nuclear-weapons facilities of the united states and its allies. nor is there any plans for their disarmament. numerous resolutions are adopted against non-nuclear weapons states under pressure by the same states which used false pretext which the clear intention of denying other member states their legal rights for nuclear energy. six is the prevailing sense that is all right to use double standards. although the zionist regime stockpiles hundreds of nuclear warheads, wages numerous wars in the middle east region, and continues to threaten the people in nations of the region with acts of terror and threats of invasion, it enjoys the

unconditional support of the united states government and its allies and receives the necessary assistance to develop a nuclear weapons program. the same states impose various pressures on other members of the iaea by using false pretext of probable divergence on their peaceful activities. failing to provide even a single credible proof to substantiate their allegations. 7, equating nuclear weapons with nuclear energy -- nuclear energy is among the cleanest and cheapest sources of energy. severe climate change in environmental pollution caused by fossil fuel has intensified the need to expand the use of nuclear energy. almost 7 million barrels of oil

are needed for the continual generation of 1,000 megawatts of electricity annually, which by today pause crude oil price, which cost over $500 million -- today's crude oil price, would cost over $500 million. the cost of the same capacity with nuclear energy is $60 million. generally, the investment needed to construct and build -- start a power plant is half the cost of a power cut operating with fossil fuels during its life span. moreover, nuclear technology can be effectively and widely applied in the production of medical isotopes for diagnosis and treatment of life- threatening diseases as well as in the industrial and agricultural sectors and other fields. one of the greatest injustices

committed by nuclear weapons states is equating nuclear arms with nuclear energy as -- nuclear energy. as a matter of fact, these states seek to exclusively monopoly of those nuclear weapons and nuclear energy, because by doing so they can impose their will on the international community. these acts are against the spirit of the npt and in flagrant violation of its provision. last is the issue of like to address, which i call the imbalance in the tellers of the mandate -- the pillars of the mandate. the key mandates is the prevention of nuclear arms race. the promotion of nuclear disarmament, and non- proliferation, as well as the implementation of the inalienable rights of member states to use peaceful nuclear

energy. very difficult conditions have been put into its mechanism and regulations to supervise countries seeking the peaceful use of nuclear energy. no effective mechanism has been devised to adjust the actual threat of nuclear weapons, which should be the most important mission of the iaea half. all efforts in this respect have been limited to talks that like any binding force of guaranteed or effectiveness. the iaea has been placing every possible pressure on non-nuclear weapons states under the pretext of proliferation risks, when it should have been doing otherwise. this is where those having nuclear bombs continue to enjoy full immunity by the a e i a and exclusive rights. -- i ada and exclusive rights.

it is now clear the policy practices by some nuclear weapons states as well as with the weakness and imbalance in the npt provisions are the main cause of insecurity and serve as an incentive for the development of nuclear weapons. nuclear disarmament, the elimination of nuclear threats and non-proliferation are regarded as the greatest services establishing sustainable peace and security. the question is whether it is appropriate to grant extraordinary authority in the iaea to the nuclear weapons states and in draws them with a critical issue of nuclear disarmament -- entrust them with a critical issue of nuclear disarmament. it would be naive and irrational to expect an effective and voluntary initiative towards disarmament and non- proliferation.

some the because these states consider nuclear weapons -- simply because these states consider nuclear weapons as an evidence of their superiority. there is an iranian statement that read, a knife never cuts its own handle. expecting major arms dealers to work for security is illogical. the government of the united states, which is the main subset in the production, stockpiling, use, and threat of the usenuclen assuming the leadership role in reviewing the npt. the u.s. administration in its recently released review has announced it will neither produced nuclear weapons, nor will it attack non-nuclear weapons states with nuclear weapons, but the united states has never respected any of its

commitments, so one may ask, how much can nations possibly trust the united states do to implement this -- its commitments? what are the tools for independent implementation? they should bear in mind that in previous decades the united states has had most of its wars in conflict with those who were once its friends. furthermore, under the same initiative, some member states, which are also committed members of the of npt, have threatened to be the target of nuclear strikes. the united states government has always tried to divert public opinion's attention away from its non compliant and unlawful actions by bringing into focus misleading issues. they have recently raised the issue of nuclear terrorism as part of their efforts to maintain and upgrade their nuclear arsenal on one hand and

the verge of the world public opinion from the issue of disarmament and direct them toward sony matters on the other hand. -- towards phony matters on the other hand. farming terrorists with nuclear weapons are only conceivable -- arming terrorists with nuclear weapons are only conceivable by those countries that have nuclear weapons and have used them and also have a long record of supporting terrorists. . npt -- in its npr, the united states has kept quiet in order to concentrate pressure on certain independent nations. this is why major terrorist networks are supported by the united states intelligence agencies and the zionist regime. credible evidence is available in this connection that will be

publicized is needed during the forthcoming conference on the globe will fight against terrorism in tehran. -- the global fight against terrorism in tehran. it is noted the united states will not develop nuclear weapons, but it will continue to improve them qualitatively. the qualitative improvement of nuclear weapons is tantamount to the increasing destructive power of such weapons, which is a vertical proliferation. its stated policies are non- verifiable, because there is no provision by any independent authoritative body on the nuclear programs of the united states and its allies. by comparing the washington nuclear security summoned with the tape run nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation conference -- with the tape ran region tehr --

tehran nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation conference is to preserve their superiority over -- over other countries. all the participants sought was a world free from nuclear weapons. the motive of the conference was nuclear energy for all, nuclear weapons for nine. -- none. to realize is your main aspiration to disarm the world from nuclear weapons, to engage in non-proliferation and promote peaceful use of nuclear energy, i would like to offer the following proposal. one, review of the achievements of the npt. npt should lead to the nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation treaty, and nuclear disarmament must be put at the core of its mandate through transparent, binding,

end -- mechanism supported by solid guarantees. the establishment of an independent international communique with full authority to prepare a set of guidelines for the provisions of article 6, including planning and fully supervising nuclear disarmament and preventing proliferation. the group should conduct its work with the effective participation of all independent countries by setting a deadline for complete elimination of all nuclear weapons within a specified time table. in other words, all these nuclear weapons should be eliminated within that time table. 3, the introduction of legally

binding comprehensive security guarantees without discrimination or preconditions until the achievement of full nuclear disarmament by nuclear weapons states. if four, the immediate termination of all types of research, development, or improvement of nuclear weapons and their related facilities, as well as the introduction of a mechanism by the above-mentioned group. 5, the adoption of a legally- binding instruments on the full prohibition of production, stockpiling, improvement, proliferation, maintaining use of nuclear weapons. 6, the suspension of membership in the board of governors of the iaea for those states which use

or threaten to use nuclear weapons. the presence and political influence of these states has so far prevented the iaea from performing its mandates, particularly with regards to articles four and six of the treaties and has caused the agency to deviate from conducting its authorized mission, in particular, how could the government of the united states be a member of the board of government while it does not only used for -- it has not only use the nuclear bomb against japan but has used depleted nuclear weaponry is in the iraq war? seven, the sensation of all kinds of nuclear cooperation with non-member states and the adoption of the fact of punitive measures against all these states, which continues

8, considering any threat to use nuclear weapons for attack against peaceful nuclear facilities as a breach of international peace and security, and swift reaction from the united nations sir of cooperation of all member states with the threatening aggressor state. 9, immediate and unconditional instrumentation of the resolution adopted by the 1995 review conference on the establishment of a nuclear free zone in the middle east. 10, dismantling of nuclear weapons stationed in the military bases of the united states and its allies in other countries, including germany, italy, japan, and the

netherlands. 11, a collective effort to reform the structure of the security council. the current structure of the security council is extremely unfair and inefficient and mainly serves interest of the nuclear weapons states. reforming the structure of the council along with reviewing the achievement of the npt are interrelated and essential for the realization of the iaea's objectives. as the representative of our great and civilized nation, one which has contributed to human culture, and has always been the hurled of the need to worship god -- the herald of the need to worship god, justice and peace in the world, i would like to

announce that the republic of iran is ready to partake in the materialization of those proposals as well as plans on disarmament and non- proliferation and peaceful use of clean nuclear energy. i pronounced loudly that a nation which has bred great nation which has bred great personality and independence and freedom- seeking intellectuals and why is personalities and bestowed them to humanity, a nation which has always called for love, compassion, and peace for mankind, a nation, the palm of who is great poet -- the poem of

that says the human race has creation at the base. an asian which -- a nation which abolished slavery 2500 years ago. i speak of a great nation of iran. it is not one that needs a nuclear bombs for its development. it does not regarded as a source of its honor and dignity. the largesse and will of the iranian it nanation -- all nations love freedom, brother of, and monotheism, and suffer from injustice.

many of the justice-seeking dignitaries and commentators in talks with me have shared this view, that there is a dire need for global disarmament and the expansion of peaceful use of clean, nuclear energy for all, by breaking the monopoly imposed in these fields. and as was contained in the foregoing proposals. this is the heartfelt command of all independent nations, that nuclear energy for everyone, nuclear-weapons for no one. accordingly, my presence and the essence of my statement here in this conference is only a representation of -- their presence in demands. dear colleagues, now may say a few words to those that still maintain that the production and

stockpiling of nuclear weapons are sources for power and dignity? they must understand that the era of relying on nuclear bombs has already passed. the production, stockpiling, and the threat to use weapons, in particular nuclear weapons, is for people characterized by a lack of consistent logic and wise behavior. using threats against a stronger -- logic and belongs to the past and is not viable anymore. in the current era, we speak of the age of nations, thoughts, and cultures, relying on weapons and international dialogue is a legacy of unwise states.

it is crystal clear that the hegemonic policy is thus far have failed, and a dream for establishing new empire a are vain hopes. rather than continue with the failed policies of the past, it would be better to join the wide and transparent ocean of nations, beyond the borders, of independent states carried hand- in-hand with human wisdom and culture. this would be in everyone's best interest. the future belongs to nations. security, peace, and justice would be established by righteous people throughout the world. the power of logic could prevail over the logic of power. there would be no room in the future for bullying and arrogance. the common movement of the nation still well the world for fundamental reforms -- nations

throughout the world for fundamental reforms and has already begun. i invite mr. obama, the respectful president of the united states, to join this humane movement, if he is still committed to his motive of change. system r will be -- since tomorrow would be too late. here, i would like to acknowledge and express my appreciation for the efforts of the president of the conference, the distinguished audience and participants, and all those who strive for the establishment of peace and justice in the world. dear friends and colleagues, through cooperation and the solidarity of our hearts and with harmony, our aspiration for establishing a world blessed with justice and peace is indeed

an achievable. the motto of nuclear energy for all, nuclear weapons for nuns is the basis -- weapons for none is the basis. let us hope for a day when no one would be infuriated. it so happens, let's hope again no weapon to beat -- would be found to satisfy this. greeting to love and affection. greetings to the followers of the school of compassion and human beings who love to humans. i wish you all every success and prosperity. [applause]

as you know, president obama has made reducing the threat posed by nuclear weapons and posed by nuclear weapons and materials a central mission of of central mission mission. i want to begin by reading a section of the message that president obama has sent to this conference -- "for four decades, the npt has been the cornerstone of our collective efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. but today, this regime is under increasing pressure. a year ago in prague, i therefore made it a priority of the united states to strengthen

each of the treaty's key pillars as we work to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to pursue the peace and security of a world without them." today, the eyes of the world are upon us. over the coming weeks, each of our nations will have the opportunity to show where we stand. will we meet our responsibilities or shirk them? will we ensure the rights of nations or undermine them? in short, do we seek a 21st century of more nuclear weapons or a world without them?" these are the questions we must answer and the challenges we must meet. at this conference and beyond, let us come together in partnership to pursue the peace and security that our people deserve. now, president obama and i know that there are many different perspectives and historical experiences represented in this room.

