. . . . .

. . .

in one year, anti-semitic incidents have increased by nearly 60%. and frankly, it's coming from all sides. phillip spencer, an emeritus professor of holocaust and genocide studies at king on the university, has documented now the nazis were able to build a movement based on anti-semitism. it's because the political parties never pushed back, not the social democrats or the communists in germany and not the resistance across the continent. we've got to the remember this because the obscene call of anti-semitism must be condemned every time it is heard. [ applause ] and it's easy for us to look at

another country or political party and say enough, do better. it is a tougher conversation when the problem is in our own tent. but we know that we cannot look the other way when people who would otherwise be our progressive allies speak out of ignorance or fear or convenience and they cross a moral line. and so we need to engage in dialogue with people who don't understand, who have questions about israel's founding and israel's current actions. we have to engage. but we have to show people where the moral lines are. [ applause ] which brings me to the second thread of american support for israel, and that is the smothering of debate and dialogue here if the united states. [ applause ] the parameters around our debate have gotten dangerously out of control. it's to the point where, if you're not willing to see the united states pick any fight on behalf of the israeli

government, then you're not a friend of israel. but we should not be afraid of debates or disagreements. these are the marks of democracy, not to mention the essence of what it means to be jewish. [ applause ] growing up in honolulu, my dad argued about israel with head of my religious school, who argued with my rabbi, who argued with me. traveled to israel with the national federation of temple youth, i already knrgued with m about israel. and you'll argue amongst yourselves. it's what we do. . we are not a monolith on these issues. that's our tradition as americans and as jews. instead of fearing debate, we should fear belligerence and blind devotion. [ applause ]

scott purrlow, a rabbi of a congregation, as talked about the beauty and ethical understanding that jewish homelessness has given us throughout history. that remains true today. we can still bring great clarity to the jewish moral vision. and it's in the jewish interests in israel and others around the world to be able b to listen to different perspectives. so here's my view. we should not go back on a two-state solution. [ applause ] we should not move the u.s. embassy to jerusalem and accept as a condition of a peace process. we should not pull out of the iran deal, which is the only thing keeping nuclear weapons out of the hands of our enemy. and we should take in as many refugees from syria as we are

capable of taking in. [ applause ] and if you don't agree with every single one of my views on israel or american foreign policy, that's okay. we can carve out some space in the american political sphere for a difference of opinion. but at the moment, that space is far too small and far too private. if you look at my positions and put them in the '80s or '90s, they would be mainstream. if you compare my views on israel to the views of the american public right now, i'd probably be right in the middle. but in congress, i am on the left edge. and that cannot hold. in 2016, less than half of jewish americans felt that the israeli government was sincere in its pursuit of peace, and younger jews in the united states are even more doubtful. they are likely to say that the united states gives too much

support for israel. and we know that israel faces the danger of anti-semitism and the danger of foreign and domestic threats, but it also faces a more foundational danger if american political support for israel is undermined. if we don't allow robust debate, allow people to feel comfortable about the existence of israel while questioning its government, periodically, over time the american/israeli relationship itself will fray. [ applause ] and so, i'm committed to making the democratic party a big tent pro-israel party where there's room for everyone from bernie sanders to me to chuck schumer. [ applause ] and i am committed to growing the number of progressives who care about israel. but we do have a lot of work to do. as dr. king wrote in his letter

from birmingham, human progress does not roll in on wheels of inevitability. progress for israel, progress for democracy, and progress for peace will only come if we do the hard work and we do it ourselves. we are in a moment when the work is daunting. at times it feels like a worst-case scenario. but if there's one thing that i've learned from the past 15 months, it is this -- the voices of the american people make a difference. they can keep our country on track, and as long as you continue to raise your voices, we will make progress together. thank you for all you do. [ applause ] >> ladies and gentlemen, please

welcome our panel. daniel levy, member of knesset, rob mihaily. >> hello, j street. >> you would think they've been sitting here according to the response. >> yeah. so i know you like short plenaries and short panels here. we've been told to talk about setting the table for peace. but i would be remiss if i didn't first just say how great it feels to be here on the tenth anniversary of j street. >> yay. [ applause ]

