the conclusions last year has been our fiscal budget here in louisiana, not uncommon to a lot of other states. ours is a little unique, a good bit of what we face in 2018, revenue and form of taxes that will expire in june of 2018. the ability to find the solutions for that, both on the revenue side and expense side what we're working on and hopefully coming wake up solutions before we arrive in 2018. >> voices from the states on c-span. next, a look at the political situation in argentina with a professor at georgetown university, center for latin-american studies. he talks about the history of

argentina's political movement and two-party system now being challenged by a third party after recent mid-term elections. just over an hour. >> it is a great pleasure to welcome you to our conference in argentina this afternoon. for any teacher or student of latin america, argentina plays an important role in the hemisphere and beyond. >> a companion in musical dramas, a second look discussing argentina the critical pre and post world war ii. the same is true concerning the most recent political developments in that nation. the drama is not really gone judging by the strength

continued to display to some extent in electoral events. it is more complex looking at kristina's attempts to elevate herself or demean herself playing the sordid drama of her government. what are the current perspectives of the president? undoubtedly argentina is a topic which requires historians and political -- we're fortunate to count among our friends a true panelist with great fame and proven reputation. no better than my esteem friend, shamis, who will share with us his ideas on argentina including

looking not only at the present juncture but also the future. before we begin the lecture, i will take two minutes to extend a warm welcome to a very good friend, an old friend of mine and one of the founders of hudson, professor who resides in israel. he comes to visit us once in a while. thank you, max. i also need to express our thanks to dr. john walters, the vice president who has been such a great supporter and a great friend to us.

of course, we thank very much rachel cox, our director of public affairs, and my assistant. without any further adieu, i turn the podium to dr. shamis. >> thank you. >> thank you for your kind words and your friendship over the years every time i've been here,

it was warming and motivating and provocative discussion. today, henry invited me to discuss my own country, which is, you know, a double challenge. it's nice and motivating but at the same time it's like, you know, we have the task. given that i do go to argentina and i frequently am very involved as a columnist in addition to my georgetown job, i have a column. once in a while i do address argentina and do write on argentina, although a lot less than venezuela, i must say, for reasons that we all know! it's interesting, has an

interesting label entitled this session as a new political order in argentina. that's really pushing the boundaries. i would agree with a new political -- new party system in the making, not necessarily a new political order because argentina has been democratic since 1983. and has, i must say, quite fortunately, dribbled some important crisis along the way. there is democracy for the foreseeable future. in that sense, i'm very unargentine the way i read it. i'm very optimistic. that's very unargentine to be optimistic.

i've been writing optimistic pieces on argentina quite a while. beginning with the crisis in 2001-2002, if you want to know, i wrote a journal of democracy article the night of january 1st, 2001, when he was the sixth president in a week. after the resignation. that was an optimistic story, for any similar crisis like that in the past, they have been going downtown and take over. didn't have it that time. congress was open for a marathon session that day to resolve the crisis. with the agreement, senator and doyle, the senator, they agreed to sworn in their president.

for good or bad, the crisis was washington, d.c.ed. let me go back to specifics. what is going on in argentina now. and the democracy as well. let me go back and forth in time. let me start with what by now is an antidote. the night of november 22nd, 2015, that was the election that brought the presidency. that night, i wrote a column. i was in the bunker, as they say. until way late. i went back to where i was staying and i wrote a column for advice i sent in the middle of the night and it was there that

virtually during the morning hours in madrid, but, you know, late night this side of the atlantic. at the time there was a new republic in argentina. a new republic was the beginning of a new political time. new republic as a metaphor of the way many countries do it, when there is a significant political sxhang in the system, in france and brazil and the americas. when there's a significant institutional change there is not necessarily change of regime, but new republic that starts to operate under different sets of mechanisms and incentives. i said it was a new republic for a variety of reasons right there that night. first, it was that night and is

the first president in a century not from a radical party or a military. that's what happened that night. he was what american politics would know as a critical election, paraphrasing those elections reorganized, the coalitional gain on the territory. i saw that right there and looking at the projected results on the tvs and those beautiful maps that tell you in a snapshot what's going to happen, right? when ever there is an election in the u.s. the first thing i look at is the map. not the map by states but by counties. that tells you what american

