on the civil rights front, they were slow to come along. they were trying to get the labor union in this country to understand the importance of racial equity. by the time of the 1960's, democraticand here they are nowg hands with at only randolph but also dr. king to support the march on washington. the famous picture of dr. king speaking at the march on washington. he has several others right behind him. you can see the union involvement and the head of the afl-cio with them. it becomes not just a matter of a support mechanism but a controlling mechanism for the people in the kennedy administration who wanted to be

able to have some levels of control over the march and the civil rights effort. >> we are going to take a call here and then shortly after the king assassination, robert kennedy assassinated. let's listen to a call. >> hello. i am a killer brother of the construction trade. i do not want to turn this into a union rally, but my first ever political involvement in politics was with hubert humphrey. i was 18 years old. i live in an inner ring that suburb of the city of brooklyn, ohio. he had came to berkeley. he was the vice president. you could ever imagine what was happening in 1968 and 1969 -- and all of the 1960's for that matter.

he sat down with our major who turned out to be a mayor for 51 years. they were both mayors. it talked things over. i got drafted the following year. it is a pleasure, the series you are running. thank you for having it. >> hubert humphrey, the happy warrior. the navy was given throughout his career. we are live from the history museum in st. paul read by the capital. a beautiful building if you are here come and visit. we are using it as our backdrop to talk about the presidential campaign of 1968 -- hubert humphrey. one of his many bids for president and the what he actually got the democratic not. he made a major contribution to american history. in june, the california primary

and the next presidential figure to be gunned down was robert kennedy. >> it set him way back. that is really the beginning of his numbers and sliding. earlier in the year, in the early primary season he was ahead of 10 points by over every candidate. after robert kennedy was shot, it looked like the democratic party was falling apart. when he got back on his feet in july, he was already behind him? in. -- nixon. >> what stands out to my mind is we were talking a moment ago about the king assassination. robert kennedy gives an amazing speech that so many people still remember in indianapolis on the night of the king assassination.

there was writing all over the country. there is racial anger and an ease. he talks about the king assassination in terms of his own brother's assassination. he drops the pain and all we can do to try to ease the pain. the patients that is required. just a few months later, here he is laying dead in los angeles. i think the sense is that america's leaders are being killed. people who are in the idealists. people who are to carry on the grand traditions of liberalism, people establishing -- challenging the establishment are being eliminated. there is a sadness and despair in the american body politic at the moment. it is hard to capture the extent of it. sometimes we have arguments today about polarization that people always said, if he were here in 1968 you will understand how bad things could have been treated felt like the country was coming apart.

we do not know the forces of evil at work and why so many great american leaders are being killed at this moment. don't forget president johnson's approval numbers are in the low 30's. he can't even come out at major event. he will not be able to go to the democratic convention. it really is an incredible moment in 1968. hubert humphrey was there. you talk about the happy warrior. he wants to stand up with people and said, there is reason to hope america can do it. he is seen as an establishment figure because of his association with the incumbent lyndon johnson. >> our cities are burning, kids are rioting, leaders are being burned out. people are trying to bring america to the next states. we're going to go to the next stage as well. we will listen to a call. our next stop will be about the opposition that's gathering with

george wallace and also the republicans. listen to jim from new york. >> hello. how are you? >> we are great. what is your question? >> let me first say how much i am enjoying the program. i appreciate it. my question really deals with the first draft lottery, which i believe was either in 1967 or 1968. i do have great recollection of being eligible for that. i had a very low number which set everyone in my family. what was hubert humphrey's position relative to the whole concept of the lottery? what did he do in that issue? >> i do not know if i ever heard hubert humphrey say anything about the lottery. i do know later on he worked --

and that when he worked to raise the voting age because he thought it was unfair people were being drafted at 18 and could not vote until they were 21. later on his life he had different ideas. he probably felt the draft itself was probably not such a good idea. at the time i do not know if he said anything in doubt it. >> the summer of 1968 and the country is in disarray. the assassination of both quinta and kennedy. on the republican side, richard nixon who had also been in the senate and former vice president wanted to be president as well. what was his campaign's reaction to all of the turmoil? how are they positioning their man? >> the principal response from richard nixon was law and order. he wanted to report -- restore law and order in the streets and get the counterculture -- all of

the young people and their antiwar efforts and protesting on campus -- he wanted to get that under control. he appealed to a group of the silent majority in american politics to felt they were being pulled -- put upon by all of these young people, some of which you had supported j. mccarthy. richard nixon in this. is a guy who himself has concerns about the war. he has questions about it. he positions himself as a staunch supporter of the military and the war as a counter to some of the democrats -- democratic efforts into separate himself from the johnson forces. >> hubert humphrey still suffering from being loyal to his president. the two candidates were able to distinguish themselves. but let me just say, it is

interesting if you look on the republican side, it is not only richard nixon running but you have romney. romney was trying to position himself as anti-war. it leads us to what we will remember in george romney's presidential run, he says he has been brainwashed by the general and political leaders about what is going on in vietnam. it alienated some of the silent majority base. they wanted to see the war continued into when the war. romney thought that he could outflank nixon by be in the anti-war republican turnout he hurt himself with his base and he was never able to challenge richard nixon after that. then you have people like harold stafford, rockefeller is in that mix. guess who, ronald reagan is in

that mix. ronald reagan is the strongest conservative as opposed to richard nixon at the miami convention. it ultimately, it comes down to reagan and rockefeller knocking each other out and allowing richard nixon to have a clear path to the nomination. >> let's take a call from fred. >> hello. i wanted to mention one of my stories about hubert humphrey when he was the mayor of minneapolis. office overlooked the bell telephone companies across the street. he saw them taking in food. taking in food to prepare for a long strike.

