>> this is american history tv, 48 hours every weekend every weekend, only on c-span. >> on american history tv, we learn about james s burns who served in the u.s. house and senate as a supreme court justice and in the franklin d. roosevelt administration. explains how burns was a key figure in the implementation of the new deal and the management of the wartime economy. the relationship between fdr and burns and how they would shape the united states at a time of great uncertainty. we will also hear from supreme court justice stephen breyer. the supreme court historical society hosted this 50 minute program in the supreme court chamber.

james: i am pleased to welcome you to the fourth of our four lectures and the lecture series on supreme court justices in presidential cabinets. i have no doubt that this evenings talk by officer milkis will be exceptionally interesting and educational. i would like to welcome and to express the society's deep gratitude to our gracious host justicening, associate breyer?

has joined us for innumerable lectures, what functions, and dinners over the years. 2016, his lecture at our annual meeting touched on the very relevant insights he the courtin his book " and the new law. his work appears twice in our society journal of supreme court history, writing on a cherokee indian struggle for their land and in 2010 revealing the dred scott decision of 1857 in its historical context. speaking of writing, justice breyer is a prolific author, having written or cowritten more than a dozen books and numerous court opinions and dissents. as he himself has said, he lives much of his professional life as a word processor. for that, we and many .enerations are grateful

several of his books, some side, are available in the society gets shot down stairs, which will be open after this evenings lecture. this evenings subject, justice breyer has experienced serving in each of the other two branches of the national government. he served as an attorney in several roles in the justice department and especially chief counsel to the judiciary committee. he served as a judge and chief judge of the united states court of appeals for the first circuit before coming to this court in 1994. combining practical experience with his 27 years in a cadena, justice breyer has a deep understanding of this court's place in history from each of these perspectives. that is what enables him to write and speak with such insight about that vital yet ever evolving role. that is why we are honored to have justice breyer this is evening to introduce our

speaker. ladies and gentlemen, justice stephen breyer. [laughter] >> thank you. thank you for the commercial. thank you for coming here this evening. i think it is great. these ineffective or affect -- are terrific. it's a very valuable function. the only disappointing thing -- you said is the fourth lecture in this series of supreme court justices in the cabinet, which is interesting. he also said the final lecture on the subject and best about. i think we should keep going. they write things. they publish them. fromn find everything loads of articles and a book on

the supreme court food tradition. that must be interesting. if like the warmest glacier or something. nonetheless, they have a lot of interesting things. what they try to do in this society is educate the public about the court. the nine of us think that is good -- anyone in public life thinks the most important thing you can do is educate the 319 million people who are not lawyers in the united states. more and more don't know what the lawyers doing with the courts do. the lecture series is terrific. you're coming is very good. what we will hear about this , aning is another example very trysting man, who left the bench and went to serve his country during wartime in the cabinet. he did a lot of things. there's no better person than

professor sidney milkis to tell us about that. he is the white burkett miller professor at the the university of virginia. he is the faculty associate at the miller institute center. the miller center is an important center visiting -- studying government at the mercy of virginia. he teaches about american elections, political parties, the presidency, american political development, american political thought, you name it. he received his ea in political science and his ma and phd from the university of pennsylvania in the same jobs act -- same subject. he has written several books.

i will from now i'll listen and you will, too, and we will hear about justice burns -- justice byrnes in the roosevelt white house. we will hear from professor milkis. [applause] >> it's hard to see with these lights. can you hear me? it is such a great honor to be here and to be introduced by justice breyer. i really moved that so many of studentsgues and my

and my friends and one member of my family i see back there, my nephew curt, i hear this evening. i'm really grateful to you fellow history nerds for coming and spending some time with me tonight. when i was invited to give a talk on franklin roosevelt and james f. byrnes last february i was tempted to say no because i did not know much about byrnes. not much had been written about relationship between roosevelt and byrnes. but i cannot pass up this opportunity to speak in this chamber and to be introduced by justice breyer.

i have to confess i have had regrets. sometimes panic about accepting this honor. i drove my wife crazy. she was afraid to come tonight. when i left the house she said break a leg and i do not think she met that metaphorically. [laughter] i hope that my talk shows that the lack of attention to the fdr-byrnes pairing was a serious oversight. i'm really grateful to the supreme court historical society for giving me this opportunity to learn more about the byrnes-roosevelt relationship in the effort to shed light on this critical pairing that was essential for the development of the new deal political order. byrnes and fdr were an odd couple. roosevelt, the new york patrician who relished the exercise of power, and byrnes, the south carolinian son of a widowed dressmaker who dropped out of school at age 14.