politics are all about. i try to do the same in argentina. the night of that election, they were suggesting what we know better now, it was a critical election. there was a re-orientation in the electorate the emergence of a new political party, which means republican proposal, what it means. little by little the map started to turn yellow in the cities. now, it's all the more clear in the last election, congressional election, midterm election two years ago. even that night, this coalition, the radical historical radical

party was beginning to show a dramatic event in the urban areas of argentina, specifically prague, even more than the radical party. a party that there was expressing from in the middle of the country and, of course, the biggest cities in argentina in the middle of the country all the way to the east about an arrow, you name it. the important cities in the province and so on and so forth. but leading significantly comfortably, in all the urban settings. then, playing a little bit with

that i started to speculate on the column quickly, on a number of issues about what was going on there with this critical election, with this new republic. first of all, a couple of things. it is a new political party not just because it was founded in the 21st century. the newest political party, the first party of the 21st century to come to office all over latin america. i say this with a degree of uncertainty in terms of what form will be the shape of political parties in the future knowing we're in a dilemma in democracy and the world in general. we can't do without parties but we also know parties are in

trouble. parties are an organization that do not represent aspirations of societies in the same way they used to. aspirations that have changed dramatically and they're very hierarchy structure organizations and disorganizations and that doesn't work in society these days, they have become more horizontal. it does not work in the workplace. it doesn't work in politics either. comes to the scene with the new conception of a political party. more like a social movement than a political party in the traditional sense. it's a party with a horizontal political culture, if you may, if i may. it's the party, interestingly enough, the crisis of 2001, 22,

sent argentines to the streets and argentine defaulted from its death. last year in one way or another. people went to the streets demanding everybody's resignation. everybody meaning the political elite. everybody's departure. they were told they should all leave, they meaning the political elite. that was the origin created in the wake of that important crisis. the urban component from it, the party of the middle class, the party of the middle income

upward mobile and progressive electorate. professionals, argentina is a very organized country as much as to the taxty drivers. to the party of the medium boulder, if i may use the famous expression, the party of that wide middle ground, the party of the pragmatic and moderate voter that has a middle class component and aspirations of upward mobility for themselves and for their children, more than anybody else. this is a pattern i saw emerging in 2015, this past october consolidated. people now have an expression in argentina, the yellow map.

the map is turning yellow again in all important urban centers of the country. that allowed the party to carry important provinces, the vast majority of the provinces. so again, let me continue back and forth between '15 and '17. also the party -- in both ways, in the famous phrase of argentineans, nobody says no to democracy. is the party of the cities also a party of the upper income social strata of society

massively voted for the coalition. and massively participates in politics today, in the politician of the coalition. that is, in a way, the hypothesis i play with, since 1930, the upper social strategy ta abandoned social spliks to play politics with the military. it's an ongoing argument the most prominent sociology was invented way back. when it's said they don't play politics and starts playing politics with a military institution and currency it to a

political party and that fits the story very well. another unresolved issue, the upper social strata, business elites have strongly convinced with a conviction today. that's good news for institutional stability of the democratic system. another discussion in argentina, i know he wanted me to say a couple of things, in certain groups in argentina, always considered the right of the conservative party.

in some ways it is, in terms of representation of the upper social strata as a group. in another sense, it's way removed from any form of conservativetism. it picks up two important trends in argentine history. first, the coalition picks up a concern of discussion of democracy. the first person in argentina in 1983, after the military regime, reading the preamble of the institution. they talk about things that are weird for argentines. constitutional checks and balances and separation of powers. it made a difference, seen change to some extent to

argentina. fixes that up and takes it forward, very strongly. to the concern not just with a for choosing a government. like the old argument democracy is a method of getting to power. and democracy is about exercising power once you're there. and in the spirit of -- the current coalition in power picks that up. democracy has a mechanism for electing a government and determine how power must be exercised. again with separation of power with checks and balances. with limited terms in office etc. in a presidential system of course. also picks up on a previous

important trend in argentina history. from developmentism. president in the late 50s and earl i 60s there was a president had a project for argentina. energy. developing energy resources. developing infrastructure. and signing central role to the state. in developing both important areas. energy atonmy. and infrastructure development. in order to foster economic growth. rapid economic growth. the coalition of picks up that as well. so it's constitutional democracy with a central role of the state in the economy. not as a producer but as a propeller of economic growth. the infrastructure and energy.