they had already emptied the building and all of that stuff. the strike. hubert humphrey was always a great friend of the working people. that is my comment. >> thank you for telling the story. let's move right on to another call from nancy in virginia. >> i was 14 years old in 1968. i was visiting in washington. my older cousin was a hubert humphrey supporter. i was always proud of that. i wanted to absence i heard on s nbc and earlier that the occupied movement is coming to d.c. in the december. i was wondering what your guests could offer in recognizing provocateurs. i know that dr. king was for non-violent said knox of

delaware, tennessee. all of the 99%ers i approve of his nonviolent. thank you. >> he studied at the highlander school as did rosa parks and others involved with the civil rights movement. initially, it is there to help people with union activities fighting against coal miners and teach them how to organize. those tactics expanded to civil rights protest and the like, obviously in the case that dr. king and rosa parks become so well known for. extending that to the lessons she would take to something like occupy, remember when king is assassinated, he was attending to lead a poor people's campaign. the poor people's campaign was going to be on the national mall right in front of the u.s.

congress and the capital and the ideas dr. king expressed was he wanted to share the leaders of the free world that there was still poverty including an appellation. also in the big cities. he was going to build chanty cuts for it there on the ball. talk about an occupy movement. there was a fear that this was going to attract all kinds of anarchist elements. that is what we're seeing in occupy. >> we have a clip from a little bit later during the general election. talks about the fact there was no debates during the general election. a lot of discussion was of whether there would be. here is richard nixon talking about not debating pierre >> i happen to be of the opinion we need a debate in this country. i think you and hubert humphrey

-- i think mr. hubert humphrey as having a great time debating himself. >> are prejudiced, mr. nixon. if you do not want to debate with the third-party candidate whose name shall not be mentioned, why don't you get your friends in the house of representatives to pass a special law permitting u.s. and mr. hubert humphrey to debate. >> if you ever looked at the membership on that committee? it is always amusing to be when people said, why don't i get the republicans to do something of a debate. let's remember that the senate is 2-1 democratic. the house is 3-2 democratic. anytime that hubert humphrey with his influence on his side wants a debate, i would think he would be able to get the democrats to pass it. i think that my power in terms of what i can get the republican members in the house to do is greatly overestimated.

that is the problem as you know it. they are not opposing the debate. they are sitting with wallace getting 21% of the poll -- i am sorry. i should not have mentioned his name. with wallace getting 21% of the poll, they are insisting that they cannot go back to their constituents and laws that provide him an equal chance. >> if you got your friends and mr. humphrey got his friends, you would have enough friends to bring this thing on. >> i do not think he has that many friends. [laughter] >> richard nixon talking about the 1968 campaign. the focus of our discussion is hubert humphrey, democratic candidates for president unsuccessful in 1968. we will take a call from jim. >> great show. hello. >> we can hear you.

go ahead. >> i have a purely speculative question i want to ask to mick dealing with the power of celebrities in the 1968 and supported mainly kennedy and mccarthy and as to the announcements of a bombing halt possibilities many of them came flocking back to humphrey. many participated in an election telethon. many of these stars were there like frank sinatra, paul newman, sonny and cher. there was a poll taken the next day on election day saying humphrey would win. my question is do you think that if these stars and this colophon taking questions on air, that humphrey might have pulled it off if they would have

come to him earlier in the fall in 1968? >> it probably would have helped if he had come earlier in the year and joined the humphrey campaign. nothing else was going on at that time besides the telephone. they thought they had peace in viet nam the weekend before his poll ratings just kept going up almost passed nixon in most polls because peace in vietnam would have won him the presidency. -- nixon convinced the south vietnam's leader to not come to the peace talks because richard nixon would give him a better deal with president. this is documented all over the place. he backed out of peace talks. many people think that is what lost the election at the end appear >> are behind you is a

campaign poster for george wallace. when did he come into the race and what block did he represent? >> he represents southerners who were alienated not only by hubert humphrey but by the student protesters, he is representing working-class people even in the northern cities who i think are frustrated with the entire climate. they think there is a lack of law and order. they think the minorities and the blacks are out of control. they think nobody is listening to that. this is archie bunker element. that is to wallace comes to represent. a lot of people would have been democrats -- they argue in people or seven as per ed they are not in line with what has become of the democratic party in terms of the james mccarthy,

they're just not there. wallace formed to their feelings. >> in the interest of time we have to fast forward to the store. the republicans meet in 1968. democrats convene at the outset of chicago. the party had series fractions about the war. chicago was what kind of scene? >> where do you begin with chicago? humphrey tried to get the entire convention moved to miami because he knew it was coming. johnson would not do it because he was so close with daily and he promised daily there would be a convention there. there were all kinds of strikes. the repair kit up. it expected 15,000 protesters. it was chaos. he was worried about threats to his family. there have been threats to kidnap his wife.

he arrived at the convention without a peace plank. johnson squashed it right at the end. he ended at coming to the convention care >> did he have the nomination in hand when he got there. >> people were nominated in different ways. it was not by primaries, it was by the delegates. he had the most delegates by way of lyndon johnson. he had some sway with the delegates that would nominate him for president. >> that is a critical moment in terms of political history. humphrey is the last nominee who gets the nomination not to the primary process. you get people but the other big city leaders and union leaders to get behind humphrey almost out of anger at the counterculture movement and the anti-war movement. daley is not only beating up on

protesters in the street, he is beating up on media inside the convention. it is a horrible scene. in terms of the eighth american public that is watching this, a huge turn off. >> richard daley was determined to have law and order. >> the police were there and the national guard are all on the streets. they are whipping heads. it is a really horrible scene. humphry is put in a position of saying he stands with what the bosses against people who are breaking down law and order civilization. the anarchist in the streets and the drugs that are being featured in the free sex. he is trying to appeal to the silent majority in saying he stands for law and order. democrats are bought and out of control party. it is ironic. hubert humphrey is a guy who was not a great supporter of the

war. he was an idealist. in this moment he becomes a representative of the big city mayor union boss, lbj bullying hardball politics. >> mike is watching us from honolulu. >> i really enjoy your program. i in 69-years old now and i remember in 1961 i was in high school. i worked for kennedy. he was running against hubert humphrey hubert humphrey had a little campaign slogan or a campaign jingle to the tune of "give me that old-time religion." i remember that. of course, we go back to 1968

and i was voted the end -- i was married it then. i voted for hubert humphrey. my question for the author is this -- and it's the animosity between the humphrey camp and the kennedy camp because of his anti catholic campaign in 1960? thank you. >> i assume he means was it still there in 1968. i do not think so. i think it was gone at that point. the things that john kennedy did to hubert humphrey in the 1960 campaign a paled in comparison. he basically bought that election in west virginia. >> we have a clip we did not show from 1960. i am going to take a call. we have jfk talking about hubert humphrey from 1960 to help show some of the relationship.