never went beyond the seventh grade. he ran errands for a south charleston law firm and learned enough about law firms to eventually pass the bar. whereas fdr relished power, byrnes styled himself as a broker, not a mover of government action. in spite of their economic and cultural differences, and maybe because they complemented each other so well, byrnes and roosevelt formed a relationship that although largely forgotten today is of immense importance for understanding the scope of new deal reform and the eventual triumph of american liberalism. roosevelt was the center of american life around which the chaos of the 1930's and the 1940's swarmed.

byrnes was behind the scenes. he was omnipresent. he was serving in all three branches of the federal government during roosevelt's 12 years as president. a first-term junior senator from south carolina at the birth of the new deal, he rose to become one of the most successful legislators in a fractious congress. in 1941 he moved to the supreme court, and although his time on the bench was short, just 452 days, only neil gorsuch and thomas johnson have served less time. there will be a test later about who thomas johnson was. even though he served such a short time, his opinions helped to codify the new deal order. his most important duties occurred with america's entry into the second world war just three months into his first and only term on the court. in fact, most of his supreme court tenure was spent working for the president, designing procedures and agencies that the

justice would soon oversee when he left the court in the fall of 1942. his two wartime positions, first director of economic stabilization and then as director of mobilization were designed to take advantage of byrnes' rare combination of a savvy political mind. with the threat of totalitarianism abroad, fdr always demanded a place by his side for jimmy byrnes. only byrnes worked so diligently, persevered and remained so committed to the success of roosevelt's revolution as byrnes routinely describe the new deal. only on byrnes did roosevelt bestow the title of the assistant president.

tonight, i want to highlight three distinct moments in the byrnes-roosevelt relationship when it proved indispensable in fortifying the new deal order. the necessity of byrnes legislative skill in bringing about the constitutional revolution of 1937 and the reconstituting of the executive office. byrnes' appointment to the court and how his brief time in this chamber further advanced the new deal. most important, byrnes tenure as assistant president where he helped prepare the country for the duties of total war. roosevelt and byrnes' fruitful partnership was so strong because as different as they were, they shared the view that

the new deal represented a new definition of the social contract. one that required the national government to assume new responsibilities at home and abroad. fdr gave voice to this new understanding of rights in his iconic four freedoms address, the 1944 state of the union message. with the economy remade by the industrial revolution and america assuming an important role in the world, traditional freedoms like speech and religion, roosevelt argued, needed to be supplemented by two new rights, freedom from want and freedom from fear. these new freedoms representing the charter of the modern american states were given institutional form by the welfare state which embodied freedom from want and the national security state which

embodied the freedom from fear. embedded in a modern executive office in a growing national bureaucracy, the new deal state was embraced by democrats and republicans alike in the aftermath of world war ii. president dwight eisenhower bestowed bipartisan -- the first republican president elected after the new deal was pushed through congress and expansion of social security. he sustained the new deal commitment to liberal internationalism. the view that america could be and must be a force for good in the world. byrnes was such a crucial ally to roosevelt in this pursuit of a new constitutional order because and whatever branch he served, he provided the essential link between the white house and the block of impregnable southern democrats, who posed the greatest opposition to the new deal.

byrnes not only supported the new deal, he shared roosevelt's determination to keep the south in the fold of a transformed nation. such aspirations became important during roosevelt's second term. roosevelt's first term was dedicated to the enactment of things like social security. the signature new deal policies that would secure freedom from want. in the midst of terrible economic despair, these programs, through widespread support, even among southern democrats. roosevelt pursued an institutional program during his second term that clearly cast a bright light on the constitutional transformation. it was startling to allies and enemies alike, he pursued two highly controversial measures that were proposed after his 1936 election.

