lot of -- there is a lot in common between the goldwater campaign and the mccain campaign, both oppose nomination, and do you think that is true, and what does that mean? also, i constantly hear from people that you just cannot replicate the structure, the institutions of the right but that instead, we have to make new infrastructures that are adapted to the needs of today. what does that mean? what is an example? people keep saying it, but there is never anything behind it, and least in my experience. >> both the goldwater general election campaign in 1964 and the john mccain campaign of 2008 were conducted by -- by a very bad dysfunctional party, so i think there are a lot of similarities there. >> and i think he posed a question about why cannot the old tactics were, and we have

talked about exactly what we can learn from the conservative movement and the things they did. there were some organizational decisions they made, some ideas about how they chose to behavior, that we're very, very affective for them, which could be effective for us. there are areas where the things that they do would be very much betrayal of our issues, and for those, we have defined strategies. . -- we have to find strategies. . conservatives, they live and breed and community -- communicate in community. your ability to organize and get a message out, to explain to a candidate who we are and here is who they are, they have had more effective structures for doing that. i have talked about other ways we can do that outside of the church. i am still trying to figure out how we can do this. inside we want to be in a

relationship with people other than our wives and mothers, and real community. we can have the kind of conversations that really help. >> for those of you who know --, we know that the most aggressive and progressive reforms after the great crash, and the depression took only about 50 years to complete get crashed. is there a mechanism we can build in, into this new round of reforms that will prevent us from getting destroyed again,

3040 years into the future? >> you are referring, i am from kansas city, so i am partial to your university. you are referring to what is called -- the idea being euphoria leads to panic. the classic panic as the 1920's. you saw it in the recent housing bubble. euphoria causes crazy over building and then you have collapsed. how do you stop it? the central bank in our country, the federal reserve and regulators have the power to stop the ball. it has to be a part of their mission. up until now, it hasn't been. look at the various statement of

chairman greenspan over the last 10 years as this was building up. the idea that it was his responsibility to keep this from happening, he said no way. plus, an orthodox circles they don't believe in baubles -- there can be no room for central banker to do this. i think 40 years is the best run we can expect. everything changes. economy and technology changes, society changes. we need to have these breakdowns every once in awhile, according to the new model.

there are things in our world that don't work. any order that stands, has a finite stand. the idea that we will always have progressivism, whatever we build now will not last through the ages. >> i think we all know that the movement of conservatism embraced extremism as a part of the death -- debt spiral we are in right now. it is not altogether, there is

also a pragmatic aspect of it. even though it is guaranteed to marginalize and drive them further out into the political wilderness, it does have a certain practical effect. the best example is gun control. everybody is so afraid of bringing up in control, because they are afraid it will set off not cases. it has a practical effect, when the doctor was assassinated yesterday, it took of one of the three doctors in america who actually performed those procedures. there are only two doctors left in the u.s. who will perform the procedure. . .

um, i speak as someone, dear friend of mine, had her life saved by a late-term abortion procedure such as that, that the doctor performed and the notion that bill o'reilly would go on tv every day and say this man murders babies for profit and for no other reason is beyond the pale. and yes, now one of the things is people are now looking into what he does and they are finding out that it is quite humanitarian and no longer buy the lies he does. meanwhile, we're left with a corpse, a martyr, and one of the -- basically one of the problems in the strategy is well maybe they'll become really extreme and irrelevant

is you get people who are more and more irrelevant and frustrated and more and more ugly and pure so obama's inclusion is more important than i ever imagined it to be. so that's my thought on that. >> one of the truisms about right-wing violence in the united states is there are a lot of people on the left who say they have lot of power and so much power that they are starting to go violent but the reality is they resort to violence when they are losing power. it's a last sort of acting out and a sign actually of low power and decreasing power and acting out and should be view that had way. >> i'm actually from not from kansas city but kansas and kansas city spills takeover state line, and extremism is or has been, has a history of being very, very useful on the

right and very, very powerful. all right? look at the language of what used to be 50 years ago was considered extremism, and is today common place. i mean, we've got a whole tv network dedicated to it constantly describing the doctor as moral outlaws and people beyond the pale. we aren't real americans, that's the thing, and in kansas demonizing the doctor was a ritual of the republican right. i mean, every -- you could come in there and you've never cared about abortion in your life but you'd get on a platform and start bad mouthing the doctor and low and bre hold you'd be eleblingted to something. they made a demon out of this man, a member of their community and they attacked him for 20 years, and i think it's testimony to the man's, you know, to some aspect of the kansas personality that the man

