor because of these huge structural forces then perhaps we won't blame them and we'll treat them as we treat wealthier people in this country. >> i think that cultural work is oftentimes underestimated and so

one of the questions is why are certain sets of people perceived as a threat or characterized as being impover issuyishd. >> so speaking about a particular set of people, we have to speak about the youth and how young people are being policed, how in los angeles at least with gang injunctions and gang databases we have youth as young as ten years old going into these databases. they create these characteristics that put people in these databases and we have to rethink what public safety should look like. they came up with a whole -- they did their own research and looking at the whole budget of law enforcement which is for all

of los angeles county which included prohibition and parole and incarceration and policing and what they came out was 1% of that money would come to $100 million. that would create at least 28,000 jobs, that would create about 50 youth centers. so i think as a society we need to challenge ourselves because we have created policing our way out of these social problems as a necessity. same thing as skid row in down down los angeles it is the residents who are speaking out and organizing so for us we take an approach that this needs to be abollished. this is fundamentally flawed by design so i think organizing and the imagination of public safety needs to shift. >> it's important that there are

alternatives to how people are being criminalized, places where it's interesting to watch how you have a decline in alternatives, right, to incarceration, i mean schooling, community centers, that you see these uptics in arrests and other socially constructive forms of criminality. >> the same thing there's been an uptik in laws that respond to drug addiction during pregnancy with criminal purchanishment. so now you're incarcerating women who are addicted to drugs as opposed to treating them. >> right. there been more financial infringement because the child is now probably in foster care. >> we'll take at least one question. >> i have a question for

professor khan. there was a comment mentioned on the video about ebt phones given out and how they were used for surveillan surveillance. can you expound on that. >> they're called obama phones now so these are free phones people are getting as a part of the networking so obviously those are directly hooked up with the system who is getting those phones and we already know as the way the tracking of telephones happen so she was making a comment that was related to these free phones that people are getting who may be recipients of public benefits. it is being used quite a bit in los angeles and it's not only for folks who are unhoused, residents of skid row are unhoused community members, but if you are up to a certain poverty line you are able to access this phone as well.

>> thank you. >> other questions? there's one. >> thank you for your presentation. i thank all of you. the whole concept of the snatch and grab of homeless folks' belongings also takes place in d.c., particularly in areas that are undergoing sentry fiction so would you please talk about how skid row plays into l.a.'s version of this. i've visited skid row. i've never seen a place like it. i'm from philadelphia originally and i've seen some hell holes, but i've never seen anything like skid row. >> the los angeles network leading the poor people's movement or the current version they released a report called the dirty divide and it's a very

telling story and this was done by a community where community members shared their stories and it goes to show that how skid row's boundaries are constantly contracting so i think that is one piece of that where it used to be -- i don't want to draw the geography of los angeles about seven blocks it has moved east. then i think we need to look at bill braten who is now the police chief, he was the one who launched the broken windows policing in los angeles. the initiative then resulted in the deployment of the most cops anywhere per capita per population in the united states. what happens is that now increasingly while there have been legal battles as well, but as of yesterday the city has

just passed a law called 5611 where it's city wide where they would be -- going back to the broken windows, in the first two years of the initiative, there were 18,000 -- or 12,000 tickets that were issued to unhoused residents in los angeles and which was basically for jaywalking or urine nating in public. what is happening is and i'm reminded and i try to make these connections to the arizona law where the basic premise of the arizona law was attrition through enforcement. that is that you enforce these laws which you won't do on the west side or beverly hills, but you make people's lives so missable that they're forced to leave because there are instances that people have been arrested over 100 times and you get one ticket after another, you have to pay the fine, you only have so much money and then

you're forced to displace. this is done in partnership with the group called the central city association which is a private arm for corporations that are gentry fieg so there's a lot of moving parts to that but what is happening is communities are being dehumanized and to the extent that even to a people that if people are throwing ash on the ground, they would be getting tickets. so that's the extent of criminalization that's taking place in los angeles. >> one final question. we'll take this one final one in the front. >> there's a high tech case from the supreme court in which justice scalia finding a high tech device offends the fourth

amendment and his example is the lady of the house could be taking a sana and the police would know and he finding that a horrible prospect. so it's almost like a cultural idea that women are entitled to more privacy than men, but that doesn't translate to women of color. >> some kind of women, right. only some types of women. the ladies are entitled to privacy. the women that i work with are no the the ladies that scalia had in mind. these are the welfare queens that ronald reagan gave birth to in the '80s in order to justify the entrenchment of the welfare state. there's this ideaization of motherhood. motherhood is understood as this biological urge that women have to satisfy except when you're