these institutional programs sharply divided the democratic party and aroused cries that roosevelt was trying to be a dictator. he even had to go on the radio and proclaim -- i always have to pound the podium. roosevelt had to go on the radio and deny that he was trying to be a dictator. these two controversial initiatives were the executive reorganization act and the court packing plan. these measures were dedicated to increasing the president's personal influence over an emerging bureaucracy and the courts. marking an effort to dominate a policy dominated by local authorities that supported states rights into a more centralized, more bureaucratic form of government that would crate for the first time a national state in an environment

that had resisted such a centralization of power for an unusual amount of time when compared to similar political systems. byrnes had serious reservations about roosevelt's reforms but he shared the president's belief that the national government needed to be strengthened unless the united states would fall prey to a more radical solution that were being proposed in the populist left and the populist right. byrnes even stuck with the president throughout the polarizing battle of the court packing plan in the spring and summer of 1937. all of byrnes fellow southerners viewed the court as the final line of defense against the rising tide of statism. for new dealers, the court was an antediluvian obstacle to central reform. roosevelt and his political allies were especially incensed

by the decisions of bloody monday of 1935 that opposed constraints on the president's personal power and crippled the new deal's programmatic innovations. roosevelt chose byrnes to give a national speech to defend the court packing plan against the assault of byrnes's good friend carter glass, senator from virginia and the most militant opponent of the new deal in the senate. echoing the president, byrnes argued that the court reorganization was indispensable to the preservation of representative constitutional government, a necessary reform at a time when representative

democracies were thought to be weak, to be incapable compared to more assertive regimes led by new dictators. the real dangers of dictatorship will not come from the most democratic president we have ever had, byrnes argued on the radio. nor will they come from younger men on the federal courts. the real dangers of dictatorship will come from justices who forget the warning of chief marshall that the constitution should be adopted to the various crises in human affairs. they will not come from those are blind to the fact that at this stage of world history, time is of the essence. and the difference between keeping faith in the people in 1937 and hoping to keep faith in future years may be the difference between a triumphant democracy which works, and a disillusioned democracy, which fails. the court packing plan died in

congress, but roosevelt claimed the highly contested initiative did its work. beginning in 1937, justice roberts switched from the conservative to liberal wing in the court in a move which is somewhat unfairly called the switch in time that saved the nine. the modus for the change of roberts are deeply debated. there is no denying that in rapid succession, the justices approved new deal actions that were previously deemed constitutionally dubious. the court gave legal sanctity to the social security and wagner act and therefore the court no longer used the non-delegation doctrine that crafted presidential power. reinforcing the constitutional

revolution of 1937, roosevelt was able to appoint a total of eight new justices by the end of his 12 years in the white house. had he not died, i think he would still be president. i cannot see him losing an election. roosevelt awarded byrnes' loyalty in 1941 by making him one of those new justices. appointing byrnes would pay off a large debt to his friend. but like his appointment of justice hugo black in 1937, roosevelt's selection also testifies to how important he believed it was to have loyal allies in the south. many ardent liberals urged fdr to forget about the north south alliance and look for support elsewhere -- in the north, in the west. think about the migration of african-americans. forget about the south.

but roosevelt one of the new deal to be more than a sectional phenomena. he was hopeful that with the help of effective allies like byrnes, the deep south would support a liberalized democratic party. roosevelt and byrnes shared a believe that conservative democracy in the poorest part of the country was not economic conservativism. it was a firmly established reaction to and exploitation of racial bigotry. byrnes, like roosevelt, loathed the source of southern power. we have, in south carolina, in political discussions, devoted too much time to racial language and i am cleaning that up. he used saltier languages. and little time to those matters which affect the welfare and

happiness of the men women and children in this state. in the heart of each of us there is prejudice but i have little respect for a man who knows better and for political gains is willing to appeal to that which is worst in men rather than what is best in men. during his short stay on the court, justice byrnes showed this was not merely rhetorical. he vindicated fdr's faith that the new deal could hold the north and south together. two of justice byrnes' majority opinions reveal the promise of a new political state which might eventually ameliorate the stubborn tumor of racial prejudice.

in the 1941 case of edwards v california, which upheld the right of individuals to travel freely from one state to another, byrnes addressed the new deal aspiration for a new sense of nationalism. during the great depression, california had prosecuted as a criminal offense attempts by its residents to bring unemployed relatives to live with them if the residents were unable to provide for the migrants cost of living. departing from most of his southern brethren's advocacy of states rights, byrnes declared the california law unconstitutional. he pushed back against california's argument that economic relief was purely a local affair and defended the new deal's reinterpretation of the social contract. although the government's responsibility to provide relief was not an issue in this case, byrnes, taking note of the fact that the plaintiff had been

supported by new deal relief agencies, wrote the following in a revealing op-ed. he said, "the theory of the elizabethan poor laws no longer fits facts. recent years, particularly that last decade have been marked with the growing recognition that in an industrial society the task to providing assistance to the needy has ceased to be local in character. the duty to share the burden has been recognized not only by the states but by the federal government as well." byrnes spoke to the new state responsibility to address racial injustice in the 1940 case of lord v. texas. after the murder of a white man in titus county, texas, police arrested william ward, an african-american from a nearby church.