let's get to john and tennessee. >> hubert humphrey and mccarthy were close friends for many years as fellow dfl'ers. mccarthy told humphrey he would come out and support him a scene. i think the assumption was something like september. mccarthy never did. that was a terrible burden for humphrey. probably mccarthy could have swung enough votes to get humphrey elected. i am just wondering whether our experts sure that you or whether they have some other few. >> thank you. >> we interviewed walter mondale and he said if mccarthy would have come out on the stage at the convention and said humphrey is not our best candidates and

we are against the war. if we need to vote for him instead of richard nixon, they would have won the election. they had a couple weeks before the convention where is that he would come out for him by mid september. he never did. there were talking constantly off the route the campaign trying to get mccarthy to come on board with humphrey. he would not do it. he left the country for a while. nobody knows why. >> if you have joined us along the way, mick caouette has done a documentary. the will show you the cover along the way. many clubs we are showing our from his research. this is from 1960 talking about his relationship with hubert humphrey and his influence on his presidential campaign. >> this week i had the opportunity to debate with mr. richard nixon. i feel i should reveal that i have a great advantage in that

debate. i am not referring to anyone's makeup and man. [applause] the advantage i had was mr. nixon had adjusted debated with crew shot. i debated with hubert humphrey and that gave me an expert >> debated with hubert humphrey gave him an edge. greg, you are on. welcome to the conversation. hello? >> hello kar. i was just -- this kind of relates to what you were talking about earlier. humphrey and lbj is relationship, why would he have

to attack his own over vietnam? >> why did lbj attack hubert humphrey? because lbj wanted to win the war and he did not want anyone telling him -- getting off about it. he wanted people to do what he told him to do. humphrey had reservations about the war and he knew it. he had been a free spirit his whole career and suddenly he was in a situation where he had to be controlled. >> i think basically he was protecting his own legacy. >> we are going to close out our conversation with a clip of the 1968 national guardsmen who were students themselves in the street holding back a student protesters.

this is hubert humphrey in a clip from the convention as he accepts the nomination. >> where there is hatred, let me sow love. where there is injury, pardon. where there is doubt, faiths. where there is despair, hope. where there is darkness, light. those are the words of the st.. those of us with less purity listen to them well and may america tonight resolve that

never again shall we see what we have seen. [applause] >> i was heartbroken. all at once there was this total disarray what do i do under these circumstances? >> that was a clip directly from the documentary about hubert humphrey reflecting on the terrible turmoil at the 1968 convention. we have about 35 minutes left. we are going to move along to the next part of the exhibit and it takes some seats and round out our discussion of the life and career, continue taking telephone calls. as we do, we will show you some of the humphrey commercials of the 1968 presidential campaign.

man >> democrats have paved the way for them to get good summer jobs. you have more money today for little luxuries because democrats worked hard to push into a higher minimum wage. you do not have to worry about supporting your mother today and she not worry about being a burden on you thanks to social security and medicare. quite an accomplishment, you know it. you only heard one minutes' worth. what have the democrats ever done for you and yours? think about it. >> paid for by it citizens for humphrey muskif.

>> we have seen the terrible results of violence for this country. it would be intolerable if a handful of violent people -- and that is what it is, just a handful -- could harden us to needed change. i have seen across the perverts the spirit of the america. i saw it at the republican convention in 1964 when rockefeller was shot down. i cited in indianapolis when the boss was heckled and to silence. happen to me in philadelphia. we should give notice to this violent few. there are americans that are willing to sacrifice for change but they want to do it without being threatened and what to do it peacefully. they are the nonviolent majority. black-and-white who are for change without violence. these are the people whose voice i want to be. >> mr. richard nixon, where you

stand on federal aid education? were you stand on expanded medicare? were you stand on aid to higher education? were you stand on the program? where do you stand? i must say -- you know something, richard nixon has not won an election on his own in 18 years. let's keep a good thing going. >> those were campaign commercials for the 1968 campaign as we talk about hubert h. humphrey, feature contender in our series on 40 men who lost the election but changed history. we are live from the minnesota history center. this is a special exhibit they are doing in 1968 which i am told will travel to other

cities. >> chicago for sure, and i believe atlanta or charlotte as well. >> it is time to talk about the fall campaign. juan williams on my left and mick caouette on my right. both have written a number of books about the civil rights era. in the fall campaign, we have wallace, nixon, and hubert humphrey all fighting for the white house. we had riots in the spring, did they continue? >> there was some rioting that persisted. it was not of the major kind of smoke in the sky variety that we saw earlier in the year. the racial tension was palpable throughout the country. it is interesting the way that nixon presented himself was as someone who was going to restore order in the big cities. this also had a strong appeal to people who felt this civil rights movement had sold chaos.

it is way beyond a just a matter of the quality. it is creating instability in the country. combined with the anti vietnam war sentiment, you get richard nixon as the guy who is a man of stability, law, and order. a man who said, we can win in the vietnam even though we will know he goes on to be somebody to start the pullout from vietnam. he understands he is appealing to the silent majority and that is what his campaign is it out. >> hubert humphrey comes out on vietnam still tied to lyndon johnson's policy? >> probably worse. the democratic national committee has no money. he has no money. he has to borrow money to start his campaign. no tv ads. the promotion whatsoever. he is 20 debt -- 20 points down

in the polls. >> how does it play out? >> he runs into -- it continues like that until the end of september. it continues and nothing changes. then he gives a speech in late september on september 30 and solid city where he -- he capital-letter to lose at that point. he makes a break with johnson in a real subtle way or a call for a bombing halt and bring the troops on. things change instantly. he gets something like $1 billion in cash come into him. people side as a chance. the next play see what, it is humphrey we are for you per >> here is a scene from those months. a popular refrain he met from protesters -- dominique the hump.