for me, looking back when we were still thinking what the name would be, drafting the first papers with jeremy, the first pictures, and j street's gone from strength to strength and amazing leadership by jeremy. and if you'd have told me -- if you'd have told me ten years ago this is where we'd be, i don't think i'd have imagined it could have been this much of an achievement. but if you'd have told me ten years ago some other things, that might also have given me a reason to pause, to consider what the future holds. and maybe it's my lack of imagination. but if you'd have told me that gaza would still be under siege,

gaza and the west bank divided, the palestinian leadership, despite what we heard, still bereft of a strategy, if you'd have told me that the cast of characters in the israeli government would look as it does, that the narrative would so often be one that is offensive and racist, if you'd have told me that the leader of the new israel fund would be held for question at an airport for her political views and affiliations, or that another group, jdp, would be banned from entering israel, i -- look, i also couldn't have imagined an american president who calls his former fbi director a slime ball or that the priestly duties of the koanim would include paying hush money to porn actors.

but in setting the table for this conversation, you know, what worries me and where i think the challenge lies is it's gotten worse, but the pendulum hasn't swung back nearly enough. and what i really wouldn't have imagined is that there had been insufficient pushback and blowback and counterreaction across many fronts, of course inside israel and mera is here, she can speak for herself, i wish we had more of her, and i wish we had a more effective opposition, if i may say, including the leader of your own party, but you don't have to respond to that. >> i will. >> good.

on the palestinian side, i heard a lot, but i'm not seeing a lot. and what i heard, one of things i heard that was fascinating is that i heard listed all the villages in area c where there's nonviolent resistance. i heard about gaza and jerusalem. that's all the areas where you don't have the palestinian authority and the palestinian security forces. that's a real challenge. on the regional side, we've seen a collective shrug, not a collective roar, and an attempt to do normalization without the palestinians or even against the palestinians. the international community has again shown its robust fecklessness, and in america, it's perhaps the source of hope and also of course greater

frustration, because you see an administration so aligned with the most egregious policies of the current israeli government. but you also see what j street has achieved. i was moved by what we heard from rickie of j street u and the end of demolitions campaign. [ applause ] i was a little older than 6 months at that rally in rubbin square. and the emergence of a group like if not now. so let me just share with you, merat, to get us going, the three things that have been on my mind in terms of what one might do in this current situation, because i do not believe that right now, in this precarious moment, is a time for

grand initiatives, actually. i don't think there's a silver bullet. i do not want to do the injustice to the english language of coining the phrase "trump peace plan." i have no expectations from this administration. where that leads me to focus is three things. number one, hold the line. hold the line on '67, on international law, on opposing what's gone on with jerusalem. hold the line also of the logical sequence of the arab peace initiative. the future of israel will be determined by how israel interacts with the palestinians, those under direct occupation in the west bank, indirect occupation in gaza, in "the twilight zone" of east jerusalem. those were second-class citizens

and the diaspora. it will not be determined by whether flights to and from israel happen to cross saudi air space. or whether there are meetings, official, unofficial, between the israelis and gulf officials. that's not going to determine it. hold the line. two, for me this is so much about the incentive and disincentive structure. how do you change -- and this is difficult, i know, and it's difficult for an israeli patriot and for yourself -- how do you change the cost/benefit calculation? it's great to have incentives for peace, but what are the disincentives for continuing with the status quo? how do we create accountability? and i wonder how one and when one more effectively revisits

the question of sanctioning. and whether we should make common cause with some of the most regrettable elements in the community and beyond. progressives on an end game or some may. but surely we have more in common and surely the instrumentalizing of anti-semitism and the misdefining of anti-semitism is undermining the struggle against anti-semitism. israel should not be held to a lower standard, and israel should not be used as the vehicle for launching attacks on civil rights and freedom of speech. i disagree with something i heard earlier. i think there should be a u.n. database on companies involved in the settlements and it should

be published and it's the right thing to do. [ applause ] and my third thing is gaza is born of a political crisis, but it's a political situation. we have to address the politics. gaza can't be a mini state. gaza can't be a protectorate of egypt. i think there are much common ground inside the israeli security establishment that things they are doing the wrong thing there and maybe even some possibility for movement within the development. those are the three initial thoughts i wanted to share with you. >> emphasis initial. >> and perhaps final as well. mirav, i don't know how you see

the way out of the impasse that we're clearly in. >> okay. [ cheers and applause ] well, daniel, who became ten years older during this time -- [ laughter ] >> no, not now. not now. i mean since the first j street convention. seriously that's what i meant. he doesn't remember that he's responsible to bringing me to the first j street convention and long before i was in politics or at least in formal politics. i had the privilege of being in washington in the first j street convention and to remember if you think that you are excited and energized about what's