they carried him nearly 100 miles over a series of three days to a series of texas jails, ostensibly to protect ward. but during this odyssey, ward was tortured and starved until he was convicted. he argued that moving ward by night and day to strange towns, telling him of threats of mob violence, and torturing him, had resulted in a confession. the use of such forced confession was the denial of due process and the judgment of conviction must be removed.

although these were not landmark cases, these provided hope that insulation for south carolina politics so rooted in race would free the allies to advance the ambition to foster a new sense of national community. not only an economic policy, but also in correcting racial injustices in the criminal justice system. although justice byrnes's stay on the court was important in the judicial realm, it was also in in others. it did not impress upon the court and illegal document. this more productive by the broader constitutional issue raised by the new deal, that being how americans could accept the authority of a national

state and still stay true to its deep-rooted commitment. as herbert hoover had called it, rugged individualism. he believed the answer would come in the political arena not the judicial region. it was so far removed from politics. he fretted that an individual that served on the bench for years was to some degree isolated from the people. this is not true of justice byrnes. when the mississippi-born reporter paid what he thought would be a short social visit to justice byrnes in the supreme court chambers, byrnes urged him to stay longer.

he admitted, i get so lonely here. roosevelt also experienced a strong sense of loss when his hitherto constant political opinion entered the court. but byrnes political leave of absence was short-lip. with the formal declaration of war in december 19 anyone, roosevelt immediately came calling because he was the legislative van cart of court reform, byrnes had been responsible for modernizing the presidential office. in the steady presidential

reform was as roosevelt put it, at the heart of the constitutional re-founding. after a two-year struggle in congress, the 1939 executive reorganization act created the executive office of the president which included the newly formed white house office, now known as the west wing. i think there's an emmy-awarding show. i think it also overhauls the bureau of the budget. the 1939 executive reorganization act in addition strengthened the chief executive control over what was becoming a maze of departments and agencies. it transformed what had once been a modest office into an institution of administrative -- and it was one that could do a whole lot more on its own. byrnes tried to institute at congressional -- sometimes my mind jumps ahead -- or behind. he tries congressional deliberation but he also shared the vision of an executive centered administrative state,

one that would be accountable to but not dominated by congress. ever sensitive to the aspect of the new deal revolution, byrnes argued that an energetic and independent presidency would reinvigorate, not destroy, the american constitutional tradition. in spirit if not in name, he tapped into the hip-hop star alexander hamilton's claim that president at home and abroad should pursue a distinctive and arduous enterprise for the public benefit. i have not been able to get tickets to that plane. to have a dream with byrnes and fdr. -- to that play. to have a dream with byrnes and fdr, roosevelt called jimmy byrnes to his bedside just two days after the japanese attack

on pearl harbor where he asked the associate justice to deploy his legislative and administrative expertise in mobilizing the nation to war. byrnes had just delivered his first opinion, and after the white house called on him to assist in the war effort, he devoted every available minute to what he called the extracurricular activities of his justice ship. he not only used his legal acumen from years of service in u.s. congress but as an associate justice, he was particularly well-suited to drive the nation on the constitutionality on the ambitious administrative actions necessary for the war. roosevelt's attorney general was in constant communication with justice byrnes throughout december 1941. their correspondence shows their task was to weed out all serious interferences with our war effort and to strengthen the executive control over the federal apparatus.

in fact, roosevelt insisted that all persons proposing new executive powers or the reorganization had to first talk to jimmy byrnes and francis about it. significantly, justice byrnes had final approval on the wording, legal rationale, and messages to congress explaining. most important was his active involvement in getting the senate war power acts through congress. here justice byrnes acted as senator byrnes would have, telephoning house leaders and taking pleasure that the bills passed congress and record time. byrnes finally resigned from the court on october 5, 1942 but in an important sense he remained a judge.