>> i proceeded to go out the main door walking with students and protesters on each side of the sidewalk pushing and shoving and cursing. there were throwing everything they could it to harass me. one of the things that were doing is throwing cans of urine at me and my party. it was a terrible ordeal grid i watched every step. i did no running. i got to my car. i waved back at the students and we started to drive away. >> i believe that the republican candidate owes it to the people

to come out of the shadows. [chanting] [applause] >> what you heard and saw was hubert humphrey reminiscing about a visit to stanford university and scenes from events in seattle and boston. this is surely from dallas. >> light first heard of you for humphrey when i was in my 20s. he was on a program called a town meeting of the year.

he made a speech in favor of civil rights and similar to what he did in 1948. since then he was always my political hero. i would like to ask a question. was he not active in the anti nuclear weapons toward the end of his career? i would like to hear more about that. >> earlier in his career, he was actually the force behind the disc are meant agency. he could not get in the middle of the 1950's -- he could not get the senate and congress because of the cold war to talk about disarmament and talk about negotiating with russians. he started a subcommittee and set this up by himself. the treaty was signed by president kennedy returned to humphrey and said, this is worse and i hope it works. >> the talk about the general

election in 1968, george wallace is there. george wallace's vice presidential candidates is lamay. he suggests that the united states might use nuclear weapons in vietnam. people are alarmed by this. people have not forgotten what happened in terms of the a-bomb. it just is an example of how extreme and harsh in this year was and how the 1968 campaign is about war and its bets and social change taking place in the country. we talk about special room -- the civil-rights movement and the idea of assassinations. there is also a feminism movement, campuses are on fire. the draft is going on. there is great discontent. this.

that has become -- this perido where we are going to seek the change coming out of the primary progress. the big union bosses and the mayors are dictating everything. you will see the need for the democratic party to come back together and it does not do so for a very long time. it receives a trajectory and which the south becomes republican. >> he mentioned vice presidential nominees. hubert humphrey shows muskie. how did that allies come together? >> he had known him for quite a while. everyone wanted a southern candidate to pull the south. he said, i want somebody who will be a good president if something happens to me. assassinations were very fresh. he wanted someone he liked and was stable. did not help him much politically. he was not thinking along those

lines. i should say as well that he also spoke to nelson rockefeller about being his vice president. crossing party lines which would have been pretty remarkable. nelson rockefeller gave it 24 hours and said he could not do it. they were friends. >> the next telephone call is from virginia. >> hello. i am enjoying the series. i was intrigued about the comment earlier that humphrey was the originator of the idea for the peace corps and a lot of other ideas for kennedy. i wonder if kennedy ever gave him credit for those ideas and what some of the other ideas of his work. >> i think pretty much publicly, he gave him credit for food for

peace program. i have a speech where he did that. i do not know what he said about the peace corps. i think he might have said that humphrey helped them -- these are humphrey ideas some of these ideas. when he lost the primary to jfk, he said i want to get my ideas into this administration. he worked on them. >> hubert humphrey was 57 years old. he was born in 1911. in 1968 he was 57 years old. how did he present himself as a candidate? we have all of this change going on in society. was he conventional? >> extremely conventional we talk a little bit about the difficulty he had portraying himself as an opponent of the war. he was born in 1911. he is not a counterculture and die. there is no way he will be standing around and made dashiki or with long hair and be credible.

he is trying to say that he understands the need for stability and law and order even though he is not a law-and-order candidate. he is in a suit and tie and he has difficulty even with the kind of poetics that robert kennedy had employed when the kennedy -- when king was assassinated. that is not huber humphrey. hubert humphrey is a great speaker. but how you speak -- you have people screaming at you and they see you as an operator for lyndon johnson who is on popular. he is an apolitical vice pierre >> it is impossible for him to present himself as anything. it was done for him. he did not have much of a chance to beat himself. interestingly enough, he was the revolutionary in 1948. he was in the other role in 1948 and he became part of the

establishment he attacked in 1948. >> a lot of change from 1948 to 1968. next telephone call. >> hello. i work force hubert humphrey my husband and the 1960's was his press secretary. we were involved in his 1960 campaign. we were with him for all of 1968. we were at the democratic convention and the horror and tragedy of what was unfolding. i have the experience of escorting muriel humphrey and their children through the basement of the convention center with tear-gas seeping all around us as we were going into

the convention hall on the evening that he would get the democratic nomination. on that night from the hotel room at the conrad hilton, we were with him as he stood there looking out the window at the violence and the terrible tragedy unfolding in grant park. the atmosphere in the room was almost of a funeral. humphrey was the saddest man you could ever imagine on the night that he had achieved his greatest political victory to be the democratic presidential candidate. this was a band whose ideals and integrity carried through his whole life and in his personal life when you knew him at home

or with him privately he was the same person with the same passion. the same conviction for civil rights, for working americans, for the concerns of world peace that you heard in his public statements. i do not think we have had somebody with his gift in the years cents. >> pat, our time is short. are we doing your boss justice tonight? is there one aspect of his political career you think it is important for our viewers to hear about? "i think you are doing a beautiful job on him. you have touched on so many things. i was happy that he was being given some credit for the tremendous array of ideas and

programs that he actually generated and then championed during the kennedy administration. >> thank you for your call. what is your family name? >> my husband wrote a biography of hubert humphrey in 1963 called "humphrey: a candid biography." >> thank you so much for being a part of our program. we have just 15 minutes late. we still have a long life of cuba humphrey to cover. let's talk about election night. where did he watched the returns? >> i think he was in the lemon 10 hotel in minneapolis. >> what were the results like? >> they willie thought they had

a chance at the end. an illinois, ohio, and a couple of other states came in at the very end. they were very close. he basically went to bed thinking he probably was not going to win and what he woke up found out he did not. >> it was very close. ohio, illinois, and in california which all voted richard nixon. they all go to nixon by a lot. i think it is just a of a percentage point difference in terms of absolute percentage of votes in the national election. >> a close popular vote. the electoral college vote 301 for richard nixon, 1914 q a humphrey. who did george wallace take boats away from? >> that is a good argument. i think if you think about the fact that the south was still mostly democratic and they are reacting to civil-rights efforts, i think those would have been available for a

democrat who was operating at the behest of the democratic machine. the union bosses, the mayors, the wealthy in the country. that was gone. the had fallen apart. they were trying to pull together for a country as part of lbj is missing. machine. he did not make the effort to try to give those people a reason to vote for humphrey. if i look back on it, i take is those were democratic votes. africant talked about americans were coming into the process. what happened is keen to lives? disking get more involved at this point? did king possibly launch a third-party effort? i do not know. that would have changed the dynamic market lead. >> was the african-american turn out like in 1968?