all these trends i argue got consolidated in the recent election. as i said. both august and october argentina has a weird election system. a mandatory primary. open primary. which happened in august. and then the real midterm election which took place in october. that marks perhaps the definite of transformation of the political system. aside from we'll be complete in 2019. the next presidential election cycle. couple of important things happened. first, now will have a majority in the house. not in the senate or major in

the house. after these next election. the coalition controls the majority of the prove v provinces. and the important changes in terms of composition of the other parties outside of --. couple of things that i want to mention about a new political of order in argentina. number one the end of by partisan ship. a system that was by partisan since the return of 1983 with the historical parties. the term of the radical party has a third player. in a coalition with one of them. but as the majority partner in the coalition at the same time. not the radical party.

so this change in the system in argentina makes it look a little bit like there are two options. a little bit like chile is a coalition. like chile in the transition. the alignment in the left and the democrats that later on change and that change slightly. i'd like to see the political system in argentina very similar sdp i think it does look very similar to the early transition years and the three first presidents. with two party in the coalition and another party outside. it worked very well. and the provided stability and the provided all the tools necessary for a smooth transition as possible. in those years people tend to

forget how unstable chile was in the early 90s and how uncertain the transition was. as commander in chief of the army. in the' 90s. another option for argentina in order to keep it in the neighborhood is that coalition doesn't continue in the future. and the parties the coalitions may or may not last. and then if we have a three party system, look a little bit like uruguay. the center is the traditional by party system. liberal and conservative. change with the emergence of the left. becoming viable electorally and having had now three consecutive presidents.

this is a quite interesting because we know that when there's a change in political party in the political party system, there's a stability generally and oftentimes deep conflict. the example of yug way is interesting. it happened without conflict. any serious conflict. without any stability. and it's been working quite well. that's a possibility for argentina. sort of going the chile way with the continuation of the. or without the continuation of coalition. or the three party system. and several other minor parties around this three big traditional and historical political forces. i predict the coalition will continue. because both parties the radical party and the have incentive to maintain it.

i think it's the most effective mechanism to go in and we call in political science coalition presidentialism. the presidential institution is an american invention. that relies on a two party system. and for all experts in the political science, that's the way presidential constitution works. it doesn't work well when you have a multi-party system. latin america we have a discussion for the last 30 years at least on whether we should go given we have multi-party systems in the countries in latin america and more over, not only we have a multi-party system but those systems have become more and more fragmented since the transition of the 80s. so how do we govern the democracy with a presidential

institution. and with a fragmented party system. and recently new ideas have been developed and have worked quite well. what we call a coalition of presidentialism. president that creates a coalition and certain institutional tools providing incentive to make the presidential systems a little more prelim tear. the french system is one of them. all latin america countries have a french system. the two candidates will go for the second round will make their own coalition. whoever governs the most the strongest support will be elected president. in a way, that's the french system incorporated to the presidential institution is a good idea it makes the system more governable.

i think that for those reasons the coalition will continue. think about peru for example. or chile itself or brazil. in peru no president has had preliminary majority. and may manage to whether the position quite well. peru has been stable. it's economy has grown. and came down. all of that while in a divided government. all of that with the strong incentive to create this parliamentary. this congressional coalition. no president neither before, you go back to the post years. coalition presidentialism made

quite stable. with very effective economic policy making. for those reasons, i think the argentina will continue with this new political system. and the cycle. unless the something happens something dramatic happens in the next three years, i can't foresee winning the presidential election in 2019. most likely will not go for a second term. also keep in mind another interesting aspect. just to make an argument. he has presidential goals. it's a young party. a party that has broaden renewal of political elites to argentina. something many country ts in latin america are struggling.