we know there are doubts among some about whether nuclear weapons states, including my own country, are prepared to help lead this effort. i am here to tell you as clearly as i can: the united states will do its part. i represent a president and a country committed to a vision of a world without nuclear weapons and to taking the concrete steps necessary that will help us get there. and along with my delegation, i come to this conference with sincere and serious proposals to advance the fundamental aims of the npt and strengthen the global nonproliferation regime. now, president obama and i have spoken often of rights and responsibilities, and for us that's not just a slogan; it is the guiding principles of our efforts.

we recognize the rights of all countries in compliance with the treaty to realize the benefits of nuclear energy. and we recognize our responsibility to commit the resources that will help spread those benefits as widely as possible. we also recognize our responsibility as a nuclear weapons state to move toward disarmament, and that is exactly what we are doing. and as we work to uphold our end of the basic bargain of the npt, we are asking all signatories to do the same, to work with us to strengthen global nonproliferation rules and hold accountable those who violate them. so as we begin this conference, let's remember why we are here, because it is easy to get lost in the jargon and the technical disputes. but there is a deeper mission here to create a safer world

where all of our children and grandchildren can realize their god-given potential without the threat of nuclear proliferation. this meeting comes 40 years after the npt first entered into force. at that time, the world was at a crossroads. president kennedy had warned that by the year 1975, up to 20 countries might have nuclear weapons, and many said that nuclear proliferation was inevitable. well, today we can be grateful that this treaty helped dispel the darkest predictions of that era and that a nuclear weapon has not been used in those four decades. yet as we recognize the significance of the npt, we must also acknowledge that like our predecessors 40 years ago, we stand at a crossroads too.

once again, we face the prospect of a new wave of proliferation. once again, we hear claims that the spread of nuclear weapons is unavoidable. and once again, some say we must learn to live with the fear and instability of a world with more and more nuclear-armed states and networks. now, today, the vast majority of states are living up to their nonproliferation obligations. but a few outliers have demonstrated a determination to violate the rules and defy the international community. during the past decade, one state said it was withdrawing from the npt after being caught cheating and subsequently announced two nuclear tests. another has cynically claimed to be abiding by the treaty while violating its safeguards, expanding its enrichment

program, failing to cooperate with the iaea, and ignoring the injunctions of the security council. but amid the amid these challenges, once again, most nations have the opportunity to choose a different path. the message of president obama delivered in prague last year has a new urgency. rules must be minded. violations must be punished. words must mean something, and the world must stand together to prevent the spread of these weapons. at this conference it is time for a strong international response. these review conferences have been held every five years for the past four decades, but too often they have fractured along familiar clients. nuclear weapons states versus

non-nuclear weapons or the west versus non-alliance movements. instead of working together to produce -- to face a common challenge, we have retreated to a predictable position to protect our presumed interests. this time must be different. as one minister said to me, we not only must think of side of the fox, we must think outside of the block. -- think outside of the box, we must think outside of the block. he issued wild allegations against the united states and other countries. that is not surprising. iran will do whatever it can to divert attention from its own record and two attempts to ease fade accountability. for our actions. and we will all be measured not by how assertively we claim our

rights but by how faithfully we uphold our responsibilities. and as the secretary general said, in this regard the onus is on iran. so far, it has failed to meet its burden. iran is the only country represented in this hall that has been found by the iaea board of governors to be currently in noncompliance with its nuclear safeguards obligations the only one. it has defied the un security council and the iaea, and placed the future of the nonproliferation regime in jeopardy. and that is why it is facing increasing isolation and pressure from the international community. but iran will not succeed in its efforts to divert and divide. the united states and the great majority of the nations

represented here come to this conference with a much larger agenda: to strengthen a global nonproliferation regime that advances the security of all nations, to advance both our rights and our responsibilities. so now is the time to focus on promoting practical solutions, not pursuing unrealistic agendas. now is the time to build consensus, not to block it. and i call on iran to join with all the other delegations represented at this meeting to go ahead and fulfill our international obligations and work toward the goal of a safer world. the stakes are as high as they were at the dawn of the npt. and we cannot fall into the ruts left over from old divisions. so rather than allow a small minority to focus attention on our differences, we must acknowledge we are all in this together and set a course for 40 more years of progress to

stem the tide of proliferation, prevent the use of these weapons, and use nuclear power for the purpose of peace and prosperity. so to realize this goal, we must recommit ourselves to strengthening the three pillars of the nonproliferation regime. and with respect to those three pillars nuclear disarmament, access to civilian nuclear energy, and nonproliferation this administration, the united states has led through deeds, not simply through words. our commitment to the npt begins with our efforts to reduce the role and number of nuclear weapons in our own arsenal. when president obama came into office, he recognized that the greatest potential danger facing the united states comes from a terrorist group like al- qaida obtaining a crude nuclear device, not from a global nuclear war. and we know that the threats of

the 21st century cannot be addressed with a massive nuclear stockpile. so we are taking irreversible, transparent, verifiable steps to reduce the number of the nuclear weapons in our arsenal. our new start treaty with russia will limit the number of strategic nuclear weapons deployed by our countries to levels not seen since the 1950s. this agreement is consistent with the secretary general's call to pursue nuclear disarmament through agreement on a framework of separate, mutually reinforcing instruments. our nuclear posture review ruled out the development of new u.s. nuclear weapons and new missions and capabilities for our existing weapons. it also stated we will not use nuclear weapons against non- nuclear-weapons states that are parties to the npt and in

compliance with their nuclear nonproliferation obligations. we have made a commitment to ratify the comprehensive test ban treaty, and we are ready past ready to start multilateral negotiations on a verifiable fissile material cutoff treaty. and today, i am announcing we will submit protocols to the united states senate to ratify our participation in the nuclear-weapon-free zones that have been established in africa and the south pacific. upon ratification, parties to those agreements will have a legally binding assurance that the united states will not use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against them, and will fully respect the nuclear- weapons-free status of the zones. and we are prepared to consult with the parties to the nuclear-weapons-free zones in central and southeast asia, in an effort to reach agreement that would allow us to sign those protocols as well.

we support efforts to realize the goal of a weapons of mass destruction-free zone in the middle east, in accordance with the 1995 middle east resolution. the middle east may present the greatest threat of nuclear proliferation in the world today. adherence to the npt is not universal, and a few countries that are parties to the npt have violated their treaty obligations. but in spite of these difficulties, we want to reaffirm our commitment to the objective of a middle east free of these weapons of mass destruction, and we are prepared to support practical measures that will move us toward achieving that objective. president obama has made clear the unites states will retain a nuclear deterrent for as long as nuclear weapons exist, one that can protect our country and our allies. but we will continue to seek

further reductions and we will pursue concrete steps to improve the transparency of our nuclear arsenal. beginning today, the united states will make public the number of nuclear weapons in our stockpile and the number of weapons we have dismantled since 1991. so for those who doubt that the united states will do its part on disarmament, this is our record, these are our commitments, and they send a clear, unmistakable signal. we are also committed to bolstering another pillar: access to civilian nuclear energy. we unequivocally support the rights of states that are in compliance with the treaty to access nuclear technology and energy for peaceful purposes. the iaea's high-end projection for new nuclear capacity has nearly doubled since the last review conference five years

ago. and the united states wants to help expand the ability of all states to utilize peaceful nuclear energy. over the past decade, we've provided nearly $200 million to support the iaea's technical cooperation fund. we are the largest contributor to that effort. and it has helped more than 100 countries develop or expand the peaceful use of nuclear energy. today, the president has asked me to announce that the united states will make an additional commitment of $50 million over the next five years for a new iaea peaceful uses initiative. we hope other partners will match this contribution with an additional $50 million. we will use these resources to improve health care and nutrition, manage water resources, increase food security, and help countries develop the infrastructure for the safe and secure use of nuclear power.

we are pleased that the iaea's director general has made expanding use of civil nuclear energy for humanitarian purposes one of his signature initiatives. the united states is also strengthening bilateral technical cooperation arrangements with more than 40 states, particularly in the middle east, north africa, and southeast asia. but this treaty is weakened when a state flouts the rules and develops illicit nuclear weapons capabilities. so as we pursue progress on these pillars, we must recommit our nations to bolster the nonproliferation regime. when leaders of the iaea ask for more resources and authority to carry out their mission of verifying compliance with nonproliferation obligations, we must respond. when the iaea calls on states to sign and ratify an additional protocol to ensure that parties to the npt are meeting their treaty obligations, we must act.

but improving the iaea's ability to detect safeguard violations is not enough. potential violators must know that they will pay a high price if they break the rules, and that is certainly not the case today. the international community's record of enforcing compliance in recent years is unacceptable. so we need to consider automatic penalties for the violation of safeguards agreements such as suspending all international nuclear cooperation or iaea technical cooperation projects until compliance has been restored. and we must use all of the possible financial and legal tools to disrupt illicit proliferation networks. that means tightening controls on transshipment and enhancing restrictions on transfers of sensitive technology. we should also find ways to dissuade states from utilizing the treaty's withdrawal provision to avoid accountability.

now, i am not proposing to amend the treaty to limit the rights of states to withdraw. but we cannot stand by when a state committing treaty violations says it will pull out of the npt in an attempt to escape penalties and even pursue nuclear weapons. parties to the npt have invested decades in building a global nonproliferation regime, and that work will be rendered meaningless if the international community continues allowing nations to break the rules of the npt with impunity. our work at this conference must provide a foundation for future actions, including strengthening iaea safeguards, negotiating a fissile material cutoff treaty at the conference on disarmament and toughening enforcement against proliferation violations at the un security council. the last 40 years have proved that nuclear proliferation is not inevitable.