>> it was pretty good. this was right in the aftermath. you get the voting rights act in 1965 and the civil rights act of 1964. much more in the north and west. in the south there is still intimidation going on. >> i would say the block of states or southern states, alabama, mississippi, georgia. if you look at it a different way, if they had a choice of only nixon or humphrey, they might have gone to nixon. it is hard to know where those votes really came from. >> wallace also took louisiana, arkansas, mississippi, and georgia. let's take a call. hi, jim. >> i would like to mention that

in 1968 when johnson made his speech and he stepped down that two days before on friday, march 29 -- which i have to correct your guest on the date. on march 29, mr. humphrey agreed to speak at i school. the speech was scheduled for three weeks later. on sunday, march 31 is when johnson made his speech. i always wondered since that event whether he had a clue on that friday because he scheduled some other speeches later in april on the same date that johnson was going to step down or he was simply anticipating that the possibility may exist. because of that speech, i was able to sit in the front row of his announcement speech on april

27 at the hotel along with the other students that helped invite him. i was also at the capitol the day the civil rights act was passed in 1964. the i feel like i will always have somewhat of a privilege from a front-row seat in parts of his life. finally, i would like to make a comment that most of the progress of legislation and programs that evolved during the 1950's, 1960's, and 1970's were a result of hubert humphrey's forward agenda. it seemed at that point when he ran for president in 1968, those who he supported with legislation turned on him and he suddenly became outdated or a

little bit too conservative in their eyes. the progressives for civil rights did not view him as a strong advocate, anti-war party did not consider him a strong advocate. >> ok, jim. we are going to jump and because i think our guests made that exact point earlier. he was a great influence but when it came time for his campaign -- >> key had his signature or hands on over 1000 bills for 10 years. the problem 1968 was there was only one issue and all of the rest were forgotten. all of that was lost unfortunately. >> richard nixon won. the war raged on for a couple other years. what about cuba humphries life

after this? >> nixon did not say he was going to end the war. he said he was going to win the war. he had a secret plan. that was the effort that appeal to the silent majority. the problem for humphrey again, we talk about how he is trapped in being lbj vice-president and lbj is feeling he needs to win this war. he is also trapped with the larger argument with nixon were he wants to say, i am for stability. i am not for things going out of control. this is at the same time nixon really says he is a law-and- order candidate. humphrey can never be that because nixon has the space occupied. he is alienating people who would be his supporters. >> i will take a call. this is cavan from new york. >> hello. you touched a part -- you

touched upon this earlier. if george wallace had been out of the 1968 presidential race, would you have seen the outcome be in even closer than it was? in all of your opinions, who would it have been closer for? would it have been humphrey on the top where would it have put? ahead? thank you. >> do you have any more to say on that? it bought know why from iowa perspective, i think wallace heart humphrey. i think a lot of working-class union folks who had some allegiances to the democratic party going back to fdr, i think they peeled off. i do not know if they would have done to the republican party and to dixon. >> we see that in the north. i think the south -- if wallace was not in the race in the

south, nixon might have gotten those votes. >> did hubert humphrey give up his aspirations after his defeat in 1968? >> he came close to trying in 1972 but then he backed out to mcgovern. he became to be at that point. >> but he did go back to the senate? >> in 1970 he took mccarthy's a seat in the senate. his popularity had dropped and he left politics and humphry took it. it was one of the largest landslides of his senatorial career. he served there until 1978 until he died. >> how was his second santa? >> he was at the bottom. he was a freshman. he had no committees. walter mondale was the senior senator and he was treated like somebody who was just starting. he was given no respect. he found his own way and with a short time he was working on bills again and he passed a couple of different bills during

that time. he got back into it. >> us take a call from michigan. hello, amy. >> my question is sent senator humphrey served during the mccarthy of -- era, what was his relationship with jobs and courtney? >> that is a with a complicated question. he tried to pass something called the communist control act were to try to make it illegal to be communist. that was done in some part because he was trying to make joe mccarthy -- to bring the truth out and force his hand so he would have to prove somebody was a communist and would be illegal. he could not be quite so passe about it or blase about how he attacked people. he would have to incriminate them. that was a bad plan.

it did not work. he did not like joe mccarthy or any of his tactics. he did not like anything about what he did. >> we just have two minutes left. he was very ill toward the end with cancer. what kind of cancer did he have? >> and bladder cancer. >> he ended up dying in january of 1978. the time before he died, he was brought back to the capital for what seemed to be an unusual tribute. >> it never happened before. >> tell us about that. >> it was the first time the congress and the senate met for one senator. never happened before. they all met -- it was just to honor his work. he died at two months later. his spirit was still there and republicans and democrats both spoke. >> he invited richard nixon to come back for his funeral in the

capitol building. >> he called the x and at christmas and said you need to come back. i do not think any president should be not allowed in the city. i want you to come back. he said i do not think i can do it. he said you need to come to my funeral. it is a dying wis. >> as we close i will ask both of you to bring us full arc. the premise of the series is people who are unsuccessful and the presidential bid but the change to american history. how did he change in american history? >> american samoa speech at the 1948 convention changed history. if you think about social movement in the 20th century, it is the civil-rights movement. hubert humphrey was at the top of that order in terms of people who held elective office to put themselves out as advocates on the right side of history. he was well ahead of the curve in terms of pushing the democratic party, pushing politics in the direction of the