poor and you're a poor person of color. then it's like you're trying to get over on the state or you got pregnant by accident and now we have to take care of your accident. so scalia's lady in the house is very much a lady that he would have liked to have married, a white woman with some degree of class privilege and not the women that i work with. >> i think with that we're out of time, but thank you very much. that was fantastic. two notes before we go to our next incredible speaker. we here at the law school, professor butler and i have a radical idea that sometimes the best arguments are not expressed in legal briefs and so we are organizing a spotfied play list

and if you'd like to submit your play list to that contest, please submit at the back of your program to joshua@george town. we'll extend the deadline to 3:30 today. it's my pleasure to introduce the next speaker. he is in a single word, a lum naer. professor lewis from new york universi university, is the by og fir of deabuse and in that capacity his two volumes each of those books was the recipient and professor lewis was twice the recipient of

the pulitzer prize. if you'll join me in giving a warm welcome to professor lewis. >> it's a great honor and pleasure to be here with you and i hope that bernie sanders will arrive with less difficulty in washington than i had this morning. i'm very sorry for the various mix ups between penn station and the airport. so this is narrative stuff pretty well devoid of impir cal data or case law. i hope you'll indulge me. in the time alotted me this

morning i'll confine myself to three topics of the use and abuse of official surveillance of african-american influentials and their organizations or movements starting from the first world war and leap frogging to the second war's immediate aftermath. so dubios and the crisis is the universal negro improvement association and a brief end note about paul robeson's council on affairs. when wilson took the united states into the great war in violation of his reelection campaign promise and the wishes of most german-americans, irish-americans, african-americans and nearly all pass fists and about half the

socialists, he planted the first seeds of the national security state that would eventually sprout full blown 30 years later. in both world war the reality of large numbers of it's own anti-war and neutralists populations required a considerable policing apparatus. the wilson's administration espionage act removed prominent troublemakers along with publishers of the only negros published under the world. his voice was one of the most remarkable voices of opinion in america.

in 1913 it's monthly kirk lash exceeded that of the 40-year-old new republic and the reorganized nation and is four times larger than the liberator, the successor to the banned masses. officially the crisis, a record of the darker races, was the almost 10-year-old organ of the nacp. dubios was a card carrying socialist who had endorsed wilson on a gamble that democrats needed black votes to win in a three-way presidential contest. he dismidepiezed the president' faith as the wilson administration sat silent less than a month after the nation entered the war to save

democracy. mr. wilson's war profoundly unsettled and soon divided the nacp board of directors and staff. a board member was a passivize. the socialist stood with her party. the chairman of the board not only broke ranks with the nacp majority to enlist in the infin tree at age 42, but bestowed college man to lay down their lives for a deeply racist country. teddy roosevelt, civil liberties was also an assimilationist jew with the conviction that

enrollment in the great war for democracy was a passport to full citizenship for new peoples, jews and blacks included. but he offered black college men who he believed was inclusion, officer commissions in a special but equal training camp on condition that they showed public enthusiasm for the seg greated opportunity sufficient to enable the washington allies to push the war department to approve the camp. much of the foreign leadership class opposed it as one distinguished spokesman argued now while the war lasts is the most opposite tune time for us to push and keep our special grievances to the fore.

when dubios signalled his approval, he ignited a firestorm and ridicule from the only negro magazi magazine. they both shared a new england kinship of superior culture that bonded them as close as to aloof intellectuals could be to assimilationists both white and brown. in supporting the camp he believed he could accommodate integration, that black soldiers

fighting across fields led by talented officers could promote full participation, but there was more to come from the collaborati collaboration. his departure from france delayed by a hernia, his recovery was hinered by remarks made by the seg greated officer training camp. he regarded such suspicions as an intoll ralable afront. we responded by having himself placed in the army's military branch in 1918 where he propose in had the creation of an intelligence unit, a subsection of mi4 to encourage and monitor

african-american participation in the war. the colonel in command of military intelligence bearing the name of churchill was favorably disposed even after there was a decision that came close to wrecking the career of dubios. he described in glowing terms the work they would do together to win the war for democracy in europe and for civil rights in america. in july, without informing the nacp captain to be dubios

announced the wisdom of their collaboration in closed ranks, perhaps the most a famous editorial of the war exorting american negros while this war lasts to forget our special grievances and close our ranks with our own white fellow citizens. resistance to the scheme mounted until churchill got the unlikely intelligence officers of the story. walter howard loving, 36, lieutenant colonel and major u.s. army, walter loving would be one of the last americans killed as the japanese retreated from manilla in 1945, either shot in the back or beheaded by a japanese officer when he refused an insulting order.