we believe it can be stopped, but it will take all of us here recognizing common dangers and finding common ground, rolling up our sleeves and getting creative, taking practical steps together in the next month. a lot of skeptics out there say that when countries gather at the united nations, nothing happens but a lot of words are used up. well, it is up to us at this conference to prove those doubters wrong. forty years from now, our successors will mark the 80th anniversary of the nonproliferation treaty. and the men and women, who gather on that occasion in the new building, once it is finally completed, will not remember the words we speak today unless those words are matched by actions. but our children and our grandchildren will live with the consequences of what we

decide this month. whether the world is more or less secure depends on the path we take, and there is no greater reason than that to find a way to act together and to act decisively. thank you very much. [applause] the c-span video library

lincoln effect. there are nearly 6000 references to abraham lincoln in our video library, and if you're one of the millions who enjoys our 60th -- 16th president, you will find this online. there's c-span's book, now in paperback at your favorite book seller. >> education secretary arnie duncan talk about parental involvement as a key component for improving the nation's schools. he spoke in washington with delegates from every state and the district of columbia. this is just under an hour. llite corp. 2010] >> thank you for joining us. i would like to recognize our >> i would like to recognize our special guest. arnie duncan, susan kane.

or in chief of "parenting magazine." the group publisher of the parenting group. the dean of our school of continuing studies. and the members of the mom congress. this is a collaboration between "parenting magazine," in the georgetown university school for continuing studies. the mom converse celebrates, connects and supports a mother's interested in education advocacy and reform. parents play a primary role in their children's educational success. it is heartening to see so many of you who are interested in providing stronger and better education for all of our children. of course, not just parents and educators, but all community members have a responsibility to ensure that every student has the opportunities and resources necessary to achieve his or her

fullest potential. this is an enormous responsibility. but one that has transformed a potential. through quality education, we enable students to achieve better lives, overcome hurdles, and to be thoughtful, compassionate, creative and confident leaders of tomorrow. education positively affect not just the life of an individual, but the life of a society. we at georgetown are committed to ensure that every shrove receives a quality education, -- every child receives a quality education. with our partnership with a network of schools, which brings with them a number of high- school students from all around our country, including from the secretary arne duncan's hometown

of chicago, where participation in the washington, d.c. reitz program, and through the tutoring and mentoring of our 0- -- d.c. reads program and through the tutoring and mentoring of our students, and it through the choice that many of our students have three made through teach for america. we remain to -- committed to confronting the pressing issues. the united states secretary of education comes from a family of educators. his late father was a professor at the university of chicago. his mother has run a south side triggering program for inner- city children since 1961 -- tutoring program for inner-city students since 1961.

he helped fund a college education for a class of inner- city children under the i have a dream program. he was part of the team that started a new public elementary school built around the financial literacy curriculum. it ranks among the top elementary schools in chicago today. for a 2001 to 2008 -- from 2001- 2008, he was the head of the chicago public schools. during his tenuere, the students' meeting or exceeding state reading and math standards increased. throughout his career, secretary arne duncan has focused on innovative approaches to education and education reform. we are honored to have him here

with us today. secretary arne duncan, we are grateful for all you have done and for joining us here at georgetown university this morning. it is my privilege to introduce the united states secretary of education, the hon. arne duncan. -- the honorable arne duncan. [applause] >> good morning. thank you so much for that kind introduction. i am a huge fan of his and this university. i feel smarter every time i come and a place like this. this university's commitment to academic excellence, leadership skills -- he was so much for what you are doing. i also want to thank "parenti magazine," for sponsoring this conference. my wife and i are huge fans.

thank you so much for what you are doing. last fall, the president was in south korea where he had lunch with the president. president obama was aware that south korea pose the economy had expanded rapidly in recent decades. so he asked the president, what is the biggest educational challenge you face? the president said without hesitation, the biggest challenge i have is that my parents are too demanding. when president obama tells that story, he often gets a few chuckles. i think the south korean president's comments were interesting. south korea has to import thousands of children. all parents insist that their children must learn english in elementary school if it will be successful. we cannot say that our biggest

educational challenge is the consistent demand from all parents for excellence in our nation's schools. the south korean challenge is one that i would love to have here in our country by think everyone would also agree that america strongly believes in good parenting and family involvement is essential if children will flourish and fulfil their dreams. the extraordinary accomplishment of the mothers in this conference are a testament to that belief. there is a paradox when we talk about family engagement in schools. it is this -- americans celebrate good parenting and family involvement, yet they feel that too often, the parents do not know their responsibilities. parents and educators have been looking out the window instead of in the mirror. inadequate parental involvement

is seen as a problem for other people's children and not for our own. it reminds me of a story that warren buffett like to tell about a man who was new in town. the stranger walks into the town square. he sees a man sitting and reading the newspaper, next to a chairman shepherd. he asked the man, does your job dog bite? he reaches down to pet the dog, only to have of the dog terror a shred on his coat. the man looks up and said, this is not my dog. i am here to say that we need to stop treating the issue of family engagement as though it is not our dog. parents think well of the school their child or children attend. but they believe at the same time that public schools in general across this country are not as strong as they need to be.

the same split vision of education is evident when americans asked about parenting and family engagement at school. overwhelming majorities say that their parenting skills are solid, but they are actively involved -- they are actively involved in their child's school. they are convinced that other parents are falling down on the job. other parents how about too little with homework, failed to discipline their children, or leave their children alone too much after school. this cognitive dissidence -- dissonance his troubled both political parties for years. it leaves paralysis in civic life. most parents think their own schools and family engagement is fine, fostering complacency about challenges close to home. but the challenges that other schools seem to distant or overwhelming to tackle. lamar alexander, a good friend of mine, and a secretary of

education, once said that this i am o.k. but you are not syndrome is the overwhelming obstacle to everything we are trying to do. to many people say that schools are bad, but my school is good. sour to your a bubble low math scores, but my johnny is doing -- sorry to hear about below math scores, but my johnny is doing just fine. when parents look in the mirror, they are forced to develop a can-do list of actions on how they can improve schools in support children. when they look out the window towards others, they produce and if only approach to reform. one word children can be helped if only others would take action -- one which children can be held only if others take action. every parent, regardless of race, class, socio-economic status, they want what is right for their children. but how do parents figure out that their school does a good job of educating their children?

i'm the big believer in looking at data, but the acid test for this is personal. good schools engaged parents and the surrounding community. when i was ceo of the shuttle public schools, i could walk into a school and five minutes and figure out what was going on. i have an 8-year-old daughter and a 6-year-old son. if i walk into a school, and it feels good enough for my children, i think it is a good school. if it is not good enough for them, that is a school that needs work. for far too long, we have created schools that are good enough for somebody else's children but not for our own. so this has to be personal. if not, we will perpetuate status quo. as president obama points out, all the innovative education programs that the administration is providing will not in and of themselves make a difference if each of us as parents and

community leaders failed to do our part by increasing excellence in our children. i learned about family engagements schools firsthand at my parents' feet. in 1961, several years before i was born, a neighborhood pastor asked my mother to help teach the summer bible study to a group of 9-year-old girl. my mother figured everyone could read a few sentences and pass the bible to the next grow. she was horrified when she discovered that not one of the 9-year-old could read. she decided to do something about that. she opened a free -- opened a free, after-school tutoring program. they were not the norm in chicago. my mother could not get any school to let her set up shop, because chicago schools generally shut down at 2:30 in the afternoon. so she opened the after-school program in a church basement in a poor neighborhood on the south side of chicago.

we stayed at one church basement or another for the next four years. from the time were born, my brother, my sister, and i worked at that after-school program every day. the older students tutored along turkthe younger kids. her philosophy was that everyone should be teaching and being taught at the same time. [applause] after we were done with their studies, we got to play basketball together. everyone knew our program was a safe haven where kids were nurtured, respected, taught right from wrong. from the corner of 46th in greenwood avenue, some remarkable success stories emerged. the teenager who had the tough job of to bring my group of students, today is an ibm engineer who i. another student became a brain surgeon. michael clark duncan pursued his

dreams in hollywood. another helped me manage the chicago public schools. i learned of the high-quality tutoring program can be a good thing. but a high quality tutoring program run by caring adults is a great thing. it can literally help transform lives. parents will always be a child first and most important teacher. parenting is the most important job that every parent takes on. no other activity in our lives carries the same degree of responsibility or influence. it also takes caring and talented principals, teachers, and guidance counselors. it takes nonprofits that provide opportunities for recreation. it takes to government agencies that provide health care. it takes mentors from the community and churches to teach children the virtues of community service, leadership, and self discipline. it takes a high quality after school and urban childhood

education programs. with the exception of my brother, sister, and die, all the students in my mother's program were african american. despite these challenges, my fellow students just wanted a chance to succeed. to see the extraordinary potential that every child has, no matter where they come from, that is what i learned from my mother's work. that is what drives me today. we cannot let a child falls through the cracks, regardless of what is happening in their homes, regardless of obstacles they face to becoming successful. poverty is a never destiny. my vision for family engagement is ambitious. as i said, i actually want president lee's problem. i want to have too many parents demanded excellence in their schools. i want all parents to be real partners in education with their teachers, from cradle all the way to a career.

students and parents should feel connected and teachers should feel supported. parents can serve in one of three rolls -- partners and learning, advocates and advisers to push for better schools, and decisionmakers to choose the best educational options for their children. when parents demanded change and better situations for their children, they become the accountability backstop for our educational system. parents have more choices today than ever before, from virtual schools, to charter schools. in our schools, we need to empower parents. we need parents to speak out and drive change in underperforming schools where children receive an inferior education. with parental support, struggling schools need to be turned around now, not some hour, because children get only one chance at an education. sometimes it can be pretty hard for parents to envision a brighter future, but not always. in fact, we have extraordinary

parent leaders across the country. i met one this friday in texas. she refused to accept any excuses for her children or her school. she demanded that her high school be turned around and do whatever it takes to give her kids the education they need and deserve. just two years ago, after some tough conversations, pain and hardship, that school did turn around. today, that school as a model of reform that everyone can all learn from. she is a hero who shows us what the power of parents really means. that is the power we need to harness if we are going to transform public education in our country. now, parent engagement is a two- way street. parents, in part, disengaged because schools sometimes fail to welcome their input, making parents feel intimidated about speaking up. parents come to school only when

there is a problem, rather than touching base regularly to see other children are progressing. a good parent and family engagement program removes obstacles that parents face and encourages them to be good role models for their children. in communities where adults need better literacy, more schools should be running family literacy programs were adult education classes take place after hours, with transportation and child care provided so students can study after school as well. for families where no one has attended college, i want middle school and high-school teachers and principals providing guidance about courses children need to be college-ready. families should be encouraged to visit college campuses, starting not in high school, but in middle school. the nature of parental involvement has changed since i was a child. more parents are single parents. if your families have stay at home moms. parents are sometimes -- fewer families have stayed home moms.