chile among them. after her second term, he got elected will be a second term. originally a candidate also would have been a second term on the side on the left. participation is very low in chile. there's quite a bit of fatigue with the political elite in chile. so not with argentina elite because there's renewal of the leaders. and that is to be -- generation of young people have have come to power and are ready to go and have been doing it. so that's also part of my source of optimism. to conclude i want to say

something about what you're all expecting me to say. whenever we talk about argentina it comes down to one thing and one thing. that's it's been we said in grad school that whatever you want to talk about argentina if you are writing about the military or writing about economy or development. you know how to write about any of that. you need to write about the independent variable. the over the determine si. that parnism explaining everything. the undesirable force that we don't want it we don't like it. it's a culprit of everything.

quite a bit more agnostic about this characterization. now i do think that the argentina democracy needs parnism to make a couple decisions. it wouldn't be the first time. because in the construction of this myth of the. number one, it said parnism wins all elections. who say it's a hedge monic party. and no. the hedthe party doesn't lose parties. it wins all the elections.

why? because it won all elections. that's the indicator of a hedge monic party. 1983. we forget that. pairenism lost. it lost in 1999. and it lost in 2015. and yet again lost the. they lost again in 2017. so, because of that, the myth continues. parrism is the only one that can finish a presidential term. that's not true either. when he came to office, threw

congress. by a congressional crisis or solution. also had to leave office earlier. had to call for early election because in the argentina of those days he couldn't go on either. and he was sworn in to finish the previous president term. but had to anticipate a call for election. and that's the way it happened. by the way, the the president that the competition in that election in 2003 is also evidence of what you say about argentina politics you might as well say. the party the movement the identity. has to make a couple of decisions. number one. it has to decide whether it

will -- because which has been part of parnism has been a peculiar group. as well. in a number of ways. the kish ners came to office with the best economic decade in the last 100 years. with the strongest prices and the super cycle and the $600. and et cetera. and they used to the windfall to develop a new political scheme. that even went beyond the traditional way of doing politics. and it was foster fragmentation.

of the political system. and to pursue using the resources it planned to list a structure that would allow them to stay in office forever. if not forever, for a long time. the original design was four years next term and four years again. had to run for two consecutive terms. they were toying with an indefinite reelection as well. until the supreme court stopped that dream. the dream of perpetration. something popular in latin america. it's popular in bolivia. and something that was going on in latin america. the economic cycling has changed however and there are not enough resources to define it. political perpetuation.

and nothing like that is viable today. parnism has to decide whether it wants to continue again as the or if it wants to go back to the particularly positive and dem democratic moment. in the 80s. when it was an opposition. and loyal opposition. those were the days in which the leader was governor, senator. some point presidential candidate. and who was a good partner with the president. this is important. it's important because i do think that argentina society doesn't want anymore perpetration in power. it doesn't want anymore -- a

president that gets into people's living rooms every day. arge tines want alternation in power. argentinaens want democracy with institutional quality. and puritanism has to make a decision. if it wants to go to the old kish ner type of leadership. it's future will be at stake. and it's going to make the democratic road perhaps a little rough. but if purenism goes back to that moment of democracy. that moment in which he used to say we have to drop the idea of movement. and we have to build a party.

a he used to say those words. a normal political party. that party that wins elections and a party that loses elections. and a party that when an election is lost, when the nothing happens. it's not the end of it. it's the beginning of a new future. if we're not he uses if we're not able to do that, we will miss the boat. because that was in the 80s. democracy is here to stay. and the fact that we lost in 1983 in the hands of a candidate that used to talk that talk. he's discourse. we need to realize that. i think purenism is less bad. we tend to think. but it has a decision to make. that will also be the full

circle for argentina democracy. and stability. whether it's going to again whether it will continue in the neighborhood or going to go back. in the 80s. and become a normal political party. if it becomes a normal political party it will continue to have a future. it will continue to have an identity. if it doesn't, it might as well disappear. in the previous period before the election of 2015 i wrote a column. saying the end of purenism. my friends called me from argentina furious. how dare you say something like that. what are you thinking? we'll see. i think if it goes back to democracy it has a future. if it doesn't, the institutional