using the power granted by the 1939 executive reorganization act, roosevelt created a new agency especially well-suited for justice byrnes, the office of economic stabilization. as director of this agency charged with controlling inflation, byrnes arbitrated as a judge would with a constant influence over program jurisdiction and the battle over distribution of resources between civilians and military production that threatened to hamstring the war effort. with roosevelt dedicated to diplomacy on a two-front war, he needed a transcendent leader that only a former justice could provide. as roosevelt put it to byrnes, in these jurisdictional disputes i want you to act as a judge.

i will let it be known your decision is my decision and that there is no deal for all practical purposes, you will be my assistant president. as his title foretold, byrnes commanded an extraordinary amount of power to oversee the economy. the new york times labeled him our number one stabilizer while the liberal newspaper p.m. celebrated this newcomer. byrnes operated behind the scenes, his attention to detail, his mastery of both administrative and parliamentary procedure help the federal government stabilize the national economy. most successful and controversial was the wartime production policy byrnes implemented. the president told the line on

it. on executive order which byrnes drafted. years of depression had left the economy in a fragile and uncertain state. instability in prices and wages during the war threatened to bring the country to its knees. in the face of such a crisis, byrnes took extraordinary action to renegotiate and mobilize wages and prices across the economy. even when defense industries were ordered to work 48 hours per week and the workers were only paid for 40 hours or when the union had promised a celery bump which byrnes felt he had to deny. byrnes also oversaw the national russian quotas -- national rationing quotas to prevent a generation of according nation -- of a hoarding nation.

and he made sure prices were set to even when consumers were willing to pay more than the set price. the biggest challenge of roosevelt's hold the line order came with the coal miner strikes up 1943 and 1944 lead by a powerful and controversial head of the united mine workers john l lewis, the straits -- it threatened to append the war efforts and roosevelt economic policy. i the end of 1943, byrnes feared the united states might not have enough coal to continue the fight in a total war effort. at the urging of byrnes, roosevelt ordered a compelling but tough fireside chat. the executive order ordered the interior department to seize and

operate the coal mines for the united states government. it called upon all minors miners'patriotic sense to return to the mine in work for their government. a compromise was eventually secured but the government battle with united mine workers and federal control of the minds continued well into 1944 and this led to the reduction of steel output to dangerously low levels and it also spread unrest over wage demands from cold to rubber in engineering plants. during the struggle, roosevelt relied on burdens not only his efforts to control organized labor but also to deal with the

mine owners, who obviously deeply resented the governments operation of their property. caught in the middle of this, birds begin to fear that his principal role in forcing the wage in price line had hurt roosevelt's political standing. it did not help that he hailed from the south end came from the frontlines of opposition to an emerging industrial labor movement. he offered to fall on his sword but as a sign of how important the assistant president was to roosevelt, the president not only refused his resignation but he also sought to draw on his partner's vast experience in foreign affairs. together they sketched out a new role of director of mobilization which byrnes officially entered into in 1943. it is hard to imagine the byrnes role serving the president could grow any larger but as director

for mobilization he was not aware responsible for controlling wages and prices, but he also was directly in charge of managing the nation's defense industry. with roosevelt increasingly abroad in late 1943 and 1944, bernsen affect became the czar of the wartime economy. this is my favorite example. is next to precaution, the president before traveling out of the country signed blanket executive orders which were locked in jimmy byrnes's safe. and an emergency, byrnes was to unlock the safe and fill out the executive order calling for whatever actions he thought necessary. you cannot make stuff like that up. byrnes's management of this was an executive success.

the real complication of his service came with the transition back to peace. with words and roosevelt experience the economic and social convulsions at the end of the first world war. the trials of woodrow wilson. he understood the challenger for restoring some separation between state and the barrier that was breached by the war. failure to maintain high levels of employment as millions of men came back to work. failure to keep prices stable when the army and navy stopped buying goods. the economic defeatism that no doubt would affect many returning veterans. these challenges, as byrnes put it, created a crossroads to nobly gain or to meanly lose the hope of the world. with hindsight, we know how this turns out.