educated at the district of columbia rigorous color m street and the new england conserve toer of music, his apprenticeship came with the occupation of the philippines where he organized that band until returning to the mainland at the outbreak of the war. loving's best friend was mcarthur, son of the philippines first governor and god father to the loving junior. churchill considered loving qualified to run a risk assessment of the operation. he said he was, he was in fact qualified and the preliminary report handed in to mid on july

22nd said negros into the united states was a master piece of observation and nuanced judgment. loving's activities among his own people were seldom missing a church basement rally or the black nationalists or paying quiet courtesy calls to talented tenth leaders. seeing that dubios had defended the war department and lately rash allized the suspension of constitutional grieve ans, loving recommended that the war department withdraw the offer. dubios served both better race and race relations and the

interests of the army loving believed. he received orders to sale for france and churchill's sincere thanks for his service. dubios, a personal regret for the third commission. both had rendered excellent services to the mid churchill reiterated. dubios followed spingarn to france just after the guns fell silent on the western front to slight wilson who he loathed. he enabled dubios to convene the first african congress. his country's military intelligence officers shaddioed dubios every neverous making move, but couldn't prevent his fact finding and nacp visits to the negro troops, some of whose

units had won serving with the french. the crisis observed that these soldiers had helped save the world a little less in the united states and elsewhere he added. to the con stern nation of his minders, dubios unearthed the french military circular regarding the american high command infamously secret information concerning black american troops. the summer of 1919 long powder train ignited on may 10th in south carolina, less than six weeks after dubios's boat docked. race riots ensued and f african-americans were lynched. the red scare of that year unfolded against a back drop of

revolutionary consolidation in russia, establishment of the third person nell. bomb throwing and anti-war socialists and conspiracying communists bent on shaping their foreign sounding name, america law and order was in the hands of attorney general palmer, the ambitious fighting quaker whose uncomplicated solution was to terrorize those who couldn't be deported and deport those who because they were aleins. a late report by a 24-year-old

graduate of george washington universities law school aimed to accomplish that very objective. palmer sent the document to the appropriate senate committee that november. we meet john edgar hoover as he emerges from obscurity as an entry level library of congress file clerk and the author of a document radicalism among negros as reflected in their publications. 30 days earlier the ambitious file clerk had become head of the justice department's brand new general intelligence division. it created an emergency response to the terror and assassination. we note however that major loving's 15 page type script final report on negro subject

verb was filed with mid on august august 6th, 1919, two weeks before hoover's discovery and promotion by palmer. loving's impressive document found in howard university's archives bears striking recent balance to hoover's. assigned to beef up to assist the palmer raids, young hoover refined the profiles of many people and harvard law professor whom hoover flattered by calling him the most dangerous man in the united states. the most dangerous black man in america was randolf.

dubios' crisis provided palmer's justice department with an abundant and inambiguous evidence of conspiracy or so hoover would claim. addressing the nacp spirited tenth anniversary national conference that june, but clearly speaking beyond the nacp to white america dubios called racism the hand maiden a sentiment endorsed by the 265 delegates from 34 states. they were far less to south carolina congressman james f. burns than was a harvard educated negro editor whose inflammatory writings were being read and talked about by thousands of black people in his part of the country. burns charged the editor with causing race riots in washington

and chicago and imposing the gravest threat to race relations in america. for good measure he read the crisis editorial to which dubios thanked him for providing a readership of some 75 million fellow citizens. learning that the justice department intended to investigate the causes of racial dischord, dubios noted that black folk have for some years been trying to get the united states department of justice to look into several matters that touch us. hoover took a bit more time evaluating west indian new comer garvy. among those who roared approval of the general of africa were two black men employed by the

new bureau of investigation. special agents p-138 and 800. the first and for another 40 years the last that hoover would allow to serve. their reports captured the leader's raciaadausty infur rat him. not a full year had e-lanced since the general council of the powerful united fruit company had written to warn the secretary of state that unless actions were taken garvy's activities in latin america might repeat the experiences in hataii. they would entertain the

officers. his imagine cities secretary of state received warnings that the newspapers were causing racial dischord in the british empire. if the secretary of state were dismayed by the phenomena, the leadership class of american blacks began to feel siously t threatened by the general. from boston an influential baptist pasture wrote an alarm to the crisis that an increasing number of people joining that new uunia was of growing concer. dubios did warn garvy.