democracy. with alternation. checks and balances. not as a method to get involved but a method of exercising power. if it doesn't, then my optimism about argentina will become even stronger. much stronger. thank you very much. >> okay. questions? >> no questions? >> perhaps you remember years ago maybe it's five or ten years. a decision was made to try to balance a trade deficit which was looming out of control and get it back in a position where the current si wouldn't be

effected or possibly demolished by it. and decided regard in china the trade would have to be even. whatever was imported to argentina would have to balance with exports. i don't know how far the concept went. it appeared to be strong for a time -- >> what was the sdilgs? >> balance of payment. a decision regarding imports and exports with china. the total value of it had to be even. they wanted it even. distribution. of import and export. so the trade imbalance wouldn't -- >> protectionism. >> how does that look right now? has it changed? >> it's been gradually. the trade account has been gradually open. one aspect of this is that argentina has had a with the

exception of has had a deficit for a long time. largely because of the anchor to control inflation. the exchange rate. which resulted in balance after that. that has happened with pretty much all presidents. and there was sper rattic and right now i haven't seen the numbers recently. but i think there's a trade deficit. again. with the economy more open. now there's more access to financing now. compared to the last years of kish ner under the second default. particularly after the second default. so, no. we'll see. how to figure out that equation is one of the big challenges of

the government. because of how to finance the current account as well. there's a limited time horizon when you're running a -- the deficit is growing. and that's why he was here. just a couple of weeks ago in new york to -- there's been investment going into argentina. but it's been largely in financial instrument. argentina has to produce enough of this political new faze when it's open for business to more long term investment. that's a big challenge. yeah? go ahead. >> thank you. two questions. if the do expel kish ner, the will try to create a party for of her own? that's common in latin america.

one person will create a party based on that person's ideology and two, you mention the argentina open for business in investment. just in both chile and argentina again saying they're against the investment and people deforestation. in this new political in argentina and presidency, what are their rights land, are they going to be protected more or just ongoing problem that's not going to be solved? >> yeah, well first i don't think she has to be expelled. there's a reality to hear, that after -- this is not the first attempt of creating an identity

within purenism. did the same. he was president pr ten years. there was which disappeared the moment he left power. when he wanted to come back in the election he got 5%. and that was it. then he can go for the second round. if you remember that, that was quite something. so i think that parnism the politics is renewal. and the kushners are the past. and she just lost an election the other day. in the province which historically has been the stronghold. so that's the democracy. that's what politics is about. you win today and lose tomorrow.

rightly so. it needs to sort of induce do some soul searching about this experience of very harsh authorityism. the next time. and if continues that way, it's going to continue to decline. if it goes through a period of renewal and renewal of the democratic conviction it will have a future. it's interesting there's something about argentina that this weekend was a president of the senate. whose roots are conservativism. and he was extraordinary the magazine. he says well, it left to us that belongs to all of us now. it's been quite a long period of history. and there's something about

social justice and social equality that is adhering to our way of understanding society. and understanding politics. the that goes beyond. it belongs to all of us. the discussion that where the it is right nort right. and it's a new set of categories to understand this thing. and back to my point as well, they were very much tied to -- there's a conflict. it's the fraction of the conflict of chili. if nothing less because of sheer size of the population in one country and the other. which in argentina is much smaller. and by the way the groups are in chile has been active for 25 years. at least. using methods.

and it's been a lot less like that. it's been magnified because of the tragedy of the case of these guy who was lived close by and sympathized. and then he disappeared. and there was now we know what happened. it was constructed as to the government doing kidnapping him and disappearing. in argentina to say the government there's a verb that doesn't exist in real spanish. it exists about the verb to disappear. and in the cloak yal way of speaking. the government disappeared him. and created conflict. now we know he crossed the river and didn't know how to swim.