their work 20 years of unparalleled prosperity and the crystallization of new deal liberalism but it was a transition mapped out by the president and his assistant president for the remainder of roosevelt's life. in restoring a degree of separation between government and business, these two strange bedfellows confirmed that a strong presidency, one that could provide for greater sense of security at home in the broad -- and abroad need not become addicted to ownership. -- need not become a dictatorship. closing, i want to stress

that the byrnes-roosevelt ownership was a powerful fault line that eventually fractured. this odd coupling was so important because roosevelt's constitutional revolution might never have gotten off the ground without assistance from the south. ground zero of opposition of roosevelt's grand experiment in forging the presidency. byrnes could not prevent southern resistance to fdr's most ambitious plan, but the most highly regarded set of former senators from south carolina in support of byrnes for the constitutional transformation roosevelt heralded and it went really far i think to ensure that the new deal would not go against the republican party or be confined to the north. another was born and became part

of america's living constitution, with strong national support as the embodiment of a new nationalism. the national scope was especially important with the approach of war. southern democrats proposed great faith in an assistant president who was a north carolinian, giving roosevelt's steadfast support to support of england and its allies. it mobilized a highly diverse nation for total war. just as the north and west invested their hope in freedom, so the south became a bedrock of freedom from fear. what a partnership between roosevelt and felix frankfurter, clearly an ally of the new deal accomplish this allocated joining of the two pillars of the new deal charter? that is a question worth pondering and one that offers us insights into the indispensable alliance between the patrician and self-made politician from the heart of the confederacy. what i want to say finally, and this is of course well-known to,

is that civil rights was the serpent in the new deal garden of evil. knowing this, roosevelt undertook modest reform. in truth, roosevelt shared byrnes position that jim crow was a problem to be solved gradually as byrnes put it, by the white people of the south. but seeing how intransigent the tension between his northern and southern flanks were, roosevelt chose not to place the assistant president on the ticket with him in 1944. the assistant president would not become roosevelt spice -- vice president.

he turned instead to the border state moderate harry truman. byrnes was really embittered by roosevelt's spurning of his candidacy and he had a very -- tense relationship with truman. he was -- he earned time magazine's man of the year 1947 four helping a nervous nation. but when truman made assaults on the ramparts of jim crow by integrating the armed services and by supporting the naacp suit against segregation in public schools, byrnes cut his ties with the president. it was this extension of the new deal civil rights above all that aroused byrnes successful pursuit of south carolina's governorship in 1950. four years into his term as governor, he became the leader of a massive resistance to the 1954 landmark case brown versus

board of education. like many southerners, byrnes lambasted the decision as an intrusion on state sovereignty but he drew on his experiences a former justice to showcase its suppose it problems and to help groom a generation of would-be segregationists. byrnes abandoned the new deal democratic party had worked so diligently to build, never again casting his vote for democratic presidential candidate. before his death in april 1972, byrnes final political act was to help richard nixon divide the southern statutes that would realign the nation's political geography. in doing so, he helped pull the modern presidency into the vortex of a fierce partisan struggle for the services of an executive-centered state.

amid this struggle, which is less north and south, as a strange does these regions have been through the war, the institution of the modern president which byrnes played such a strong part in construction remains at the center of our political storm. all presidents, democrat and republican, liberal and conservative, have embraced the modern executive office. other than seek to roll back the national state on the new deal political order, republican president since nixon have sought to redeploy it as a force for conservative process. law and order, and the protection of family values. it think this is the ironic -- as we say in philly, and he now

meant -- d now meant of the highly consequential relationship between franklin roosevelt and jimmy byrnes. and this is what they have left us to follow. -- left us to solve. thank you very much. [applause] >> thank you professor milkis for that fantastic talk on james byrnes and his service as a supreme court justice and as assistant president. as we think about a justice in today's court serving that role, it really makes you think, doesn't it? we look forward to reading your article based on this lecture in a future journal of supreme court history. once again, thank you justice

breyer for sponsoring stevens lecture. i want to take a quick moment to celebrate a lesser side of the supreme court. food traditions have always been important here. justices have always sought to break bread together to support cordiality. the courts latest book on food traditions is about to roll off the presses. this book provides a fascinating glimpse into the culinary customs of the court with behind the scenes photographs and of the judges at lunch, the cafeteria, and going away dinners, and in chambers. it features recipes associated with the justices and their families from john marshall's punch to mrs. neil gorsuch is english marmalade and it reveals the culinary habits of the justices and how they sustain themselves up the bench. a recipe for charleston trip by

--shrimp pie is in the book in will be served tonight at our reception. the book includes many christmas and holidays recipe. the reception will be held next to the gift shop, which will be open. books by justice breyer as well as numerous holiday items are available for purchase. with that, we are adjourned. thanks to. [applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2017]

>> we are in front of the world war i memorial in lynchburg, virginia. c-span is learning more about local history. during world war i, the city served as a manufacturing center . up next, we will look inside the lynchburg history museum to learn more and