they will in the end punish the man who attempts to establish it that suggested that garvy was on to something awkwardly true. the tone of the crisis turned sharper. let the followers of mr. garvy insist that he get down to bedrock businesses. dubios and the leadership found themselves repeatedly rit kuled and announced. dubios's character that would rapidly escalate into unconditional warfare. in 1921 special agent reported that postal workers had questioned personnel and had been seen leaving 135th street with copies of the negro world. in washington hoover, as he followed the 11th hour

maneuverings of garvy's attorney who hoped to persuade the post master general to drop the mail fraud charges for a $20,000 consideration, there was to be no deal. garvy was arrested on january 12, 1922 and released on a $2,500 bail. they chose not to sign the fateful open letter on january 12, 1923 to the united states attorney general asking the justice department to useful influences completely to disban and extra pat this vicious garvy moorvmt, a signal that hoover's agents had almost certainly suggested as useful to speed up the start of garvy's lagging trial for mail fraud. but there could be no question that the agent signatories of

the open letter respected the leadership, the publisher of the chicago defender, senior officers. of the nacp brother-in-law, civic leaders, businessmen and protege. on february 16, carl murphy, publisher of the after row american newspaper followed up with an editorial asking him to explain the government's delay. his trial, conviction and expulsion from the united states in 1927 was accomplished to the mutual satisfaction and relief of the people who were surveilled and those who surveilled them. j. edgar hoover was the unacknowledged spawn of walter

loving. no evidence surfaced that the major knew the precocious file clerk or that loving may have discovered that the founder of the fbi's professional success began with an appropriated glossover of a document primarily intended to embarrass military intelligence of two great american racial reformers. a black man in a grotesque sense made possible a white man, whose professional life was encased in negro phobia may remind us they are overwhelming, driven by dark pathologies. hoover, especially, for as the well connected loving may have

learned, the fbi director was rumored to have black creole ancestry from new orleans that he was in 1937 the seoul exception to his own requirement of a birth certificate on file, anthony somers found darkly significant. pardon the pun. a few words about max. he was one of the most remarkable people on the left. dates 1892 to 1975. he was educated, he was north carolina, he was educated at shaw. early on, he entered the ymca and was sent to africa as the only african-american and person of color to do "y" work in south africa. he was a great success there,

though somewhat disappointed with the limitations of his mandate and he returned and was awarded the 1933 medal by the naacp. in 1935, he became the second president of the national negro conference. he went on to be quite active on the left and in 1940, he became the first african-american faculty member at city college and introduced the first course on negro history and culture at that institution and one of the

first everywhere. he then became involved in the council on african affairs, which was founded by paul robson, supported by councilman benjamin davis and various african-american intellectuals of the left, famous for his loyalty to him. wilkerson, very active in the jefferson schools of the immediate post war period. in 1948, an audit of the council on african affairs budget revealed that max had, in fact, misappropriated large sums of money that had been raised for

relief and education in south africa. that resulted in a great explosion within the council and dubois was asked to sort of on a special oversight committee to get to the bottom of all of this. he did. and in doing so, a letter of blackmail to the major supporter of the council on african affairs surfaced. the major supporter was frederick vanderbilt field who called himself a striped pants leftist. mr. field's wife, apparently, had had an affair with max and that resulted in the rupture of the marriage. this letter, anonymous letter

was to the former mrs. field and it seemed to request money. dubois and hunten went to the post office, police, for aught the authentication of the handwriting and it was firmly determined max was the author of the letter. they turned this information over to the fbi. soon they were rid of him and justice would be done and nothing happened. in the library of congress is an interesting diary by logan, a well-known african-american historian who taught many years at howard. one evening, in november 16,

1947, max journeyed to washington and dined with logan. the only place that african-americans really could get a good meal in those days, segregated days, was washington, union station. there, in his diary, he records that he said, logan, the left is going to lose, the fire is too great, i'm turning in. and, indeed, that is what he did. he went back to manhattan, reported to the fbi and became one of its most crucial assistants as his telephone tapped to the leadership of the cpua was invaluable to the fbi. hoover was delighted, considered him one of the greatest assets. indeed, he volunteers max to the

attorney, district attorney in the southern district of new york, the prosecute of the rosenbergs. he ended his career defending south africa as a paid publicist and his papers are sealed at howard archives and probably would be of great value even today to scholars on the left. but, they are embargoed. i think i probably exceeded my time or maybe i haven't. >> wonderful presentation. [ applause ] >> thank you. we're going to take a 20 minute break, then come back with the highlights of our conference.

coming up next, the house oversight hearing on employee issues and the transportation. after that, possible changes to u.s. tax law. then, a senate hearing on the latest treatment for post-traumatic stress and brain injuries. on wednesday, transportation security administration employees testified by the house oversight and reform committee considering the management practices. witnesses they they were mistreated by senior level