passage of the civil-rights act and so much we have seen in this country when it comes to race relations -- race relations. when you think about barack obama as president today, that does not happen without some of the changes that come from the democratic party. here is hubert humphrey. he is the last selection by the party bosses and machines. in the aftermath of hubert humphrey's defeat in 1968, suddenly you have an allocation of delegates based on primaries and process. that part of the hubert humphrey's legacy. then there are the social programs. we think about the end of the new deal. you have a whole new range of efforts on the social justice scene. social programs -- the work of

hubert humphrey's mind. >> i apologize to you but we have run out of time. what i will do is encourage people to find your documentary. he make the case about how peter humphrey changed history. here is what it looks like. "humbert humphrey: the art of possible." he was buried back here in minneapolis. his tombstone has this inscription on it -- i have enjoyed my life. disappointments outweighed by pledges. i have love my country in a way that some people consider sentimental and out of style. i still do and i remain an optimist with a joint, without apology about this country and about the american experiment in democracy. as we close on this contenders series, we will show you a bit of video from a that very unusual session in the house of

representatives chamber. some real familiar faces. when hubert humphrey just months before his death was invited back for a tribute and a celebration of his long political and legislative career. thank you for being with us. [applause] >> we ask you here so we could tell you, we love you. [applause] mr. speaker, knowing full well the dangers of what i am about to do, i yield as much time as he wishes to consent to the senior senator from minnesota. [applause] >> i know where i am standing.

i am standing with the president of the united states gives his state of the union address. my goodness. how i have longed for that opportunity [applause] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2011] [captioning performed by national captioning institute] >> the contenders features to keep profiles of people who have run and lost. i looked continues on friday in montgomery, alabama to take your calls about the campaign of george wallace. the series airs friday night at 8:00 p.m. through december 9 on c-span. you can see tonight's program again at 11:00 p.m. eastern sri and there's more information

online we confine this schedule, biographies, historians appraisals and speeches, all at c-span.org. >> there is a story i was told that when obama was given the first budget and there were 6000 earmarks, he wanted to veto the budget and was told by his lobbyist that there is no way you can do that. i think that had he vetoed that, had he signaled his desire to change the system and the way washington works, he could have continued to rally the reform movements that is all over the world because of the frustration. >> law professor laurence lessig on money and its influence on

washington. sunday night on q&a. >> c-span is now easier to use. the new design features 11 video choices making it easier for you to watch today's events. there is a section to access our most popular programs like boot tv, american history, and the contenders. we have had a -- added a channel finder. at the all new and c-span.org. >> the house rejected a proposed amendment to force congress to balance its budget every year. a majority voted but it's so short of the two-thirds majority needed to amend the constitution. the final vote was 261-165. it was the first vote since 1995. this portion of the debate is

about half an hour. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman is recognized for as much time -- two minutes. the gentleman is recognized for two minutes. mr. roskam: thank you, madam speaker. i thank the gentleman for yielding. there is a level of anxiety that we areensing back at home as people are looking a washington, d.c., for solutions and there is various tails -- tales going on right now in terms of whathe jointelect committee will be able to produce. the fact of the matter is we don't know what the yield is going to be of that negotiation. that's still ongoing. and we'll be dealing with that next week. but we know what we can do right now, madam speaker. we can create a buoyancy and a sense of clarity and a sense of cohesiveness to seize upon a bipartisan moment. a moment that the country came close to in 1995, it came within a whisker of passing the balanced budget amendment and sending it out to the states.

over 70 house democrats in 1995, including several of the current leaders, voted in favor of that amendment, and now here we are and we have that opportunity to do the same thing, although to do it successfully. this is not about donke and elephants. this is ultimately about us coming together as a congress in a thoughtful way that says one thing to the united states and that is,e can govern wisely, we can govern forthrightly, we can live within our means, and we can do what the overwhelming majority, madam speaker, of the american public wants us to do, and that is to balance our budget. i urge both sides of the aisle, and to come down here in a short period of time and vote aye. i yieldack the balance of my time. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman reserves. the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: i reserve at this point. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman reserves. the gentleman from virginia. mr. goodlatte: at this time it's

my pleasure to yield two minutes to the gentleman from ohio, mr. latta, a member of the house energy and commerce committee. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from ohio is recognized for two minutes. mr. latta: thank you, madam speaker. i thank the gentleman from virginia for yielding. i had the privilege for six years of serving the coun commissioner of ohio and 11 years to serve in the general assembly. during that time we saw good times and we saw bad times in the economy. but the bad times our constitution told us and the state of ohio that we had to balance our books to make sure that we didn't overspend. that's what this house to do -- has to do and this country has to do. for over 50 years and only in balance six times during that period of time? that's horrendous. it's kind of interesting because i was at a town hall talking one day and one of my farmers came up and asked this question, he said i don't understand what the problem is in washington. what's the president want to spend? i told him. about $3.8 trillion.

he said how much have you got? i told him how much what we thought the revenue was going to be for the year. he said it's simple. all you got to do is subtract your revenues from what you want to spend and that's all he get to spend is just that revenue. you don't spend over the top of it. people back home understand it because people back home sit around their kitchen tables and dining room tables and they get their pencils and papers out and figure out how much they can spend. it's not complicated. but we've got to start thinking about this because we are going to -- in debt now $15 trillion. when i have to look at my kids' faces d kids down the street and go to schools and talk to these young children, who they are going to ask me in 10, 15 years what did you do to us not for us? and it's time that this congress act and pass this balanced budget amendment. we have been talking about it for years. we have that opportunity today. i thank the gentleman for bringing it forth. d i can't tell you i wish i

could vote for it more than once today. we must pass this today. i yield back the balance of my time. thank you. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman reserves. the gentleman from new york. . nadler: madam speaker, on that i yield four mites to the distinguished whip, the gentleman from maryland. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from maryland is recognized for four minutes. mr. hoyer: thank you, madam speaker. i thank the gentleman from new york for yielding. i spoke yesterday on this issue. my good friend, mr. goodlatte, and i have talked a number of times about this. in 1995 as i said yesterday i voted for an amendment very similar to this, almost exactly alike. and i had a confidence at that point in time that in an emergency 3/5 of us would come together and vote to do that which the country needed to keep it stable and safe. regrettably over the 16 years i