some are looking for new jobs to support their families after being laid off. it is tough out there today. i was lucky to grow up in a family with two well-educated parents, who read to me every night. not all parents -- children grew up in middle-class families or their supporters along the way. schools should be places of honor -- that honor and respect families. that may mean teachers giving up their cell phones to field questions at night. or calling that that single mom who missed a parent-teacher conference because she had to work. that neutral support is still missing from far too many of our nation's schools -- that mutual support is still missing from far too many of our nation's schools. as first lady michelle obama has set about childhood obesity, our kids did not do this to themselves. she points out that our kids do not decide what is served in a

school cafeteria or whether it is time for gin class or recess. our kids do not choose -- for gym class or recess. our kids did not choose this sugar or sodium or super sized portions. we have a long way to go before all schools support student learning and healthy growth. but parents are not off the hook,, in this partnership. president obama urges parents to turn off the television and shut off the x-box. many parents think those warnings are not really for them, but for other parents. i could not disagree with that more. earlier this year, the kaiser family foundation released a study that shows the problem of heavy media use and lax supervision is far more pervasive than many people imagine. in fact, the study's findings almost defy belief.

the average teenager today spends nearly 12 hours per day using media. that is higher for black and hispanic students, and includes almost six hours of television every day. by contrast, teenagers spend about 25 minutes per day reading the book. one of my predecessors, richard riley said that the eight magic words from children that can solve all our problems are -- please shut off the television. i am trying to read. we do not often hear those magic words. in the days when families share food and lessons learned at the dinner table -- they are fading fast as well. two out of three young people eat dinner with the television on. this oversaturation of electronic media has summit -- amassed by overly permissive parents do. only about 1/3 of the parents and the study report setting any rules on television, playing

video games, and using a computer. parents rebelled against these limits, whether it is removing sweets from the dinner table or insisting children finish their school work before playing video games. the time-honored fact is that the job of parents is apparent, to login and give them direction and set reasonable limits. -- to lovingly give them direction and set reasonable limits. the problems of new media -- is real, but it is transforming it education we. children can research online and watch educational tv programming. they can make connections on line. they can learn to socialize, communicate, and right through social networking sites. -- and write through social networking sites. the hopes of those new media proponents have only been at partly realized.

heavy use too often in peace student learning. in the study, though some may have use of electronic media, spend less time reading books and do poorly in school. i will admit that i was not raised in the vanguard of the technological revolution. in fact, quite the opposite. i grew up without a television in our house. when other kids were turning on the chicago bulls, we read books. my friends thought it was crazy we did not have a television. at the time, i thought the same thing. today, 3/4 of junior high and high school students not only have a television in their bedroom, but a profile on the social networking site. we will never put the electronic the genie back in the bottle, nor should we try. but parents can do a better job of setting limits on children's use of electronic media and work towards using it more creatively

to support student learning. there are examples of using technology to better engage children in their own learning. but more and more parents are concluding that media oversaturation and addictions are real problems for their children. these are not just modern-day afflictions that affect other families. it is time for all of us to look in the mirror and not just out the window. and that absolutely includes us at the u.s. department of education. [applause] for 45 years, ever since the passage of the elementary and secondary education act, the government has encouraged states, and districts and schools to promote parental involvement in children's education. parental involvement, for example, has been a cornerstone of headstart. yet the department has done a mediocre job of supporting

parental engagement. we have been too concerned with monitoring for compliance and not concerned enough with improving student learning and boosting meaningful family engagement. part of the problem has been a parade of parental involvement policies in the last half century. at various times, congress and the department have promoted parent advisory council meetings, volunteering in school, school parent context, and helping children learn at home, yet these policies have rarely been shown to move the needle on the student achievement. it is well documented and common sense that parental involvement in taught -- child education boost student learning and improves behavior in attendance. we know that children with parents or in case are less likely to drop out. there is surprisingly little research to show what works and does not in family engagement programs, to accelerate student learning, yet there are many promising programs all across

the country. in arkansas, the national council for family literacy is running a family literacy program, primarily for latino and immigrant parents in their schools. parents spend two hours a week in class with their children learning literacy practices for use in their homes. the reading scores of both children and their parents have risen significantly as a result. in chicago, or one development program has boosted reading and math scores using parental involvement. other cities like new york and boston, as well as one in florida, are empowering parents with information about their schools and education as never before. new york is holding monthly. academies on saturdays for parents. they provide child care, the subway access, and translation services in an array of languages. in florida, with did

transparency, parents can determine not only if graduates of their local high school are going to college and jobs, but how their college and job market performance compares to that of other high schools in the state. our blueprint to reauthorize us d -- it supports -- it empowers families with additional high quality school options. support programs that ask families how they feel about their child's school and educational experience, giving parents a real voice in -- and opportunity to engage. increases the number of schools that concern as community centers and provides more than $200 million for certain neighborhoods, which will have excellent schools and comprehensive community services. our proposal allows family

engagement to be included as one measure of success in teacher and principal evaluations. and it would define professional development -- to include working with their students' families. we are putting more resources into the it -- the importance of activities because we need to do more and do more faster. we need to do a much better job in this area. so today, based on feedback, we propose to double funding for parent engagement from 1% to 2% of type of title i dollars. [applause] to bring that total to $270 million. the same time, in order to drive innovation, we will allow states to use another 1% of title i dollars for grant programs that support and expand district- level, evidence based, parental

involvement. we want is to think big about family engagement, to propose new strategies and hone in on the best practices there raise student activity. leslie, require our parents information resource centers -- lastly we require these parent information resource centers. we must justify every dollar we spend and in short that it benefits our students. we do not have all the answers. but i am so struck by the extraordinary success stories of the delegates to the moms conference. it is not just that these mothers volunteer regulate and serve on -- volunteer on school boards. seated behind me, i am convinced is the future. on the stage are moms who crafted programs to train teachers to work with special

needs students. we have mom secreted textbooks for kindergarteners and detailed curricula -- moms who created textbooks. we have nutrition educators who are helping get junk food out of school lunches and vending machines. we have mothers who run summer programs that provide arts education and academic enrichment. so, today i want to honor all these incredibly strong women here, the woman in texas, and my own mother who, for years later, is still running her after-school program. -- 40 years later. all of you here have shown, through your commitment, your courage, and your insight, that we can multiplied your power many times over and over and build our capacity in knowledge to help parents unable every single child to learn and live

to their full potential. thank you for your vision, thank you for your hard work, and thank you for the example you set for all of us. as a nation, we must educate our way to a better economy, and collectively, you are helping to lead the country where we need to go. he was so much for having me here this morning. [applause] -- thank you so much for having me here this morning. >> we are going to make a quick status change, and then we will move into the town hall portion of the meeting. secretary duncan has agreed to take some questions from the audience and from our delegates on stage. it will take as a couple moments to get the podium out of the way. let me say that i will serve as moderator. it will be tricky because we

have questions coming from the audience as well as the stage. there is a microphone in the middle of the stage, if you're interested in asking a question, move behind the microphone and we will get to as many questions as weekend. if you're going to ask a question, interest out -- introduce yourself and provide context. name, affiliation. now i will invite the secretary duncan and susan to join me in the middle. i think we will start the conversation with a question from the editor in chief of "parenting magazine." . .

the president is committed to, and talked about it last week. it was hugely important, we did not want to see class size skyrocket and summer school after summer school being eliminated. i said earlier, the economy is still very tough. we would like to see legislation passed. we're working as hard as we can to make sure that it does happen. we see schools going to four days a week rather than 5 days a week. we need more time, not less. i worry a lot about summer school and after-school being eliminated. we want to see the focus of jobs

still around education. >> we will fight for you. >> let me see if there is a question for many of the delegates on stage. -- from any of the delegates on stage. >> good afternoon. thank you very much to georgetown for having -- parents, and secretary dunton. -- duncan. i have to give a shout out to benjamin franklin elementary school in connecticut. they took the time to write essays for you of what they need to succeed in schools. [applause] benjamin franklin elementary school. i state that because parents and use are the only consumers who

don't have decisionmaking power. we need to be very clear about that. we can give input, feedback, but the final decision -- but the final decision lies in the hands of others. it doesn't matter if you give 2% or 10%. if you don't hold school officials and school districts accountable to how they spend the money, we will end up in the same position having the same conversation. my question to you is, when you give this money, whether it is for improvement grants, early learning, it doesn't matter. the accountability, the checks and balances to ensure that they are spending the money effectively to ensure better outcomes is what i need to know as a parent. and every parent in the audience today, i want you to smile. this is a clear pathway to

power. that is my question. accountability. >> these are phenomenal questions. for me, we have to get out of the blame game, and it is parents against educators, it does not get us where we need to go. we have to hold ourselves mutually accountable. we're challenging everyone, saying that we have to give much better. we have a drop out rate that is unacceptable. 1.2 million students are leaving our schools for the streets every year. it is economically and unsustainable and morally unacceptable. far too many have to take remedial class is in college and are not really prepared. we can talk more about that if we want, but at the end of the day, we need to hold educator's accountable. you need to hold me accountable.

we need to challenge parents to step up to do more, too. does this -- there is a story about south korea, what we had that problem here? parents should not be shy. speak up. your voices should be heard, we need to work together in a respectful way. we have to do so with a sense of urgency. everyone thinks their school was ok and everyone else is not any good. these are hard conversations. in houston, they had a lot of resistance to change. a lot of folks say things are ok but they aren't. double the number of students in one year, graduating in going on to college, we can do these things. it takes courage. it takes every parent here

looking at themselves in the mirror and being self critical. we're trying to -- we're going to push teachers, parents, administrators, school boards, and we have to push ourselves harder than anyone else. what do we do individually and collectively? i think we are done. thank you. >> let's take a question from the audience. >> i have a question. i am a parent advocate. we go round and will help the parents of baltimore advocate. we help them navigate the system. we do try to help, and we try to work with the school system. when we can't, we have to get assistance and help. some of the parents are

grandparents, some are parents that are not educated and cannot help themselves. grandparents may not have graduated from high school or from -- you know, finished middle school. they don't understand homework. some of them don't get a chance or have the opportunity to understand the assignments that have been given to them. you talk about encouraging people or parents to assist were to work with the schools, but what about funding to help the advocates work with the school system? we have prevented some much, prevented a lot of lawsuits. the school system has saved a lot of funding. the grandparents have spent some much time raising them, the students. helping them go through the schools. there is nothing there in his

blueprint, because i have read the blueprint. there is nothing to help financially assist the education of any of these groups that i have spoken of. you can't be college ready if we are lowering the bar. they cannot assist and work towards goals of being number one in the united states if we are constantly lowering the bar and we're not building a good, strong foundation for our children. we take handwriting out of the curriculum, lower the bar for everyone involved. >> do less statements and more questions, we have a long line. quickly, we want to try it double funding from $135 million to $275 million to support parental engagement. we want to make sure we are finding those path to that work best. >> is that engagement being