happening now, you have no idea those of you who weren't here ten years ago, because you were far too young to be allowed to go out of the house alone. and this energy that was then and is here now is part of the ability of this camp that believes in peace and believes in the two-state solution as a way for peace, sustainable real peace and as a way for israel to be sustainable and secure and the homeland of the jewish people. mind you, all of the jewish people without distinctions. [ applause ] >> in these ten years we, all of us, are now in a much more -- unfortunately, in a much more i

would say defensive almost corner. a lot has become much more difficult. the situation in many angles has become much more dire, and it has become more difficult for us to fight for what we believe in. so when i said i will comment on your saying about the opposition in israel, i do want to make you think about democrats in america in the last year.

okay? think and keep in mind that the opposition in israel has been living under this kind of regime for 25 years already. ever since the incitement against the accord that was supposed to bring the two-state solution with peace to israel and palestine. the people who did not want this to happen are still working to make sure that this doesn't happen. and unfortunately, ever since then, most of the time they've been in power. now, the opposition in israel, which consists of the zionist union and the movement of labor as chair right now and other

partners have not strayed from its way of working towards two states and peace and democracy and israel as the jewish democratic home of the jewish people. not strayed. [ applause ] >> i want to assure you that, because i know how trendy it is to speak about how the opposition is not good enough, not loud enough, not successful enough. well, sometimes we ourselves, yes, we wish that we had been able to throw away the government that we think is doing israel wrong. but you know what? no opposition in the world ever managed to throw down a government. it's always the government that

brings down itself. and i have news for you. this government will bring itself down as well. [ applause ] >> now, keeping the line which you referred to, daniel, is not as easy as well on either frontier. because we have a government that works actively and formally. they're not hiding it as they used to in the past. they're working towards annexation. they're working towards killing the mere option of a two-state solution. we are fighting that as best we can. we are voting against whatever legislation proposal that they're bringing. we are filibustering every initiative that they bring. we are shouting as loud as we possibly can, but we are facing

the same incitement and delegitimatization. this is the same dynamic. these are the same forces and they are even more self-confident today. and we have to fight it even stronger than we had to in the past. your partnership is super important for us to be able to do this. so thank you. [ applause ] >> i've been listening to you. i'm here for two days. i had the pleasure of speaking on some sessions and listening to you. i mean, i listened to the speakers, but i listened to you.

and i heard you applauding so strong and so enthusiastically when people talk about the victims or the people that you consider to be the victims. but i didn't -- it hurt me, actually, to hear you not applauding when the last speaker said that he believes in the state of israel and its right to exist and its right to security and the importance of it. [ applause ] >> it's easy to get confused. i'm saying this because this is something that we have to deal with constantly. but i think it was -- it's always attributed to him, your british author, who said

patriotism means to support your country at any time and your government only when it deserves it. but don't mix between the two. [ applause ] >> i said in my inaugural speech which took place five years ago, israel is in a strong and secure place maybe more than ever before. i strongly believe from this place israel must take initiative to find a solution for the conflict with the palestinians specifically and with the arab world and certainly there is a big part of the arab world that wants it

today more than ever, and find a solution and work towards the possible peace. [ applause ] >> we should do that in partnership with our current enemies, but we should not relieve them from their responsibility to doing everything they can on their part to contribute to an effort of peace. [ applause ] >> so i'll conclude for now by saying that sometimes i feel we are in the midst of a tragedy. israelis and palestinians are too often like a [ bleep ] up marriage.

there is so much potential there. we just need good counseling. [ laughter ] [ cheers and applause ] >> unfortunately, there isn't one right now around, but i'm sure and certain and i know that there will be. and one last thing. this session is called setting the table for -- what was it? >> peace, i believe, yes. >> you know, when i was in eighth grade, they split the classroom in school and the boys were sent to study electronics, whereas the girls were sent to study household management.