have lost that confidence. i have lost that confidence this year. where, frankly, on the majority side of the aisle we would not have passed a c.r. to keep the government opened once. we wouldn't have passed it a second time. and very frankly had we had to rely on the votes solely of the majority side, as we have in the past on my side, we would not -- we would have defaulted on our debt. that is not a good context in which to adopt an amendmenthat puts the country at risk if 3/5 are not available. to act in an emergency. as a result i will not vote for this. i urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment. we are engaged at this very day in an effort to try to come to

agreement on how we balance the budget. and very frankly we only need 51%. and 51% is not there. but we have balanced the budget and we balanced it without an amendment. we balanced it in 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001. my republican colleagues rightfully say, well, we offered those budgets. yes, they did. but will tell you i have no doubt, not a single doubt, that if the surpluses that were created by those budgets had been available in 1998 and bill clinton had not said, save social security first, that what we would have done is cut revenues deeply and had deficits during those four years. you may disagree. but i have no doubt based upon

the philosophy that i have heard since 1981 from my republican friends that that would have been the case. i said yesterday that what we need is not a balanced budget amendment, what we need is a balanced budget. how do we get to a balanced budget? i don't know his name and i apologize for that, but my friend who was the county commissioner, mr. latta, mr. latta pointed out he was the county commissioner. now, i bet as county commissioner he probably had to pay for what he bght. and he gave the analogy if you got x coming in a you got -- that's what you spend. not x plus y. the fact othe matter is, his party has spent x plus y, plus z, plus a, plus bplus c. and has run a deficit for every

single year they had the presidency during the last 30 years i have been in the congress. without fail. now, what happened to bring us a balanced budget? first of all we had two parties responsible. i don't think we could have done it with just one party, my party or your party. we had two parties responsible. and we constrained one another. and then we had an extraordinary growth in our economy. that's what brought us a balanced budget. but we also adopted in 1990, again in 1993, and in 1997, and i tell my good friend the sponsor of this, sometimes he voted fo pay-go, and sometimes he did not. and your party abandoned the principle of paying for what you bought in 2001. may i havene additional minute? mr. nadler: the gentleman yieldean additional minute. mr. hoyer: of abandoning that

pay-go responsibility you could cut revenues very deeply and not pay for it. not cut spending. it takes no courage, i suggest to my friends, to cut taxes. none whatsoever. everybody's happy. paying for bills is a lot tougher. requires a lot more courage. a lot more responsibility. but you jettisoned statutory pay-go in 2000 and you went on a spending binge. not only did you blow a hole in the deficit, but you also blew a hole in the economy. and we saw the worst job creation of any administration since herber hoover. -- herbert hoover, because the economy rightfully was not confident that we would manage our finances correctly. what we need, ladies and gentlemen, in this house is a balanced budget. not a balanced budget amendment.

let us summon the courage, the will, and the ability to work together immediately in this committee, this select committee on deficit reduction, but let us do it day after day after day. and when the issues come before you, have the courage to either vote against spending or vote for the revenues to pay for the cars you wanted to buy. i thank the gentlelady for the time. i yield back the balance of my time. the speaker pro tempore: the chair would ask members to avoid references in the second person. the gentleman from virginia. mr. goodlatte: madam speaker, i yield mylf a minute to respond to the distinguished minority whip and to point out this chart. the gentleman is quite right when he talks about profligacy when there has been rublican ngsses, although i would point out to the gentleman that

when we were in the majority and we had president bill clinton and we had those four balanced budgets, he voted for one but not three others of them, but we did not cut taxes then. taxes were cut, taxes were cut after the attack on this country, september 11, 2001, to stimulate the economy. now, we got roundly criticized for the deficits that ran up during that time. and this chart shows that in 2004 -- mr. hoyer: will the gentleman yield? mr. goodlatte: in 2004 we had a $400 billion deficit. it was the highest deficit in american history, and it was part of the reason why we lost our majority later on. and in 2007, as the deficit stepped down each of the interceding years, in 2007 the gentleman became the majority leader and the the gentlewoman from california became the speaker of the house, and look what happened to our deficits.

ever sce the congress writes budgets, the congress doesn't balance budgets. both parties are to blame. in the last 50 years six banced budgets in 50 years. 37 of those years democrats. they only balanced it twice. this is a bipartisan balanced budget amendment that the gentleman voted for once before. he should join us today and set the future on a dfferent track. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman's time has expired. mr. hoyer: the gentleman i tell you has no time to yield. mr. goodlatte: i don't. i have all these people. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: i yield 30 seconds to the distinguished whip. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from maryland is recognized for 30 seconds. mr. hoyer: and he says about voting for butts. i didn't agree with some of the priorities in our budgets. that's accurate. and he's correct. we didn't cut taxes. but he's incorrect as to when you cut taxes. you cut taxes in april. months before 9/11.

d you gave away a lot of money and you didn't pay for it. you didn't cut spending in order to pay for it. in your budgets that you offered. furthermore, what the gentleman doesn't point out is in 1993, to a person, you voted against a program which was designed to pay our bills. to a person. and you said it would destroy the economy. we had the best economy and the largest budget surpluses we have had the administration is the only administration in your lifetime that ended in -- the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman's time has expired. . mr. goodlatte: mr. speaker, at this point i am delighted to yield two minutes to mr. barton. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from texas is recognized for two minutes. mr. barton: i'd ask unanimous consent to revise and extend. the speaker pro tempore: without objection. mr. barton: and i thank the gentlelady from alabama for her chairmanship of this historic

debate and i thank the gentleman from virginia for his leadership and his willingness to yield me time. madam speaker, in 1985, in january, i held up my right hand, held my 2-year-old daughter in my left hand standing right out here in front of the podium, took the oath to be the congressman of the sixth congressional district of texas. as soon as i was sworn in i signed my first bill and put it right over there in the hopper, the tax limitation balanced budget amendment. the deficit, the total federal debt that year was around -- i mean, the total public debt was less than $5 trillion. in january of 1995, i took the oath of office and then led the debate on the contract with america balanc budget amendment. we actually had two votes that day. one on the tax limitation

balanced budget amendment which got about 260-something votes, and then we came back and voted on a balanced budget amendment without the tax limitation provision and it passed and went to the senate. the public debt that day was a little under $8 trillion. well, today, the public debt is $15 trillion. $10 trillion than in january of 1985 and $8 trillion or $7 trillion more than in january of 1995. how many years do we have to stand here and bemoan the fact that we need more courage or more this or more that and then pile up more public debt? the annual deficit this year, the deficit in one year is more than the total federal budget was in 1985.