assisting finances to educate? or is that engagement to work with the schools? >> it will be determined at the local level. we want to support the best practices or make a difference. if you can demonstrate the difference is making to students, we will support it. there are multiple ways of doing as well. the best dancers will never come from your from washington. >> i have a document like to leave with you before i leave. >> thank you. >> we only have 10 or 15 minutes. if we can move the questions quicker. >> i am amy from new york state, the executive director for health the school food. thank you for your efforts with obesity prevention. the child nutrition reauthorization act only happens every five years and is coming

up now. an independent committee has only proposed a 6 cent increase that will do almost nothing. it still isn't enough. the question is, what can we do when the food industry is still really defining what is healthy in determining nutrition policy and pushing their packaged food products and claiming that they are healthy with their unscrupulous labeling practices. how can we get to the real nutrition and a real funding to provide healthy food for kids so their bodies and brains can actually function? if they don't have that, they can't learn in the first place. >> for all of us get to where we need to go, we talk about partnership collaboration. a lot of folks think that -- i

am fortunate to have a secretary who is a phenomenal partner. he is pushing very hard. i am very hopeful. i got rid of the junk food and vending machines in chicago, and it was tough. i thought it was common sense, but it was a brutal fight. it was -- to me, there are a couple of things. it is really emphasizing physical activity, recess, after school. if i didn't get a chance to run around, i couldn't make it

through school. i had a -- we know the challenges and the difficulties. i am convinced of this historic opportunity. if we do it right now, we can change things for the next couple of decades. working together, we have a chance for a long, long time. >> i want to say thank you for allowing the parents to engage with you this morning. and the coordinator for the urban parent leadership program in baltimore city. what i like to bring to the table, as he spoke about parent engagement, and my concern is

that as the money funnels down, getting to do the things we need to do. there is no budget line for parent engagement. there is no budget line for parent involvement. and the statements that you said about how the problems are parents -- in our neck of the woods, when parents speak up about the knowledge they have learned and asked to raise the level -- you are excluded. you are pushed out of the neighborhood. these are parents that have normally volunteered. i have a group with me. the volunteer in baltimore city extensively. there -- they are parents, care givers, and more. we taught them how to build

partnerships. what the law says about education, they were educating others had to get better education. that is my question. many of the districts that get the money like to play with those who agree with them. they do not want to play ball with those that want to speak up, talk about what is for real, and keep a real. i am concerned that you come from a grass-roots organization and you have a lot of parents out here. first of all, they are never going to meet your face. parents are crucial, raising the bar, working with school systems, etc.. what is going to be done that the budget line clearly indicates? i have not seen a budget line yet.

the grass-roots organizations, the schools like to play ball with. that is my question for you. [applause] >> that is something that we can look at an oregon. i will say that this is about all of us building a different culture. there are many parents who feel disenfranchised by schools. we talked about changing it -- the money is never going to solve this problem by itself. it is about how you train teachers and principals to think differently. it is something that they are evaluated on. we talked about it being part of the definition for meaningful development. parents are scared of teachers, teachers are scared of parents so we shut down and close our doors. it is hard, it is difficult. you're living it, but we have to find ways to build provisions.

when parents fight, who loses? the kids lose. when the parents and teachers fight, the kids lose and a fall to the cracks. i don't have an easy answer. we want to make sure their resources are hitting the group's that are making a difference, but we have to break down the barriers and the fear to get folks working together better. i can use the bully pulpit, working through them and creating models that work. there are hundreds of those around the country. >> i'm going to need to interrupt because we have a time commitment. i apologize that we will not be able to get to all the questions that we have. they will get to work the next couple of days, and secretary duncan has quite a busy schedule. i want to thank the secretary duncan for being with us today. [applause]

before you leave, susan will have a few closing remarks for us. if you could remain on the stage. >> i and the editor in chief of "parent thing. i want to say to secretary duncan, on behalf of all of us, thank you so much for coming today. it means so much to all of us. parent thing into the modern congress, we applaud your efforts to include parents more in the education process, and we look forward to working together with you for many years. we hope we can continue to make sure that parents of voices are heard. i heard some very passionate voices today. these are the kinds of voices that need to be heard, as i am sure you agree. but just knowing that education

is one of the most important issues to this administration, it makes me, as a mom, prideful and hopeful. we have to give them that. i wanted to thank georgetown for hosting this event. you have been so wonderful. to our sponsors, thank you so much. and everyone in the audience, all the passionate people, give yourselves a round of applause for coming out today. [applause] thank you for coming. if you want to pose questions to parenting.com, we will try to get answers to you. >> can we get a picture with secretary duncan?

if you can take a picture with the community -- >> i am happy to. [laughter] [applause] [captioning performed by national captioning institute] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2010] the presiding officer: the senator from connecticut. mr. dodd: mr. president, first let me thank our -- my colleague from illinois for his predictable eloquence. and he's not a member of the banking committee but i began to think he was listening to him talk. he had a wonderful awareness and knowledge of the legislation, and i appreciate very much that because it's obviously a

complicated area of law. and the fact that he has spent as much time analyzing what's in the bill and the important work that's been done over the many, many months we've been involved in this debate is something i appreciate very, very much. and i thank him for his comments. and i know my friend from kentucky is here as well. i will not take long, i say to senator bunning. just a couple of comments, if i can. i am one who is supportive of the -- of the boxer amendment when it will be offered tomorrow. its a fairly straightforward, and the senator from illinois has read the amendment. what i think is important is that -- is that you, at the very first language, it says, "at the end of the title 2, add the following." at the end of title 2, which is the resolution title. and as the senator from illinois has, this is not a sense of the senate resolution. title 2 of the resolution, title is a title that the presiding officer, senator warner of virginia, senator corker of tennessee were the principal authors of on a bipartisan basis back in november or december. i asked a number of my

colleagues if they were interested in working on various sections of the bill, and senator warner and senator corker had a strong interest in the resolutions section, title 1 and 2 of the proposed expldges how we could -- proposed legislation and how we could end the too-big-to-fail concept, something which i believe every member of this chamber endorses. none of us ever again want to see the situation that unfolded in the fall of 2008 when we saw a check for $700 billion be written out to stabilize a number of large financial institutions in the country. the good news is at the end of all of that, we're getting money back, but obviously it was traumatic to go through all of that, to watch institutions that should have been far more cognizant of the difficulty they were getting into that when they got into deep trouble, obviously in order to stabilize the economy or have what the chairman of the federal reserve and the secretary of the treasury and others warned, that if we had not stepped in, could have caused the entire financial system of this country of ours

to melt down, to use their words exactly, in the fall of 2008. so all of us here collectively starting with how we write a piece of legislation that'll minimize the events that have unfolded over the last several. once again i think the statistics gets repeated frequently on the floor, but they are deserving of being repeat. the 8.5 million jobs that have been lost, the 7 million homes that went into foreclosure, the 20% decline in retirement incomes, the 30% deklain in home values, the $11 trillion to $13 trillion in loss of household wealth. senator durbin enumber rated a number of those statistics more on an individual basis or family basis. so we're determined, as we begin this process, that we begin with titles 1 and 2. the titles of the bill don't always reflect priorities, but had this case they do. there's mog more important -- there's nothing more important

we do in this bill than to end the too-big-to-fail concept. the negs if you get in trouble as a financial institution, whatever it may be, that the federal government will bail you out when that happens. so we have worked very, very hard over many, many months to craft the language here that will work, that will actually bring us to that conclusion. the rare case resolution, in most cases bankruptcy, receivership, where management gets fired, where creditors lose, shareholders lose their market value or the value of their shares. there's a tremendous decline there. this is a very, very painful process to go through, but a necessary one. what senator boxer has crafted is merely in a sense restating what we have in the legislation in title 1 and title 2, but to knack more clear, more emphatic, utilizing all of the tools we've written this that significant section of this bill with a tremendous amount of input from

people who have knowledge this background in this area was critically important. i want to thank senator leahy, the chairman of the judiciary committee, because our colleague is correct. there were issues involving bankruptcy that we had to work on in this legislation ads, and with the cooperation of the judiciary committee as well, we were able to fashion what we have in this bill. to end too big to fail. senator boxer's amendment emphasizes that point when she says in her amendment very clearly that all financial companies put into receivership -- which is what all the language of title 1 and 2 does -- under this title shall bely quit dadded. shall be liquidate. not maybe or we hope you are, or wouldn't it be a nice thing if you were. you shall be liquidated. what words do my friends not understand in that sentence? in taxpayer funds is the second sentence -- no taxpayer funds

shall -- again, those who know the english language, that's not "may," -- shall be used to prevent the liquidation of any financial company under this title. i don't know how much more clear you can be? i commend her for the language because i think it is the kind of language that anyone ought to be able to understand. and that all yo funds spended in the liquidation of a financial company under this title shall be -- or shall be the responsibility of the financial sector through assessments. in other words, they shall pay. not the taxpayer. again, i don't know how much more clearly you could write the language. what we did through page after page and chapter after chapter and title after title, if you will, was to legally a tell you how we do this. senator boxer has then put an exclay makes point on it but saying, let me just tell you what all of this means in case anyone fails to understand it.