took it. you know? and he wouldn't give up. and he stayed there, by god, in wichita, and they shot him in his church, there's something that's just -- i mean, excuse me, it's monstrous -- i'm sorry, i'm being quiet now. >> i just have to say i agree that it's been incredibly effective because that's how they ended the whole civil rights thing, it's that's how they did it with mr. king. it's really effective. so my -- just there's this missing thing and i know it's not about that but i feel like it is, too, because if the story that we write about the past doesn't include people going to jail, it's going, you know, you look at the nixon and he didn't get i mean peached for war crimes. had he gotten i mean peached

for carter bombing cambodia and these guys, how can we write the story if no one's going to go to jail and obama's we don't want to divide the country or anything but what about these people sitting there every day? you turn on the television and you know something's wrong. >> one of the things is this kind of inquiry is a punitive process and one thing we know about this t punitive process in south africa or the way it's being conducted is it's a healing process. it's not about assigning blame. it's about getting the story straight and having everybody agree on what the narrative is how we got here and how we fix it. it's not about punishing people. the extremists interpret it that way because -- but it's not true. >> no. no. >> you can take this out of the realm of had and froid and take this out of the realm of anger

and bring it into the realm of civic repair but there's a deep pattern in post war american history and that's that every two-term american president has violated the constitution in an escalatingly way, -- and reagan and bush did it and the next one may and someone has to have the courage to stop the cycle. >> but they think they could win again. they cannot come back and they are weak and all this but you know? >> i'm sorry, one more question. >> i think i think it undermine it is public trust. if -- we have this idea that we all respect the law. if it's -- if there are these kinds of unwritten exceptions it caused people to get detached from the government. >> one more question, please.

>> you go. >> so he works for the league of young voters. [applause] >> i work >> so my name is elaina. and we work in the 13 southern states and i have to say around the movement that was not -- i went around door-knocking, and i was in the land of the libertarians because i was a libertarian who remember so excite that had someone for the first time talked to them about their kids encars rated and for the first time about how bad their education system was and how bad their water was. real things what we talk about health care about how comic not get herbs from the ground? because i don't have the money to do them and from the middle class people really struggling not the people who can't go on vacation. so i want to know.

that's to me how i feel the oppress i movement will die for us to say can we take america back when some people never had it to begin with so i really want to know how can we move past upper middle class language to actually address like poor white and black folk and brown folk that are also wanting a sovereign economy for an economy that globally works for us all and doesn't just do what we do next. [applause] >> i think one of the dangers, and this has been a danger for our world is we can win without winning with everybody. and when we do win, who really wins? and who wins first and second, third or fourth? so you know i think also, you know, different but similar, if you look at the democratic party and you look at just, i think what we're after, every

cycle. are we after certain candidates winning and a party maintaining control or are we after empowering people and learning what the issues are of esche? and addressing those. so i think there's -- there's been a long-standing problem that i do think -- here's one reason why i think obama's great is there are folks who feel they have a stake who didn't feel like they had a stake before and folks who are speaking up and forcing others to three-point them so i try to get those voices in because on some level the world is welcoming but we have a long way to go but i fundamentally think we're at risk is everyone and the folks we're talking about in particular, aren't at the table. >> and i want to give each of our panelist as chance to plug their books or whatever. is the "wall street

journal" -- you know that. [laughter] >> but you wrote a book. >> yes, it is called "what is the matter with kansas." >> there is prsente.org, which is focused on the latino community spirit -- of the latino community. >> my book on goldwater. >> thank you very much. and thank you all for being with us this afternoon. [captioning performed by national captioning institute] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2009]

princes and baracks did not have years ago. but no one to tell them there's

a grod who loves them or simply to help shape their character. every head in the room nods. so it can't be by way of scoldingal it has to be a spoken, on behalf of the defenseless, and there's a common sense about it that people -- i don't find most people argue with. the most people argue with the sense of what you said, i mean peerically the him laya -- the only people who argue were those who were so privilege that had they can actually get by without respecting the traditional forms that have worked for so long. >> and i think it's a really important question, obviously, mona, and one that's kind of hard to get your hands around. one thing i would suggest is talking about it in terms of economic as operation. if you want to succeed and get ahead in this society, this is what you need, and as long as

as we have such high illegitimate rates that we're looking for a by if you are indicated -- and the people i hang out with on the west side support the things but they are rich and pushing around baby strollers for their husbands, so it's good for them but they don't live what they preach and fur really concerned about economic inquality and really want to help people get ahead you have to have a stable foundation and the two-parent family. >> i totally agree. i belief this subject is a way for conservatives to enter into the argument we make about economics and social policy that can otherwise seem scolding on the one hand or green eye shade on the other, this is the reason to care about social mobility and the tron care about the next generation and the way in which the attack on the family, the