and drowned there. and the government didn't disappear anybody. it was used and manipulated for election purposes. it is unfortunate for the family and for political for normal political process. now when i think about we live in a time in the world and tribalism. if which is the access ration of the identity. this is minor in the south of argentina compared today of course many other parts in europe. which is unfortunate it has to do with this nationalism as a sort of response as a part of the antiliberal response. and european terms. not in american terms. this antiliberal response it politics in many parts of the

world. and kpaster baited nationalism is one version of that. which is unfortunate. and short sided. very short sided because you know, how small would you desegregate a nation? say if becomes a state. what do we do with multi-culturism? what do we do with very sizable population that immigrated from other parts of spain. there's a very large community. for example a very large community. then if they propose a session. for every tribe there's a state. then there's no world, right?

having said this, i don't think the conflict could be or was in any way what were investors in terms of deciding this making this decision of the right investment. what was making them wait was the october election. if it would consolidate the government. or it would give a victory to kushner and signal a return in 2019. she had one as far as one side. she would be talking about returning. so it's a blessing in disguise. that they lost. they can go through renewal. going back in time in politics

is it's very unforgiving. so, yeah? >> thank you for your very clear presentation. i wonder if you could comment on the strength of judicial system. how strong and independent is it today? what is happening with investigation of the case? >> well, to tell you the truth all i know about the case is what i read in the paper. it has been determined now ruled a murder. assassination. and the investigation is going to be reopened. it has been reopened. and we'll wait and see.

i don't know the specifics whether it is too late. some people say it's too late to come up with there's a new suspects. people were at the time close to nisman and had not been charged. and now it appears they have been charged or will be. i don't know for sure. yeah, it's the most serious death, crime, in argentina democracy since 1983. most definitely. that's one thing that you also said something else. the judicial. that's interesting i was there for a seminar on judicial corporation sdwrus two weeks ago. and the judiciary has done i think has done a commendable

task. and job. in argentina for the last ten years. it's interesting because now when there's charging people one every day for corruption. and then even said in a conference in a seminar the day when the charges the former vice president. and arrested the former vice president. she the judiciary for fast now and slow if the in the past. i don't think that's fair. the former vice president had been charged when he was vice president. now, if the case didn't move fast enough. well, i don't think it's fair to expect anybody to commit to suicide. and in the sense that you know, why would the judges be in

charge of moving faster than they could. let's put it that way. all things consider they remain independent. the supreme court ruled in a number of very important cases in protecting the institution and protecting constitution democracy. there was a project to modify the way the judges are appointed. and that would have led to her reelection. most likely. and the recourse stopping there. when she was very strong by the way. that was in 2012. she had just been reelected with 52% of the vote. and supreme court stopped itment the you dish yar is doing a dwood good job. it's truly independent. if it goes fast or slow, it's a matter of opinion. now what we know is there's another important aspect of

this. that corruption is being punished. and people who the leader fts a former minister. his nickname was cashier. that defines why. is in jail now and with a process open. and had been stripped of his immunity. because he was a member of congress. so in all of that has to do with the judiciary. so. that is that's a quite okay. and quite impressive. because the judiciary has been independent of the government. and several instances. >> thank you.

i have two related questions. the first one is you talked about having at least two viable presidential candidates in the future that aren't vie dal and pena. so i wonder if you can define or you can see the future in between the three of them. or the two of them. what are the divisions you're beginning to see? and the second question is their relationship between itself. a good example of this was prior to winning the lebs in 2015 he was the one who revealed the statue. with everything arnds him. i'm wondering how you see him as integrating his movement. as an electoral force. for example right now they passed the labor reform.

and also the fiscal with the provinces. which many are still. so i'm wondering if you can talk about that relationship. >> all i was trying to say is i can't imagine that if the next three years are. i can't imagine the candidate for 2019 will not be himself. i was just saying that it brings to a renewal of the political and the significant renewal and the which many people are viable. not that i know that any of them will want to be candidating in 2019. of anything of that sort. a different matter is with the partners in the coalition.