no, don't boo. don't boo. for civilizations it has been girls and women who have specialized in setting tables. [ laughter ] >> so this is one other thing that will contribute a lot to not only setting the table for peace but also getting one, when we have more women in the process. [ cheers and applause ] >> all i can follow that with is to promise you that when mirav

and myself normally sit down for a conversation, it does not consist of two ten-minute speeches at each other and then we leave and part ways. unfortunately, that's today's conversation. i invite you to come to a cafe in tel-aviv to witness the other kind of conversation we have. i'll say one short thing in response to what you said. [ laughter ] >> i do want to say this, because mirav made an important point about imagine what you're going through now, carrying on for 15 years. my comment on that is, do not let the abnormal become normal. [ applause ] >> and one of the things that i think happened in israel is that we didn't know how to pull back the conversation and people kept thinking, okay, we'll just move a little more here, a little more here.

and you never know when to stop. and that is a mistake, i believe, politically, strategically that we have to pull ourselves back from. so ends the conversation between daniel and mirav. [ applause ] ladies and gentlemen, please welcome the senator from vermont, senator bernie sanders. [ cheers and applause ] >> thank you.

thank you! thank you. i think we're in friendly territory. thank you very much. and let me -- [ cheers and applause ] >> and let me provide greetings to all of you from around the united states, from europe and especially those who have come from israel and palestinian. welcome. [ applause ] >> and it is an honor to be with you today. i also want to give a special greeting to many of the students who -- [ cheers and applause ]

>> and as i travel around the country, i have to say that when we talk about the future of the united states, i am very confident given the young people that i have seen, their energy and their idealism is going too make this country become what it must become. thank you, young people. [ cheers and applause ] >> i want to thank j street for inviting me to address your conference today and for the courage that you have shown in tackling some enormously contentious issues. now more than ever we need organizations like j street, who are prepared to break with failed policies of the past which have led us into a world of increased militarism, hatred

and never-ending wars. too often our foreign policy debate here in washington is dominated by those whose answer is to drop more bombs as we saw in syria a few days ago rather than engage in the hard work of diplomacy and negotiation. [ applause ] >> and i want you to think about this. but after 17 years of war in afghanistan, after 15 years of war in iraq, after years of growing hostility and armed conflict between israel and the palestinians, after growing

tensions between sunni and shia forces throughout the entire region, after the expenditure of millions of dollars and massive loss of life and displacement, it is clear that we need a new direction in attempting to bring peace, stability and justice to the middle east. [ cheers and applause ] >> and i applaud j street for the important role that they are playing in that process. my friends, the issues that we are dealing with are enormously complicated. nobody i know has any simple or magical answers to them and real solutions will require a great deal of hard work. but what i do know is that the

united states of america, our great country, should lead the world with a foreign policy which emphasizes the need to bring nations together, which focuses on diplomacy and international cooperation rather than a foreign policy that is committed to the use of military force. [ cheers and applause ] and let me also say this. as someone who believes absolutely and unequivocally in israel's right to exist and to exist in peace and security, as someone who as a young man lived in israel for a number of months and is very proud of his jewish

heritage, as someone who is deeply concerned about the global rise of anti-semitism and all forms of racism, we must say loudly and clearly that to oppose the reactionary policies of prime minister netanyahu does not make us anti-israel. [ cheers and applause ] >> i would like to stress today that one of the places where a new turn toward diplomacy and cooperation is desperately needed is gaza.

after being blockaded for over a decade, the situation in gaza is now a humanitarian disaster. a 2012 u.n. report predicted that if current trends continued, gaza would become unlivable. a follow-up report last year said that day might have already come. according to the israeli human rights group, quote, the coastal aquifer, which gaza relies on as its primary saltwater source, has been polluted by overpumping and waste water contamination. as a result, 96% of the water pumped from the aquifer and supplied for domestic use in gaza is unsafe to drink, end of quote. according to oxfam, this water pollution is among the factors

causing a dramatic increase in kidney problems among gaza's residents. according to the world bank, nearly 80% of gaza's residents receive some form of humanitarian aid. unemployment is over 40%. among the young people, it is even higher, nearly 60%. and let me repeat that. youth unemployment in gaza today is nearly 60%. it is hard for me to imagine how peace and stability will come to an area where so many young people have given up hope for a decent future. this is an issue we must address. [ cheers and applause ]