third, the third sentence, "taxpayers shall bear no losses from the exercise of any authority under this title of the bill." well, i applaud and thank my colleague from california for the language. and again we think we've done that. again who tells you that they've written the perfect bill, be careful. i've never seen the perfect bill. maybe there are additional ideas and senator shelby of alabama, my partner in this committee, he is the ranking republican member, former chairman of the committee, we're working on some additional language here that some have raised as way of either tightening this down further should there be any doubts. my hope is that very shortly, maybe as early as tomorrow ring weelg a be able to present a united front on how we do that even to the further -- to further allay the fears or allay the further fears that some may have that these title 1 and title 2 don't quite complete

what we're designed to achieving in this legislation. i look ford to that. i am a supporter of the boxer wheament it comes up. the other parts of this bill we've talked about a lot, senator kyl talked about various other ways of dealing with the bankruptcy. he's correct to point out, it is complicated. it is just a straight, normal bankruptcy. because there are counterparts -- that other people, other institutions, that may be in very good shape, not in danger at all, of coming undone who could be adversely affected by the financial collapse of another firm. so you want to be careful as you begin that process of liquidation that we don't put the country at greater risk, as would be the case with the single company or the single institution going into receivership. so there are aspects of this that have required some very, very thoughtful process, thoughtful thinking, that again the presiding officer -- and i commend him for it, senator corker -- and others who have

been involved in this -- have been able to work on over these many, many months. this was not a bill drafted over the weekend or a few days. there's been a tremendous amount of work that's gone into this. my shop that as we gather in the coming days now on this bill, we'll be talking about what's in this bill and thousand works, rather than emlistenning to some talkingpoints out of a political document about what they hope might be or not be in the bill in order to arrive at some political judgment about this. this issue is far too serious. if we fail in this effort over the coming days, then we will neeleave this country of ours so exposed with the very exact situation we saw in the fall of 2008. we know in the world in which we live today, it isn't just a matter of what happens here in our own country. all the headlines we've read about over the last several weeks after small country in the mediterranean -- greece -- going through great economic difficulty has always after

sudden put europe at risk. the euro has declined in value. the debt instruments have lost their value. the i.m.f. has lost its value. let me be a warning to people, we're not living in a situation in this world any longer where an american institution, an american bank or some financial institution gets in trouble. we're now talking about a world in which we live, what matters happens in shanghai, in europe, in shaw small countries. it can affect all of us f we don't recognize we're in the 21st century, the rules we're operating on were written 100 years or more ago. we need to update those rules and regulations. the next comprise will come. when it does occur, we'll be able to deal with it effectively early on so as not to watch this explode across this country and cause as much devastation as the

present events over the last two years v that's what this effort is all about. it's not more complicated than that, although the answers can be complicated as we try and fashion them in a way that makes sense. i pray that this will not become an ideological or political debate. we bear far too great a responsibility to our fellow citizens to give it our best judgment on how to resolve these matters. it ought not to be a question of who wins and who loses six months from tomorrow, which will be election day. six months from now is november 4 -- may 4 to november 4 -- is election day. i know there is a great preoccupation with that. i don't deny that. our efforts on this bill ought not to be wrapped around that conclusion. we ought to be trying to do our very best to fashion the steps, the rules that will allow us to minimize the effects of another economic crisis. and i can't imagine walk away from this section of congress, after all the effort that's been made to bring thousands point, not sit down and resolve these matters in a way that allows us

to move forward. so, mr. president, i expwen to be supportive of the boxer amendment. i hope -- i believe senator shelby and can i come to an agreement on a second set of ideas to present to our fellow colleagues here tomorrow. then i listened over the weekend -- we've worked very, very hard with autumn inform our colleagues, both democrats and republicans, who've come up with additional ideas that they'd like to incorporate as part of this bill. we're working with them. my hope is we can lay those out in the coming next days to reach agreement on some of those matters. there will be some matters that we can't resolve. if that's the case, then you have a good healthy debate for an hour or two and then vote, decide whether to accept or reject various ideas. that's the way this institution was designed to work. so in the coming day, i intend to be standing at this very spot acting as the manager of this bill, along with senator shelby and again the members of the committee who've spent so much time and effort over the last

number of months to be part of this discussion. they offered their intelligence, background, information that i think will enlighten and inform not only the membership but the country as well as to what we're trying to achieve here. so, mada mr. president, i wouldk forward to that debate. we'll begin in the next 24 hours. and i hope over the next week or so we can conclude that debate, have that good kind of civil conversation, partisan at ver yaws points, as i'm sure its eight apt to be. but also remending oche who aeach other that we -- but also reminding each other that we share a joint responsibility to see to it that the american people have a good answer, at least the best answer we can give them under the circumstances as to how to minimize the events that have caused so much harmed and damage to our country over the last two years. with that, mr. president, i thank my colleague from kentucky for his patience, and i yield the floor. mr. bunning: mr. president? the presiding officer: the senator from kentucky. mr. bunning: mr. president, i come to the floor to speak about the financial reform and the bill the senate is considering

right now. i have made no secret of my desire to pass a strong financial reform bill and rein in excesses of our largest financial companies. no senator in the banking committee or in this chamber has been a stronger voice against financial industry enable irrelevance at the -- financial industry enablers at the fed than i have been. i have fought every bailout as well as the bailouts that the federal reserve and both the bush and the obama administration put in place without the approval of the congress. i want to pass a bill that ends bailouts and puts strong restrictions on reckless activities and our financial sector. unfortunately, the bill before

the senate not only fails to end bailouts, it does just the opposite and makes them permanent. this bill will also lead to future financial disasters because it ignores the root causes of the crisis and, thus, fails to put the necessary handcuffs on key parts of the financial system. the primary goal of this bill should be, can bailouts and the idea of too big to fail -- to end bailouts and the idea of too big to fail. instead, the bill makes too big to fail a permanent feature of our financial system. it concentrates regulations of the largest financial institutions at the federal reserve and removes only small banks from fed supervision. the fed failed as a regulator,

leading up to the crisis, and should not be the regulator of any banks. but now federal regulation will be signed that a firm is too big to fail. on top of the new fed seal of approval, our largest -- for our largest financial companies, this bill creates a new stability council that will designate other firms p for the fed to regulate and, thus, too big to fail. federal regulations of the largest financial firms are -- is not the only way that this bill makes too big to fail and bailouts permanent. the largest bank holding companies and other financial firms will now be subject to a

new resolution process. any resolution process is, by definition, a bailout because the whole point is to allow some creditors to get paid more than they would in bankruptcy. even if the financial company is closed down at the end of the process, the fact that the creditors are protected against the losses they would normally take will undermine market discipline and encourage more risky behavior. that will lead to more bear stearns, lehman brothers, a.i.g., not less. the bailouts in this bill come with a cost beyond the moral hazard created by protecting creditors. despite claims that the

financial industry will pay for the bailouts, payments in the bailout funds are tax deductible, which means taxpayers are directly subsidizing the bailouts. the bailout fund is not the only way this bill keeps taxpayers on the hook for future bailouts. first, the bill does not shut off the federal reserve bailout powers. while limiting some powers -- while some limits are placed on the fed, the bill still lets it create bailout programs to buy up assets and pump money into struggling firms through -- quote -- "broad-based programs." second, the bill creates an unlimited new debt guarantee program at the fdic that can be

used to prop up firms instead of closing them down. both of these bailout powers puts taxpayer directly at risk and make bailout a permanent part of the financial system. instead of putting all of these bailout powers into law, we should be putting failing companies into bankruptcy. bankruptcy provides certain and fairness and protects taxpayers. under bankruptcy, similar creditors are treated the same, which prevents the government from picking winners and losers in bailouts. shareholders and creditors also know up front what losses they are facing and will exercise caution when dealing with financial companies.

later this week i will join several other senators in offering an amendment that will update our bankruptcy laws to deal with modern financial firms and with -- and permanently end bankruptcies. excuse me -- and permanently end bailouts. if this bill is not going to take away government protection for financial companies and send those that fail through bankruptcy, then it should make them small enough to fail. small enough to fail. decades of combinations have allowed a handful of banks to dominate the financial landscape. the four largest financial companies have assets totaling over 50% of our annual gross

domestic product. and the six largest have assets of more than 60% of our total gross domestic product. the four largest banks control approximately one-third of all the deposits in this country. this concentration has come about because creditors would rather deal with firms seen as too big to fail, knowing that the government will protect them from losses. i would rather take away the taxpayer protection for creditors of large firms and let the market determine their size. but if that is not going to happen, we should place hard limits on the size of financial

companies and limit the activity of banks with insured deposits. any financial company that are over those size limits must be forced to shrink. this will lead to a more competitive banking sector, reduce the influence of the largest firms and prevent a handful of them from holding our economy and our government hostage ever again. along with not solving too big to fail, this bill does not even address the housing financial problems that were at the center of the crisis. first, there is nothing in this bill that will stop unsafe mortgage underwriting practices such as zero down payments and

interest-only mortgages. there is a lot of talk of making financial companies have skin in the game, but when it comes to mortgages, the skin in the game that matters is that person who borrows. second, the bill ignores the role of government housing policy of fannie mae and freddie mac, which have received more bailout money than all others. the bill does not put an end to the g.s.e. taxpayer guarantees and subsidies or stop the taxpayers from having to foot the bill for their irresponsible actions over the past decade. on friday, the "wall street journal" reported that over 96%

of all mortgages written in the first quarter were backed by some type of government guarantee. 96%. that's unbelievable. where is the private sector? until we resolve the future of the g.s.e.'s, the private mortgage market will not return, and the risk to the taxpayers will continue to increase. this bill does, also does nothing to address the biggest single factor in the current financial crisis and most our crises in the past. flawed federal reserve monetary policy. nothing in this bill will stop the next bubble our collapse if

the fed continues with its easy money policies. cheap money will always distort prices and lead to dangerous behavior. no amount of regulations can contain it. as i mentioned earlier, the bill concentrates regulations of the largest financial firms at the federal reserve despite the fed's long history of failed regulation. leading up to the crisis, the fed already favored the interests of the large banks, and by only removing its supervision of small banks, the fed will even be more of a cheerleader for wall street. i don't think that's what we want to do in any bill that we wreath. in an earlier -- any bill that we write. in an earlier version of this bill, banks and consumers'

protection regulations were removed from the fed and placed in a new bank regulator. unfortunately, that was undone in the current version, and the fed gets more power for both jobs. no one has criticized the fed more than me for its failure to use its consumer protection powers to regulate mortgages, but i just cannot understand keeping consumer protection inside the same fed that ignored the job we gave it in 1994. and this bill takes a dangerous approach to consumer protection by separating it from the safety and soupbtness of financial companies. it also goes even further by letting the federal reserve reach into businesses that have

nothing to do with the financial crisis. finally, i want to mention the credit rating agency portion of the bill. our goal should be to reduce investors' reliance on these agencies. instead, the bill will give investors a false sense of security by setting new standards to get certified by the government. also allowing the rating agencies to be sued will discourage new agencies from entering the market and further concentrate in the hands of the largest agencies that have performed the worst. i have many, many other concerns about the bill that i will not mention on the floor today, but

they are explained in detail in the minority views section of the committee report. as the bill stands today, it will not solve the problem in our financial system. it is regulation without reform. but i hope and pray we can work together to get a bipartisan bill that will put an end to too big to

. .