the total budget. now, i want to thank mr. goodlatte for bringing this bill forward. i want to thank the republin leadership for putting it on the floor. we owe $15 trillion, madam speaker, and we're going to borrow another $1.5 trillion. let's stop the madness. let's vote for this amendment and send it to the senate. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman's time has expired. the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: madam speaker, i yield -- i'm sorry -- i yield -- i ask that the gentleman be granted time for unanimous consent statement. be recognized for unanimous consent statement. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from georgia is recognized. mr. johnson: yes, thank you, madam speaker. i have a unanimous consent request to submit the following two documents into the record. one is from the international association of firefighters, the other om the aarp, both

of which express their opsition to this ill-founded measure before us, house resolution 2. the speaker pro tempore: without objectio the request is granted. the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: i w yield 30 seconds to the distinguished gentleman from massachusetts. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from massachusetts is recognized for 30 seconds. mr. markey: we do not need a constitutional amendment. we need a supercommittee congressional commitment now. tohe republicans, do it now. call president obama now. tell him tax breaks for the billionaires on the table. tell them defense spending, on the table. tell him tax breaks for oil companies, on the table. the president says he'll put the social programs on the table. you don't have to go back 200 years to amend the constitution. you just have to next week, next wednesday say we want to do it now. we who are here will do it now. we will balance the budget by putting all of our programs on

the table. do it now. do it now, republicans. don't pretend and hide behind a constitutional amendment when you can do it now. you can be the founding fathers. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman's time has expired. the gentleman from virginia. mr. goodlatte: noting that the republicans on the supercommittee have put a proposal on the table and democrats have not, i now yield a minute and a half to the gentleman from illinois, mr. manzullo, a member of the financial services committee. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from illinois is recognized for a minute and a half. mr. man sdemruleo: madam speaker, there are over -- mr. manzullo: madam speaker, there are over 10,00federal programs and counting. no one really quite knows how many there are. i do most of my work in congress on manufacturing. and for 12 years i've been working on a chart to identity fight every agency, every bureau that is involved somehow

in manufacturing. and it continues to grow and grow and grow. my object was to -- oective was to find a way with a common portal via the internet to see. it's not possible. that's the problem with this government. a person says i have a program for this and for that. you know what, it's time to start eliminating programs around here. it's time to just keep those programs that are absolutely necessary, and the best way to do that is to have the fiscal restraint imposed by a balanced budget amendment. you can't go to the back room and cover this program and that program. we need to come to the realization that washington doesn't have the answer for everything. and the best way to cut back on

these 10,000 programs is to have the discipline of a balanced budget amendment so that the members of the house and the membersf the senate can realize, you really can't spend more than what you take in. the speaker pro tempore: the geleman's time has expired. the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: i reserve. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman reserves. the gentleman from virginia. mr. goodlatte: madam speaker, how much time remains on each side? the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from virginia has four minutes remaining, and t gentleman from new york has -- 3/4. mr. goodlatte: it's my pleasure to yield 1 1/2 minutes to the gentleman from arkansas, mr. womb ack, who is a -- mr. womack, who is a member of the appropriatio committee. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from arkansas is recognized for a minute and a half. mr. womack: madam speaker, it's payday, they are going to get a check from their employer if they are lucky enough to have a job. before cashing that check, they know exactly where it's going.

these people have likely already come to the realization that there are a lot more needs, a lot more things they'd like to have or do but there's just so much money. i find it incredible that my friends on the other side of the aisle believe this federal government should not have to go through the same process of discerning between what they want and what they need and what they can afford, like the rest of america. in the 10-plus months i've been here, i consider this vote the most important vote i will have cast because it's the vote that has the most impact on the future of my grandson. it is sad that congress does not have the discipline to live within i means, and i rongly believe the only way to constrain an undisciplined congress is to enshrine its obligation in the constitution. an overwhelming majority of americans believe that the balanced budget amendment, as proposed today, is the right way forward for america.

i thank my friend, mr. goodlatte, for his leadership on the issue, and i urge its passage, and i yield back. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman yields back. the gentleman from new york. mr. nadler: i'll research. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman reserves. the gentleman from virginia. mr. goodlatte: madam speaker, i'm pleased to yield 1 1/2 minutes to the gentleman from south carolina, mr. mulvaney, who is a a member of the house financial services committee. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from south carolina is recognized for 1 1/2 minutes. mr. mulvaney: the debate is it isn't 1985. i wish it were. imagine if we could accomplish this 15 years ago. we have only passed a budget four times in the last 50 years. that doesn't pass the laugh test. i heard from the honorable minority leader th this was not the right time to pass this amendment cause somehow this body was too partisan, too

partisan to pass a bill to pass an amendment to the constitution thawill take partisanship out of the equation and force us to balance a budget. these are all extraordinarily weak argument, madam speaker, and they are weak because they do not go to the heart of t matter of why you'd be against this amendment. the only reason to be against this amendmentthe only true argument to begainst this amendment is you want to spend money we don't have. and there are people in this chamber who believe that is the way they keep their jobs. that if we continue to run up debt, if we continue to spend moy we don't have is somehow back in their district it will encourage their voters to send them bacto this chamber. madam chair woman, i believe there are more important things than our jobs. there are more important things than simply remaining a member of congress. more so than any amendment, any bill that we will take up this year, this amendment is the opportunity that we have to send to the -- send the message to people back home that we are willing to do what is right, that we'reilling to stand up for them ando