>> earlier this year, israeli security officials warned that the humanitarian crisis in gaza increases the chance of incidents at the border fence turning deadly. israeli security officials also believe conditions in gaza could worsen to the point of a total collapse of order in that territory, leading to all-out confrontation between and among various factions in gaza and with israel. that is what happens when people are desperate and have no options. there is much blame to go around for the horrific conditions in gaza. hamas, due to its ongoing repression, corruption and insistence on pursuing a violent struggle against israel, bears

significant responsibility for the deteriorating situation. [ applause ] >> israel is to blame as well. [ applause ] >> while israel withdrew its forces from within gaza in 2005, its continuing control of gaza's air, sea and northern, southern and eastern borders and its restrictions on the freedom of movement of people and legitimate goods and equipment in and out of gaza have made the humanitarian crisis there even worse. egypt and the palestinian authority have also contributed to this problem, as has the united states. [ applause ] >> now, as all of us know, over

the past weeks there have been a series of large demonstrations by the palestinian people in gaza. tens of thousands of people have demonstrated near the fence dividing gaza from israel to protest against the blockade, against the occupation and for the right to return to their former homes inside israel. israeli forces were commanded to respond by opening fire on the crowd with a combination of live ammunition and rubber coated bullets. over the past several weeks, over 30 palestinians have been killed, including a journalist who was clearly identified and well over a thousand demonstrators have been injured. though the overwhelming majority

of these protesters were nonviolent, we know that some of them were not. and when israeli soldiers are in danger, we can all agree that they have a right to defend themselves. [ applause ] >> but i don't think that any objective person can disagree that israel has massively overreacted to these demonstrations. [ applause ] >> as a "new york times" editorial put it last week, and i quote, the right of palestinians to demonstrate peacefully should not be controversial. journalists have a right to work and people have a right to demonstrate peacefully. [ cheers and applause ] >> and to assume -- and this is

the "new york times" -- and to assume that responsible authorities will ensure that they can do so without being shot, end of quote. i support the statement last week from several of my colleagues in the house of representatives calling on palestinians to protest peacefully and on israel to fully comply with international law and exercise the utmost restraint in their use of deadly force. [ applause ] >> i understand that the netanyahu government is trying to make this all about hamas in order to delegitimize the occupation. the hamas presence among a crowd of tens of thousands does not justify the level of violence we saw. frankly, it is amazing to me

that anyone would find that point of view controversial. [ applause ] >> i have condemned hamas's use of terrorist violence and will continue to do so. but that violence cannot excuse shooting of unarmed protesters. and it cannot excuse trapping almost 2 million people inside of gaza. [ cheers and applause ] >> in my view, the united states must play a more aggressive and even-handed role in ending the gaza blockade and helping palestinians and israelis build a future that works for all.

and if the white house is unable to do that, congress must take the lead. [ applause ] >> let me make a point now that is much too rarely made, because what we're talking about is something that is extremely complicated and the blame goes all over this world. but what we should also be focusing on is that while we rightfully criticize the netanyahu government for its obstructionism and for its unwillingness to seriously negotiate with palestinians, we must also demand that the incredibly wealthy regional states and kingdoms in the area play a new and much more positive role in helping to rebuild gaza and bring stability

to the region. now, we don't talk about this a lot, but i read a story the other day about the crown prince of saudi arabia. he was, as you know, just in the united states for a visit. and you might have seen one of the 50 different tv and newspaper interviews that he did. in any case, as i understand it, the crown prince recently purchased a $500 million yacht. because he thought it looked nice. well, i'm sure that it did look nice. and i am sure that the $300 million mansion that he owns -- the wealthiest, most expensive

mansion in the world, that also looks nice. but what i say to the crown prince and the other multibillionaire leaders in the region, stop just talking about the poverty and misery in gaza. do something about it! [ cheers and applause ] i read the other day that the saudi king pledged $50 million to unra, which is the u.n. agency that works with palestinian refugees. and $50 million is not a small sum of money. but let us not forget that that is 10% of what the crown prince

paid for his yacht. [ applause ] the problem of gaza, clearly, is only one part of the broader conflict between israel and the palestinians. and here i am, very concerned about the policy of the trump administration regarding the two-state solution. i know that this week my friends in israel will observe your memorial day. the remembrance of those who have fallen in the fence of the state of israel. and we honor those who have fallen. my friends, i believe that the best way to honor the memories of those who have died in

defense of our countries is to strive for a future of peace. [ cheers and applause ] when i look at the middle east, i see our ally, israel, making enormous technological advances with the capacity to serve as an engine of innovation and prosperity for the entire region. [ applause ] that is what the future must be. yet they are unable to achieve this today, because of the unresolved conflict with the palestinians. and i see a palestinian people crushed underneath a military occupation now in its 50th year, creating a daily reality of pain, humiliation and