[captioning performed by national captioning institute] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2010] >> that is not going to happen. [speaking spanish] >> now we have a speaker from tampoor, representing the new

york general assembly. [speaking spanish] [speaking spanish] [speaking spanish] martin luther king once said, we can unite as brothers or we can hang as fools. if we allow for arizona to set the standard about how we behave

with each other, then we are going to start reporting each other. we are going to start fighting each other, and we will make certain that each and everyone of us is placed under arrest. do you know what will happen? there is nobody else out there. today, today, we are unfolding. this is what the immigration department is afraid of. tomorrow, we will meet in arizona. >> we have the president of [unintelligible] our brother. george miranda. [speaking spanish]

this is what the united states is supposed to look like. you can reflect what this nation should actually looks like. this has worked for the immigrants across the country. you do this with the support of tens of thousands -- tens of thousands. we will be behind this effort every step of the way. we can no longer stay silent in the face of injustice against the immigrant brothers and sisters, and we already know that there was a dangerous precedent, with what happened in arizona. they say people will be judged by the color of their stand and denied the promise of the

american dream. we have to stop this right now. we cannot let this go on any longer. arizona did us a favor. i sent a message to washington, that we will need reform right now. the truth is that this is not the first time that we have been confronted with anti- democrat legislation. even in long island, there was another course of action. they were vilifying are hard- working brethren. they organize the campaign two years ago, organizing the

campaign in long island city against these workers. we have seen hundreds of immigrant workers -- we have said that they all deserve respect and fair compensation. and what do you know? this week -- just as we were making headway, they called in the workers and the only crime that they made was working hard for their families and their children. this is time that we stand up against the people who would deny these people and their children the american dream and the right that they are owed. we do just as labor unions across the centuries, coming

together and having our passion for justice in the names of these workers. time and tide may place one worker against another. white workers against workers of color, we know that the workers are weaker when they are divided. and that things only improve when we are together. hard-working immigrants and their children and grandchildren can together in a free nation. the hard-working families have been struggling in the past. we will try to maintain the promise for america.

god bless you, and god bless the united states of america. >> we have the president of the long island federation of labour. >> you have been very quiet. his labor in the house? i cannot hear you. you have heard all of these speeches that you really need to hear, although you have a few more of those coming. get the people registered to vote. and if they do not change the law, both the amount.

>> we have the newest member of the new york state senate. >> are we going to take this? are we going to take this? signing into law the unconstitutional law. anti-democrat law, something that is going to take away the rights of all of us. i say shame on the governor. that is why on wednesday, i have a resolution in the new york state senate, making certain that we have comprehensive immigration reform. and the republicans said that

they will not be voting for this. so we need for everyone to send a message, that we have to vote for that resolution. are you with me? this is why the next day, on thursday, if they are doing this in arizona, they will try to do this right here. i gave a card to rick levy. as a candidate for governor, i will veto any kind of legislation that is similar to anything in arizona. are you with me? next time you see him, ask if they signed this plan. if we do not stop this now, then when? and did not us, then who?

i want to hear everybody. si se puede. si se puede. gracias. >> we are very glad to have with us an advocate of the city of new york. a great friend of the labor movement. >> brothers and sisters, [speaking spanish] [applause] for eight years, george bush tried to stay -- tried to take

away our rights. and we will not let brewer take away our rights. we will reestablish what we believe in this country and reform the law once and for all. thank you. >> we have one of the major allies of the alliance. this is in the united federation of business. join us in welcoming anthony herman. the president of the new yorker city chapter of this institute. thank you. >> we cannot take any more. i am here, representing the united federation of teachers. si se puede. yes we can. yes we can.

yes we can. i am here representing the educators to teach our children on a daily basis, the children of the immigrant families who are wanting the same thing that we do as the educators, the chance for a good job, and access to health care. access to health care. many americans consider these things to be basic rights. but we still have a long way to go, if we look at what happened in arizona. i am angry at what happened in arizona. this is nothing but racism. i am angry that there are people out there who would let this

happen. this would not happen in new york city. new york city, the great melting pot that this is. we all know about racism. there is the immigrant rights and the worker rights, and we say, si se puede. yes we can. >> and now to speak to you, the secretary-treasurer and the executive vice president of workers united. >> si se puede. brothers and sisters, i would like for you to make double bed of noise for yourself for standing up today. we are here today to talk about what is wrong in america today.

we have to fix this right now. we have to come together to stand up and speak out, about what is wrong in america. this is something that has been wrong for a very long time and we will have to fix this. there are many of us who have been speaking out for many years about this issue. this is powerful for the workers and people in this country to have the rights that they do. this has been far too long. we're going to have to turn up the heat. we have to do what -- are you ready to do this? are you ready to turn up the heat? this situation -- we have to in this right now. -- end this right now. si se puede.

>> from brooklyn, congresswoman clark. >> sisters and brothers. let me say this to you today. we have just begun to fight. and this fight requires our courage. i am in washington. we have introduced comprehensive immigration reform legislation in the house of representatives. we now will need the u.s. senate to do their job. what is happening in arizona is a manifestation of the hatred that has begun to permeate the society. this is the hatred that says, get back.

i want for you to join me. when they say get back, we say, fight back. we say fight back. when they say to get back, we say to fight back. that's right. we are in this fight to be the winner. we are going to redeem this nation in its humanity, and understand what he meant dignity is all about. this has never been about breaking up families, except in their worst moments. this has never been about rejecting those who come to the nation to make this better, except in the worst moments. we are in the valley right now. and this is going to require a lot of courage but we have got to remain focused.

and in the middle of all of this hatred, we have got to be victorious. i will stand before you today, the daughter of immigrants. my parents came from jamaica. and if this country had greeted them with the hatred that they are greeting the immigrants with today, i would not stand before you as a member of the u.s. house of representatives. when they say to get back, we will say fight back. i will see you in washington. >> and now, we have the executive vice president of district council 37, we will welcome our brother, --

>> si puede or no se puede? brothers and sisters, on behalf of montgomery and council 37, we are here with you today, and we will be here with you tomorrow and until we get rid of that law and have real, immigration reform. the other speaker was talking about one of the things that we will need to do. and i will watch for you to do the following items. and when you do that, i want for you to feel the pride. the governor of arizona forgot that before she became governor, 118 years ago, her great grandparents migrated -- emigrated from their country, to

this country, to try to find a better life. and now she is wanting to close the door on anybody else. nobody else should have this right, to seek a better life. our brothers and sisters have paid, with the price of their lives, when they fight for the national security of this country. nobody asks if they can speak english when they sign on the dotted line. and when they return, and they come back wounded, what is beginning to happen is that if they are not registered, or if the papers are not in order, they do not want to know that they have been wounded or sacrificed their lives for this country. they are deported.

this is an injustice. i say to you, that when they ask you why you are here, ask them why they are here. the only one who can say this are the native americans. they should be there asking for the papers of everybody. >> we have one of the of originators of the alliance that is being represented here today. he is from local 338. >> thank you. i am going to be very quick. there is something that i want to tell you about. people will say that the celebration that we had today, we say that this is mayday, they

say that this is a celebration that does not belong in the united states of america. there'll be editorials in newspapers that will criticize what we have done here today. but i want to tell you the truth about your own history, and the history of this movement. in 1886, this was started by immigrant workers in chicago who marched 60,000 strong by an ad general strike to the city of chicago. and after that, people were killed, and people were wounded, and for two years, the police kept people from marching. but for years later, an international workers' organization declared that the entire world should march in support of the united states of

america workers and the call for the eight-hour work day. this power -- this holiday, this tradition of a march and a rally, this is the kind of labor rally that will stand for something. this tradition is yours. this belongs to you. don't let anyone take this away from you again. it has been 50 years since we had a parade like this. we should never go another year without this. thank you. >> joining us right now is priscilla gonzalez. she is representing workers united. let's hear this. >> como esta?

are you fired up? i am here with workers united. i am here with united workers. we are and organization of housekeepers and elderly care givers, and we are fighting for power and respect, fair labor standards and to help make the movement for change. i am proud -- the proud -- i am proud of workers who came here to support their families. today, i represent the 2.5 million, mostly-immigrant people of color with the labor that makes it possible for all of us -- all of this happened.

the domestic workers are completely vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. immigration law will keep us in the shadows. we are here with all of you, demanding recognition. we're here, demanding the domestic workers bill of rights in new york. this would finally put in place basic labor chat -- labor standards, protecting against discrimination. we're here demanding immigration reform. and human rights, and nobody is going to be left behind. we are here taking action against the hatred in arizona.

allowing the state and local enforcement of immigration law, declaring open season on our people. this is going to have a devastating impact on everyone, making racial profiling completely except a bowl. and women and children on the front lines of this crisis. law enforcement will be able to separate mothers and families just because they have stepped in this state. now is the time to say that enough is enough. this is the time to raise our voices, support the alternatives, and most importantly, to take action that will turn the tide on immigration enforcement and immigration reform. demand that the obama administration defended civil rights in arizona, and support

the soldiers on the front lines in arizona. we ask you to go to [unintelligible] get yourself to arizona on may 29. new york city, we should pass a resolution, that we will boycott arizona. let's keep organizing against the criminal invasion of immigrant communities. we will organize with the basic rights of immigrant workers. join us in albany. what does this mean to live and work with dignity and respect. we will not decriminalize -- we will not be criminalized any

more and we will fight for the dignity and humanity of all people. [speaking spanish] [speaking spanish] >> and now with us, extraordinary leader of the labor movement, the executive director of the new york taxi workers alliance. >> hello, brothers and sisters. at the may day. -- at the may day -- happy mayday.

we came together on may day and the workers of america are standing united, to say that we are all equal human beings, and there is no discrimination or criminalization, and no more attacks on the immigrants in this country. brothers and sisters, we come here with 49,000 taxi drivers, 90% of them immigrants who worked every day, 12 hours per day. 70 hours per week. working with close to 1 million people every 24 hours. what we want to know is that if you get rid of us, who is going to do this job?

we are part of the working class that built this country, and we are proud to stand in unity with organized labor, and organized communities, to say, we do not believe in color, and we should not believe in borders and that we did not have the rights to organize. the workers are workers. taxi drivers in this country are 50 times more likely to be killed on the job than any other working person. every year, the department of labor puts out the list of the most dangerous jobs in this country. this is always dominated by the immigrant workers. this is not a coincidence.

this is not a coincidence, brothers and sisters. when we began to get into an industry, all the sudden, we began to lose the employees to independent contractors. are there to exist to shut us down and keep us exploited and impoverished. we are here to say that everyone of us who was out here making a noise, we represent thousands of more of the brothers and sisters. we are here to tell the governor of arizona that this is what an immigrant looks like. i am of brown emigrant. i was raised by immigrants.

i am proud to work for immigrants. nobody is going to shut us down. they may decide to put us in a corner but we still have our voices. you may not want to see us, but we will make certain that you hear us. brothers and sisters, we know that all of us that are out here, we represent the majority of this country. we represent the majority class in this country, the working class and the poor. the people that go to work every single day, and they lived day today. they worked very hard for their money and this is an attack by only on immigrants, as people

who are rationalized. but this is an attack on the class. and the strongest resistance to any attack on the working-class is a strong labor movement, and all of my brothers and sisters in the labor movement, we are proud of you and we salute you. we know that we are going to take this country from a small faction that cannot realize that they lost in november. we will bring this home for the millions of people that are listening. this is for justice, justice, justice. si se puede. >> we are getting closer to the end, but now we have brother --

>> [speaking spanish] [speaking spanish]

[speaking spanish] [applause] >> what i have just finished saying, when the immigrants began to come to the country, they first came to plymouth rock, massachusetts. in 1620, they were met by the natives, and tonight, we celebrate the traditional dinner. when they migrated out west,

they found themselves in a great country, with a great people, and arizona was part of the state of mexico. and the united states was part of mexico. we are here today, to tell them, those forces that we want to have arizona and california back. that we want the state of texas back. that we're wanting to mexico returned. and that we what florida back. we are conquering those forces in this country as we concentrate on this rally, and we say this to the governor of arizona.