both are a part of the probe. a different issue would be with the vertical party is right now in a process of discussion of whether what would be the shape of the coalition in the next three years. after the election. and with the new congress as of december 10? it's a legitimate concern. what is the role. what do they have to do. and what if the party wants another candidate. the next one is ours. the first two were democrats. then it was clear the next one if the especially. if you want to keep the coalition the next one will be a socialist. so that may happen.

it may happen in the future. paert parties have to have candidates otherwise they disappear. the other thing, purenism is a big tent. it's a stamp. it doesn't have much of a cohesive center of gravity. so by the way, even with a minority congress with an opposition senate, the governor has had a terrific relationship with the senators. most of them. who control the senate. because all those provinces have governors. in the northwest and so forth. and the governor had a good relationship with them. all of them. or a different story in the house. but in the senate they did.

the issue is yes, as in the u.s. by the way. the senators are more pragmatic and have a longer term horizon. here it's unfortunate because it's every three years everybody comes up with reelection in the house. which is dysfunctional for the normal operation. the senator has six years. they have different incentives. same in argentina. four years for congress. and six years for senator. that has worked. the other thing is you know an antidote. after being president wanted to attract to purenism. and it didn't work. that in order to make the point

that it's not -- because whether you like it or not is going to be 25, 30% of the electoral for the foreseeable future. which is not enough. and i don't see any anybody else. by the way, there are several pure niss in the government and congress. that decided to break with the way back -- he recently died. are you from argentina? okay. well the he just died a couple months ago. he was labor leader. who broke up with the kushnerism. and very explicitly.

years ago said they don't represent me anymore. they don't represent what we want. and was part of the proprobe and elected to the house. he died a few months ago. while being a congressman. so i don't see that as a serious problem. whatsoever. >> thank you. could you tell me more about the associate economic political. how many people represented your non-voters. and how the people education and the distribution and how -- and policy in immigration.

and something like that? >> argentina has one population in poverty. it was partly a legacy of the years of the kushner. what else did you say? immigration. i don't know. >> the immigration to the u.s. >> it's not a significant as. i know it's not as significant as other countries in latin america. by geography alone. i don't know if that answers your question. >> trump have a different policy than obama. cuba. i wonder any difference from

latin america or argentina. >> i know about the change of policy. but what was the implication? >> any political reaction favoritism or favor against trump? >> i don't think there will be any against trump. even if everybody is very aware of the fact that trump's protectionism will hurt eventually argentina exports to the u.s. like everybody else. and there are concerned about that. there's been initial with the diesel. by argentina exports to the u.s. and now has fallen under the new

protection measures. and argentina has complained about that. actually, vice president pence was in argentina and made a complaint about. that equal rules for reciprocity. we need to continue exporting. >> i don't remember the gd on top of my head. argentina has 30% of the population in poverty. that i do know. is a term of normal political debate. of the regular every day debate. >> how about in the prison population? >> how much? >> prison population. incarcerate or other political

opponents. >> i don't know. >> okay. we have come to the end of the event. we thank you for attending. and of course we thank professor for giving us a taste of his vast naj of latin america -- vast knowledge of latin america politics. let's give a roupd of applause. >> the c-span bus is on the 50 capitols tour. visiting every state capitol and hearing about each states priorities. we kicked off the tour on september 15 in dover, delaware. and visited 12 states. our next stop for the tour is

florida. we'll be there on december 6 with life interviews during washington journal. >> c-span student cam video document tear competition is under way. and students across the country are busy at work and sharing experience with us through twitter. it's not too late to enter. the deadline is january 18, 2018. we're asking students to choz a provision of the u.s. constitution. and skracreate a video illustra why it's important to you. it's open to all middle school and high school students. grade 6-12. $100,000 in cash prizes will be awarded. the ground prize of $5,000 will go to the student or team with the best over all entry. for more information, go to our

web site. student cam.org. >> recently spoke about the situation in the middle east. and other foreign policy challenges. including the economic boycott against implemented by countries in the region in june. this was at the center for the national interest. it's just over an hour. >> welcome to the -- we have a special guest today. prime minister of the state of qatar. a very young man. a very impressive career. and already was in his position for more than a