failure of the family is on attack is an attack on the rich and the poor, and it's not about class war fare. it's about a failure of our culture to explain to ourselves how a culture survives. and if you can look and explain why it's a an agenda why we most need in our country and caring for the people most in need need not be scolding but it is a challenge. it's very difficult to argue about the family and our kind of politics without seeming like we're lecturing. >> it's not a problem of how people should live in those terms makes the conservative momentum the movement of optimism reform and real change for a better america. we're here. >> thank you. roger reem with the fund for

american studies, governor daniels, you said something that was music to my ears and that is that we have to speak to young people and arthur brooks provideed the recent polling data that was fairly depressing and came out a month ago. could you speak more to that govern dependant and how we speak to young people who seem to have been caught up in this culture of obama? >> well, first of all, i'm not either particularly surprised or dejected at that some pollster finds some failureation with socialism or other views like that among the young. who in the room from their own experience doesn't remember how malleable your experiences were when you were young. mine were. so i think i feel game on there. and i just think that this is, first of all, as a practical strategy, we cannot forfit the

ability to be speak to the next generation, and secondly, when you do, as i said earlier, you were simply stamping yourself as a movement that it's basing forward and there's so much to say to young people right now, so much at stake for them the way they structure their families but particularly the debt that's been piled up and awaits them. if they think their student loans are a problem, just wait, and they are becoming aware of this. and i probably wrecklessly gave a commencement speech in which you they're business of standing on the shoulders of the last generation? don't do that. >> you want to hear something really depressing, and maybe martin you don't want to listen to this but i was reading buchanan's byography of reagan

and he was talking about regulate engine 1983, 1984, he had an 8 the% approval rating among the young, 82%. this reminded me last fall i was talking to someone about how i became a conservative when i was talking to a teenager and i said there was a discredited incumbent who was in time of economic turmoil and seemed to be out of events abroad and out of control and this amazingly articulate and change came on to the stage and at some point through this lit any i said oh, damn! you know? because we have the exact opposite happening now. and how you kind of crack the nut of appealing to youth again, i'm not sure i have an answer but a lot of it comes about by having answers to the key questions of the day. it's not as though reagan i think explicitly went out of

his way to appeal to youth. it's just that he seemed to have a better way. and a forward-looking attitude. >> experimental and i think naturally graph tate to folks who are in motion as opposed to in reaction of somebody else's motion. >> and i think being evidently in touch of someone we've had a problem with and assuming younger voters in particular are atuned to it's also a younger generation that's grown up with a lot of choices. that kind of internet generation of aye tunes and ebay and facebook that is not going to take well to the experience of going through a dmv-type experience to get a doctor. it's not going to take well to the economic control at the top. and if we can make that when they say socialism makes more

sense than capitalism if we can explain what they are arguing about in these terms and -- i mean, we are really -- there's always been a problem to splean death in the abstract. where the meaning of debt is very really and the effect of the next generation is getting easier and easier to explain and still makes for the economic but if they can find the way to speak to the meaninging and effect of all the this i think this will speak to some younger voters. >> rich, every entrepreneur knows the differs between entrepreneurs and non-entrepreneurs is entrepreneurs see the tragedies that everybody else sees and sees an opportunity saying i could see meaningful change there and improve money and society but your formtive years and mine gymy carter was wrecking america. in that lay the seeds of real

opportunity for political and social entrepreneurs. what's the message that we have to be implicating right now among young people and the conservative movement? >> i think the government apparently can catch the eyes of young people because it's something that they are going to ultimately pay for. but a lot of it is that we really need four things in general. and we need political horse rush, kind of new leaders, which we don't have the sbc some rising up today, we need policy, new policy that connects our principals and ideas to the challenges of the day. you need the right tone, which is another very important point the governor made, and the idea that social issues hurt the mccain campaign. i think is bunk.

but i do think there's a tonal problem there and how they talked to some culturally-charged issues, and four you need circumstances to turn your way. we don't have any four of these things right now. but you can see how they are doing to turn and in our direction, and in the absence of those four things, you know, trying to micro target specific groups, i'm not sure how useful an exercise that is. >> hmm. henry oleson with aei. i've enjoyed all of your discussions. it's almost as if you all were doctors and looking at sick patients and giving us precrippingses on how to bring the patient back to health, but i'd like you to be more clinicical, why is the patient sick in why isn't conservatives among wide people? is it largely because of events

we did or failed to do in the last few years or largely because of long-term changes and demographics with which we're currently out of touch or a mixture of the two? >> i think there's a real combination of those sorts of factors. to begin with there's an element of paying the price of our successes. if you asked a conservative in the early 1980's what the issues were you would have heard crime, tacks, health care, today it's likely none of those issues will be at the top of their list the reason is conservative successes. successful reforms from a successfully reformist conservative movement that changed the tax codes somewhat and the well fare system dramatically and changed urban law enforcement dramatically. and so that the kinds of things about which conservatives were very creative and