our children. strong and sustained american leadership remains as essential as ever. think for a minute where the world would be today without decisive american leadership. ebola would be spreading throughout west africa and likely to far corners of the world. to roll back this honorable disease. without us russia would be suffering no cost for its actions in ukraine. the ruble is in the free-fall and russia is paying dealer for throughouting the rules. without us there would be no military campaign or sixty countries countering isil's advance, there would be no goal for an agreement on climate change no potential for trade

that meets a higher standard for our workers and our businesses. nonetheless, there is a loud debate in washington about american schluetership in the 21st sentcentury. the issue is not simply when we should have started arming the syrian rebels. when you should provide lethal assistance and weapons to ukraine. it's about the nature of u.s. leadership for the future with this national security strategy we stake out a much larger role for america in shaking the world while anticipating the challenges to come. before i go through the elements of this strategy i want to know how our approach may differ from what others may recommend.

we believe in economic growth but we insist upon america's power, education, healthcare clean energy and basic research we will defend that country but we aim to avoid many thousands of it ground forces into combat in hostile lands. we have renewed core alliances while building partnerships with emerging powers and neglected regions. we are committed to fighting terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons even as we really the world to meet the threats of tomorrow. malissueas cyber actors and deadly pan democratics. climate change and competition until space. we focus every day on the crises in the middle east and ukraine, but we are simultaneously rebalancing to the regions that

will do more to determine the course of the 21th sent treat. subsaharan africa and the americas. with that in mind, let me outline the four ways that we are advancing our core interests. the first element of our strategy is stosecure the sdmrunings, our citizens our allies and partners through a dynamic global security posture in which we employ our unique capabilities, diverse coalitions and support local partners. this approach builds on a more secure homeland and a national defense that is second to none. president obama is committed to maintaining best trained, best equipped and best-led military force the world has ever known

while honoring our promises to our service members, veterans and their families we call on congress to work with us to support responsible investment in our national security including by ending see quick trace. to counter today's threats, the counterterrorism approach that takes account of how the enemy has evolved. as al-qaeda core has been decimated, we have seen the diffusion of the threat to al-qaeda affiliates isil local malishas and home grown violent extremists this may reduce the risk after spectacular attack like 9-11 but it raises the probability of the types of attack that we have seen in boston and ottowa sidney and paris.

to meet this morphing challenge, we are combining our decisive military capabilities with local partnerships with the financial tools to choke out our law enforcement and intelligence agencies. we are strengthening the capacity of weak states to government territory while countering the core rosive ideology of violent extremism. fighting terrorism into long-term struggle. there will be setbacks. there are no one-size-fitsed all solutions. we have to work across multiple lines of efforts in diverse contexts to be defective. to degrade and defeat isil we have assembled a broad coalition that is confront the scouraget

supporting the moderate syrian opposition to encouraging political forms that foster greater inclusion. we have taken out fighters destroyed nearly 200 oil and gas facilities that fund their terror and push them out of territory inclusion areas around baghdad, sinjar and the mossul dam. last week isil conceded defeat in their month long siege of kobane. when with the world united condemnation of its horrific executions isil should know their barbarism 40fiesed the world's collective resolve. our counterterrorism strategy is at work in afghanistan where we have ended our combat mix as planned. we are focused on supporting a stable afghanistan that will not

be a safe haven for al-qaeda terrorists. even as we develop the afghan security forces we will continue to keep pressure on al-qaeda to through a capable counterterrorism mission. american leadership remains essential. not only to tackling today's threats but it also to addressing the global challenges that will define the nature of security for our children and grandchildren. to work alongside us. american leadership is addressing the danger of nuclear proliferation. no threat poses as great a risk to our security as the potential use of nuclear weapons. that's why we continue to secure nuclear material and strengthen international norms against the utes of all weapons of mass

destruction moving us closer to achieving the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. >> american leadership rallies the world to toughen sanctions against iran through diplomacy and sustained economic pressure we have halted the progress of iran's nuclear program and we have it back in key respects. now, we must give diplomacy a chance to finish the job. if diplomacy fails, it will not be for lack of good faith by america or the p 5 plus 1. then if necessary, you we would be stronger in leading our partners to dial up the pressure and in making sure iran does not obtain a nuclear weapon. america leadership is addressing the dangers of pandemic disease.