resentment. ending that occupation and enabling the palestinians to have independence and self-determination in a sovereign economically viable state of their own is in the interests of the united states, israel, the palestinians, and the entire region. [ applause ] unfortunately, prime minister netanyahu and his allies seem to be preparing for a very different future, a future in which israel controls the entire territory between the mediterranean and the jordan river in perpetuity, and the palestinians are at best provided limited autonomy within a disconnected series of cantons. the settlements continue to

grow, slowly diminishing the chances for any peaceful resolution. but building more settlements will not bring peace. demolishing palestinians' homes and villages will not bring peace. [ cheers and applause ] last year, as some of you may know, i wrote a letter to prime minister netanyahu, along with nine of my senate colleagues, protesting the deeply inhumane policy of demolishing palestinian villages. and i want to take this opportunity to thank j street for your support on this issue.

frankly, i wish donald trump was as committed as you are to the cause of peace and stability in the middle east. but to say the least, that does not appear to be the case. and that is an understatement. even though he claims to want to make the ultimate deal, that deal is now further away than it has ever been. and trust in the united states as an honest and even-handed broker is almost nonexistent. and one of the main reasons for that is president trump's extremely unwise decision to recognize as the capital of israel. [ applause ]

everybody knew that at some point, the united states was going to make this recognition. but the idea was that we would do it at the end of a process, in a way that recognized the importance of jerusalem to all people, to jews, to christians, muslims, and the palestinian people. [ applause ] instead, by recognizing only its importance to israel, president trump has severely undermined the peace process. friends, let me also say that i am very concerned that the trump administration still has not stated its support for the two-state solution as a goal.

because if we do not have a two-state solution, what will we have? if palestinians in the occupied territories are to be denied self-determination in a state of their own, will they receive full citizenship and equal rights in a single state? these are very serious questions with significant implications for the united states, broader regional partnerships and goals for our interests and our values. we should not ever downplay the political challenges of reaching a solution. they are very, very difficult. but if we have faith in the future, if we are prepared to work hard, if we were prepared to go to the negotiating table, they are doable. we can accomplish that goal.

the truth is that the parameters of the solution are well-known. they are based in international law. they are based in multiple united nations security council resolutions. and they are supported by an overwhelming international consensus. two states negotiated based on the 1967 lines with jerusalem as the capital of both states. [ applause ] my friends, before i end, i would like to take a moment to touch upon some new and emerging challenges our societies are now facing. not just in israel or the united states, but all over the world. as i think we are all aware, the

last several years have seen very troubling political developments. and that is the rise of intolerant, authoritarian political movements and governments which are attacking the very foundations of democratic rule. these movements have drawn strength from the fact that at a time of increased globalization, climate change, exploding technology, growth in oligarchy, kleptocracy, and corruption, massive levels of income and wealth inequality, and millions of immigrants fleeing war-torn regions, more and more people all over the world have come to see their governments as ineffective and not delivering for them or their children. and in the midst of all of that,

we have leaders like president trump and many others who are willing to exploit these frustrations for their own political and economic ends. [ applause ] instead of bringing us together to resolve these difficult global crises, these demagogues attempt to try and divide us up by the color of our skin, by the country we came from, by our gender or our religion or our sexual orientation. and i say to president trump and to other leaders around the world who are using that political strategy, in this country, we have struggled for

too many years against all forms of discrimination, against african-americans, against jews, against latinos, against italians, against the irish, against the gay community. we have struggled too long and have come too far. we are not going back to bigotry and discrimination. [ cheers and applause ] as history has reminded us time and time again, the antidote to hatred, division, and resentment is to bring people together around a shared vision of equality and prosperity, of

creating governments that work for all people, not just the few. brothers and sisters, we have an enormous amount of work in front of us in so many areas, and no area for this planet is more important in terms of trying to create peaceful resolutions than is the cauldron of the middle east. so i just want to thank j street and i want to thank all of you for having the courage to get involved in this issue. and while today we look around us with deep concern, i am absolutely convinced that the future will belong to those of us who believed in peace and in justice, not those who believed in bigotry and hatred. thank you all very much.

[ cheers and applause ] we take you live now to the house foreign affairs committee, holding a hearing to discuss u.s. policy in the middle east. witnesses include acting assistant secretary of state for near eastern affairs david satterfield and assistant secretary of state for european and eurasian affairs, wess mitchell.