tear up this bill, tear this up, because we're not going to stand any more of your racism. i have been marching for almost 50 years. i am is 73 years old. in 1955, they told me i could not swim at the beach. i started marching. a latino can swim there today. i was inspired by rosa parks and [unintelligible] and kennedy and two jewish

americans who joined an african american youngster. they went down south. they marched for you and me. they marched so i can be registered to vote. they died for the rights of people who sound like me. we may probably get -- to get a member of government. i am puerto rican and i am proud. i am dominican and i am proud. i am mexican and columbian and i am proud. we are all part of a great nation of people. a great nation of people.

african-american. we can all be free and continue to struggle. we are part of a second group of powerful latino americans. and i am proud to be latino americano. let me end this way. martin luther king said, we are not free until everyone is free. we are not free until we are all free. i went to puerto rico in 2002. i worked with rev. sharpton. we went through the fences and we were arrested. i am proud to have been arrested

to get the navy out of -- [applause] but i will be more proud when i travel to arizona. i won't bring any papers. i will be proud when i once again go before the walls between mexican and the united states, and i stand on that wall. martin luther king said, when there is a law like the one in arizona, we, as a people, ahve a right to -- have a right to civil disobedience. we are ready to go to arizona. i will go to jail for the rights of all immigrants in this

country. thank you. >> we have a couple of people who are wanting to speak about this. for the transport workers-union -- we will all come together. >> happy mayday. today is a worker's day. do not contend that you are anything uth other than a worke. they are trying to make the workers pay for their system. they are going to try to pass the law to divide the working- class. they say that this person belongs and this person does not. but this is not going to happen because we will stay together

and we will be fighting together. they're trying to tell you that they do not care about workers. and one way that they are trying to do this is that they're trying to give you less government service. they're trying to put you through the system. when they have the depression, they completely destroyed this trolley system. the transit authority is going to try to lay off 5000 brothers and sisters because they say that they do not need us anymore. we need more workers in this country. we do because we have to rebuild america. we do not to give trillions of dollars to billionaires', so that they do not cry if they do

not get their bonus. we cannot do this so they have to live in mansions. we have to rebuild america, and that means that we will have to make the government use the money to rebuild the subway systems, to keep people working and to stop the layoffs. when they began to start the layoffs in the city, they are attacking all the workers. the same people who want to give us less money by the same people who want to make some of us second-class citizens. the same people who are in charge of arizona are working in city hall. when he is finished with you, he wants to throw you out of the country without benefits. when the president of the n.c.a.a. came from london, he would talk about job security.

he said he would not be here without job security. we want this in america, security on the job. and we will get this with solidarity. >> sisters and brothers, we will be finishing in 1 minute. >> we did not start with a prayer, but we will end with a prayer. >> good afternoon. oh god, almighty, he guides our work with the work of immigration. [speaking foreign language]

ahmen. [applause] >> we have had a wonderful rally. the president has participated. for any effort, you need the lord to deliver his blessings. [applause] >> peace to all of you. i am rabbi michael feinberg. for all of our traditions, we bring a message of human rights and justice. before we close out, we would like to take a moment of silence for all of the victims who

perished on the job. oil workers and transport workers who died due to unsafe conditions. and we want to take this silence for all the victims of hate crimes through the country. we will also remember any victims of the laws like that one in arizona. let's observe one moment of silence, please. >> thank you. we go forth from here with peace and strength, and victory, for justice. thank you. [speaking spanish]

♪ >> this one goes for arizona. immigrante latino. [speaking spanish] >> i am confident that we will have a nominee who will gain the confidence of the senate, and of

the country. >> as the president considers his nominees, look into the highest court with those who serve there. this is with the supreme court. 381 pages of interviews with all of the justices, who are active and retired. this is available art -- in hard cover and as an e-book. >> the remarks of secretary clinton. >> director-general, i would like to thank them for their leadership in putting together this review conference, addressing the challenges of nuclear proliferation. as you know, president obama has made reducing the threat posed by the nuclear weapons a central mission of the foreign policy.

this is at the core of this mission. president obama has sent to this conference -- conference -- "for four decades, the npt i want to read a section of the message that was given to this conference. under increasing pressure. a year ago in prague, i therefore made it a priority of the united states to strengthen each of the treaty's key pillars as we work to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to pursue the peace and security of a world without them." today, the eyes of the world are upon us. over the coming weeks, each of our nations will have the opportunity to show where we stand. will we meet our responsibilities or shirk them? will we ensure the rights of nations or undermine them? in short, do we seek a 21st century of more nuclear weapons

or a world without them?" these are the questions we must answer and the challenges we must meet. at this conference and beyond, let us come together in partnership to pursue the peace and security that our people deserve. now, president obama and i know that there are many different perspectives and historical experiences represented in this room. we know there are doubts among some about whether nuclear weapons states, including my own country, are prepared to help lead this effort. i am here to tell you as clearly as i can: the united states will do its part. i represent a president and a country committed to a vision of a world without nuclear weapons and to taking the concrete steps necessary that will help us get there. and along with my delegation, i

come to this conference with sincere and serious proposals to advance the fundamental aims of the npt and strengthen the global nonproliferation regime. now, president obama and i have spoken often of rights and responsibilities, and for us that's not just a slogan; it is the guiding principles of our efforts. we recognize the rights of all countries in compliance with the treaty to realize the benefits of nuclear energy. and we recognize our responsibility to commit the resources that will help spread those benefits as widely as possible. we also recognize our responsibility as a nuclear weapons state to move toward disarmament, and that is exactly what we are doing. and as we work to uphold our end of the basic bargain of the npt, we are asking all

signatories to do the same, to work with us to strengthen global nonproliferation rules and hold accountable those who violate them. so as we begin this conference, let's remember why we are here, because it is easy to get lost in the jargon and the technical disputes. but there is a deeper mission here to create a safer world where all of our children and grandchildren can realize their god-given potential without the threat of nuclear proliferation. this meeting comes 40 years after the npt first entered into force. at that time, the world was at a crossroads. president kennedy had warned that by the year 1975, up to 20 countries might have nuclear weapons, and many said that nuclear proliferation was inevitable.

well, today we can be grateful that this treaty helped dispel the darkest predictions of that era and that a nuclear weapon has not been used in those four decades. yet as we recognize the significance of the npt, we must also acknowledge that like our predecessors 40 years ago, we stand at a crossroads too. once again, we face the prospect of a new wave of proliferation. once again, we hear claims that the spread of nuclear weapons is unavoidable. and once again, some say we must learn to live with the fear and instability of a world with more and more nuclear-armed states and networks. now, today, the vast majority of states are living up to their nonproliferation obligations.

but a few outliers have demonstrated a determination to violate the rules and defy the international community. during the past decade, one state said it was withdrawing from the npt after being caught cheating and subsequently announced two nuclear tests. another has cynically claimed to be abiding by the treaty while violating its safeguards, expanding its enrichment program, failing to cooperate with the iaea, and ignoring the injunctions of the security council. but amid these challenges, once again, most nations have the opportunity to choose a different path. and the message that president obama delivered in prague last year has a new urgency. rules must be binding. violations must be punished. words must mean something. and the world must stand together to prevent the spread of these weapons.

now, at this conference, it is time for a strong international response. these review conferences have been held every five years for the last four decades, but too often they have fractured along familiar lines: nuclear weapons states versus non-nuclear- weapons states, or the western group versus the non-aligned movement. instead of working together to meet a common challenge, we have retreated into predictable positions to protect our presumed interest. this time must be different. as one minister said to me, "we not only must think out of the box, we must think out of the blocs." we know there are some countries who will choose not to be constructive. this morning, iran's president offered the same tired, false, and sometimes wild accusations against the united states and other parties at this

conference. but that's not surprising. as you all heard this morning, iran will do whatever it can to divert attention away from its own record and to attempt to evade accountability. ultimately, however, we will all be judged not for our words but for our actions. and we will all be measured not by how assertively we claim our rights but by how faithfully we uphold our responsibilities. and as the secretary general said, in this regard the onus is on iran. so far, it has failed to meet its burden. iran is the only country represented in this hall that has been found by the iaea board of governors to be currently in noncompliance with its nuclear safeguards obligations the only one.

it has defied the un security council and the iaea, and placed the future of the nonproliferation regime in jeopardy. and that is why it is facing increasing isolation and pressure from the international community. but iran will not succeed in its efforts to divert and divide. the united states and the great majority of the nations represented here come to this conference with a much larger agenda: to strengthen a global nonproliferation regime that advances the security of all nations, to advance both our rights and our responsibilities. so now is the time to focus on promoting practical solutions, not pursuing unrealistic agendas. now is the time to build consensus, not to block it. and i call on iran to join with all the other delegations represented at this meeting to

go ahead and fulfill our international obligations and work toward the goal of a safer world. the stakes are as high as they were at the dawn of the npt. and we cannot fall into the ruts left over from old divisions. so rather than allow a small minority to focus attention on our differences, we must acknowledge we are all in this together and set a course for 40 more years of progress to stem the tide of proliferation, prevent the use of these weapons, and use nuclear power for the purpose of peace and prosperity. so to realize this goal, we must recommit ourselves to strengthening the three pillars of the nonproliferation regime. and with respect to those three pillars nuclear disarmament, access to civilian nuclear energy, and nonproliferation this administration, the united states has led through deeds, not simply through words.

our commitment to the npt begins with our efforts to reduce the role and number of nuclear weapons in our own arsenal. when president obama came into office, he recognized that the greatest potential danger facing the united states comes from a terrorist group like al- qaida obtaining a crude nuclear device, not from a global nuclear war. and we know that the threats of the 21st century cannot be addressed with a massive nuclear stockpile. so we are taking irreversible, transparent, verifiable steps to reduce the number of the nuclear weapons in our arsenal. our new start treaty with russia will limit the number of strategic nuclear weapons deployed by our countries to levels not seen since the 1950s. this agreement is consistent with the secretary general's call to pursue nuclear disarmament through agreement

on a framework of separate, mutually reinforcing instruments. our nuclear posture review ruled out the development of new u.s. nuclear weapons and new missions and capabilities for our existing weapons. it also stated we will not use nuclear weapons against non- nuclear-weapons states that are parties to the npt and in compliance with their nuclear nonproliferation obligations. we have made a commitment to ratify the comprehensive test ban treaty, and we are ready ban treaty, and we are ready past ready to start we are ready to start multi- lateral negotiations on the cut- off treaty. today, we will submit the protocols to the united states senate to ratify the participation in the nuclear- weapon free zones that have been estahe