our agenda to improve health security and global health security doesn't end with ebola. it strengthens the capacity of states and international institutions to prevent, detect and respond to future outbreaks before they become deadly epdemmics. addressing the very real threat of climate change. the impacts of climate change will only worsen over time. even longer droughts more severe storms, more forced migration. so we are making smart decisions today that will pay off for generations like our groundbreaking climate commitment with china that will limit both our nation's greenhouse gasses and bend down the global emissions curve. american leadership is also

addressing the pressing need for enhanced cyber security as more comes online leading an international effort to the define the rules for how states engage with one another in cyberspace while ensuring that the internet remains a powerful tool to drive future advances. the same time committing new resources to bolster the security of the u.s. critical infrastructure, government networks and other systems against cyber threats. second, we will expand prosperity by using our renewed economic strength, our resurgent economy and improved energy security to bolster the global financial system, advance tan economic order and reduce inequality and poverty.

with the world's top universities premier research facilities and a culture of entrepreneurial entrepreneurship, america has the key that will drive our knowledge economy through the come can century. and with critical investments in technology and innovation we hope we will keep sharpening our technological edge to keep the american economy at the forefront of innovation. we are opening markets to go american businesses while forming standards for fair wamingz, safe work places and environmental protection. to make sure new trade and growth benefit people around the world may continue to pursue a sustainable development agenda grounded in our commitments for extreme poverty. we will work with congress toe pass trade

proceedings monthlial authority so we can finalize the transpacific partnership thus achieving a free trade agreement with many of the world's fastest growing economies. making rapid progress on the transatlantic trade and investment partnership, expanding what is already the largest trading relationship in the world. and we are committed to enhancing the african growth and opportunity act to further deeperdeep en our invisitment in that promising region. the major center of global growth we ramped up our commitment across the continent including through the presidentts power africa initiative to connect millions more people through reliable electricity, through our feed the future program, we are helping farmers plant better

crops and raise their encloses while also improving the food security of the region. last august for the first time ever, president obama hosted some 50 african leaders to chart ways our nations will do more tomorrow and to seize opportunities for u.s. businesses to invest in africa in the future. third, at a time when citizens in every region are dmranlding greater freedom and more account apparently accountability from our governments,emanding greater freedom and more account accountability from our governments, combat corruption promote open government and stand with civil society. we do so by living our values at home. by outgrowing the rafrningsdz of capable democratic states and defending universal rights. we will help countries in transition like buncha tunisia

and have i lankasri lanka. we will support established democracies that are in danger of backsliding. empower ngos in places where they are under attack. at the same time president obama has deepened our commitments to promote that basic american value: equality. we believe everyone should be able to speak their minds and practice their faith freely. we believe all girls deserve the very same opportunities as boys. we believe that all human beings are created equal. and are worthy of the same love and respect including our lesbian, gay bi-sexual and

trans gendered brothers and sisters. these beliefs are fundamental to who we are. advancing equality is both morally right and smart strategy. if we reduce disparity which can lead to instability and violence we increase our shared security. reams of empirical evidence demonstrate how countries do better across every metric when they tap the talent of all of their people. so william champion the rights of vulnerable communities, those targeted by abuse or excluded from society and counter escalating cycles of hatred that will can spark violence. mass killings threaten our common security. age clean issue orb shared humanity. we confirm government has a responsibility to protect

civilians wilt continue to lead global efforts to prevent atrocities and hold accountable those who commit the worst abuses. we are reaching out to populations that america can ill-afford to neglect. with more than half the world under the age of 30, our strategy invests ins in and em prayers young people through educational ex changes and entrepreneurship. our young leaders initiatives in southeast asia identify and mentor the next generation of talent to grasp opportunities. and because we seek to lead by example, we'll keep work to go make our own laws more inclusive, to sustain our prohibitions against torture, to protect civil liberties and privacy and to improve trans

parents on issues like electronic surveillance. we have reduced the population at guantanamo by nearly half. and while there are very tough challenges ahead, we mean to keep going until we finish the job. american leadership to uphold the liberal international order which ishas served us in the world for 70 years by reinforcing the rules of the road and strengthening and diversifying our alliances and partnerships in every region of the world. russia's aggression against ukraine is a heinous and deadly afronts to long-standing international law and norms in lockstep with our european allies action we have built a coalition of partners around the world to impose steep political

and economic costs on russia in contrast to the cost-free invasion of georgia and we will continue to turn up the pressure unless russia decisively reverses course. at the same time we are providing vital economic support to help the ukrainian people write a better future for their country and strengthening the enduring alliance with europe by reassuring our alneys eastern europe and energizeing nato to meet threats. as we update our system our strategy is to enhance our focus on regions that will shape the century ahead starting with the asia pacific. partnership to expand cooperation. we are investing in azian, the east awesian summit and the

pacific islands forum to strength en their capacity to enforce regional norms, respond to crises like natural disasters and resolve disputes peacefully so the asia pacific remains a region of dynamic growth and opportunity. request china, we are building a constructive relationship that expands collaboration over a wide expect trum of issues from global health to non-proliferation. as we confront real differences t cyber enabled espy onionage and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims. president obama's receipt trip to india strengthened another critical relationship that will deliver economic and security benefits from both of our nations and the broader region and will help lift up the lives of more than a billion people.

in furtherance of our relationships throughout this vital region i am pleased to announce today we have invited prime minister abe of japan and president shiziping for state visits and we look forward to welcoming other asian leaders to the white house this year includingpom president park of south korea and president wododo of indonesia. at the same time we seep a middle east more secure processing perous and where democracy can take root. that's the ultimate vision that we are working towards with partners throughout the region. we will continue wutsly strengthen the unique bonds that unite the people of israel and the united states our commit exactly remains enduring and

unshakeable. the israelis and palestinians. we will keep investing in the ability of or gulf partners line saudi arabia and the united arab emirates as we deepen our cooperation on regional challenges. since libya syria and yemen confront persistent violence and instability, well as we must protect our people to shrink terrorists safe haven and support those working to achieve political and social reform. the chart he knows are many including a generational trans transform transformation, citizens legitimate demands for political and economic reform sectarian, ethnic and tribal tension and iran's destabilizing influence.

we will keep leading international efforts to reduce insecurity drawing on all sources of our influence nots just our military and we will work to foster progress that endures. closer to home latin america and the caribbean has experienced rapid growth with a large and growing middle class, vibe brant democracies and still untapped potential t it's grappling with challenges like trans-inational crime and trafficking that have serious complications for our own security. thafrp in part to our opening with cuba which turns the page on 50 years of fruitless policy. we have new opportunities to strengthen our partnerships with our neighbors. we are investing particularly until central america to improve governnance and address some of

the root causes of mass migrations like we saw last summer. so across a range of issues with an array of partners, the sdmrunings is proudly shouldering the responsibilities of global leadership the question is not whether america leads in the world but how. and the answer is we are pursuing an ambitious yet achievable agenda worthy of a great power. the president's budget directly supports his strategy. our national security leadership is united around the shared vision and agenda. we are eager to work with congress to restore the vital bi-partisan center to u.s.

foreign policy. our unparalleled leadership is grounded in america's enduring strength and guyed by a clear sense of purpose. all levers of our power, diplomacy, broad-based development, economic leverage our technological advances talent and diversity of our people and when needed our military might. we rallied partners to enact sustainable solutions when challenges arrive. we try to set the highest standards by our own example. we leave with our eyes fixed firmly on the future alert to opportunities to make the world safer and increasingly just. president obama has two years left in his term. two years is plenty of time. this national security strategy is a blueprint for what we

intend to get done over the next two years, from degrading isil and opposing russian aggression to leaving behind a world that can more effectively meet the dangers of climate change and disease. cyber threats and extreme poverty. if we run through the tape america will be better and more sustainability positioned to continue leading on the issues and in the regions that will shape our future. one thing i can warfare ante you, president obama is going to leave everything on the field. so will at a time rest of his team. the challenges ahead will surely continue to be many and great. progress won't be quick or linear. we are committeed to seizing the future that lies beyond the crisis of the day and to

pursuing a vision of the world as it can and should be. that's our strategy for sustaining the leadership that future generations deserve. anything less would not be worthy of the american people or of our great nation. thank you very much [applause.] thank you very much, susan. isn't it great to have a short conversation with me?

we will go to questions from the audience. before we start i want to say something that doesn't get said enough. it rarely gets seen. i have seen the pressure you are under up close. you have been there for six years now. >> very kind. what i have heard in your presentation now and document that we have had a chance to read this morning is essentially the headline seems to me to be: america is back. we are going to lead but we are going to lead in a different way. the impasseqa sys on the truth and the focus essentially on

issues that don't get the usual attention that's headlines except when ebola strikes, which is non-proliferation, climate change cyber security a challenge of extreme poverty, focus on africa. these are the things which seem to be things which the report emphasize. major powers mentioned there in the speech don't get the attention that some would think they deserve given what's happened in the world, particularly with russia and so i wonder if you can explain to us how relations with major powers fits in to this broad national security strategy. >> falsify thank you for your kind words. i am grateful my voice has held up thus far. a little uncertain about how

long it's going to continue to do so but i will do my best. in the first instance, martin, this is a multi-diminemencial al strategy. we have to deal with crises and threats and have a long view and be prepared to seize an opportunity. we have got to phonefocus on the regions that have traditionally consumed american tension and energy reich the middle east and europe, particularly particularly now with an aggressive russia. but at the same time we can't neglect or leave untapped opportunities in the world that have gotten less attention, particularly in recent years. we have to do multiple things simultaneously. believe it or not we can and we are. and that includes dealing with great powers and dealing with the very proximate threats we are all very well aware of that we face. i did spend a good deal of time

in my speech and, also the strategy itself elaborates on the nature of our relationship with china which we see as one of the defining relationships for the 21st century. complex one of cooperation and competition but it's very much a part of how we view the world. we look at emerging powers that have great potential and there, too, we are investing in those important relationships. the president's recent trip to india coming three months after prime minister modi's visit here is an example of another important large power relationship a particular challenge. there is no question that a great deal of our effort and attention and resources will be devoted to dealing with a russia that is now acting in a very aggressive and threatening fashion. if you read the 2010 national

security strategy, it had a different perspective and a different orientation towards russia. at that stage, there seemed to be still the prospect of a more cooperative and collaborative relationship. now, we have to deal with the realities we face. >> means we will continue to reinforce our partners and allies in nato. we will invest the resources to ensure their full and adequate defense and calling on them to do their part as they are increasingly. we will push back and impose costs for russia's aggression. we have made very clear that unless russia reverses course we will continue to look for ways to increase that pressure. we will do so in partnership with our european allies and others around the world who share that concern.

so, that is the reality of our approach to russia. the second piece is there are still issues. our arms control obligations to collaborating in the p 5 plus 1 with respect to iran where the united states and russia have managed still to work together and to the extent that that remains possible, even in the context of all of these other challenges and even as we necessarily incretion the cost we will continue to cooperate where we can. >> you have said now increasing the pressure on russia. i think you said it reverses course trying to provide for its own defense.

whether arms should be provided to the ukraine. can you respond to that question? >> yes. >> i am well aware of the debate. john has put some very thoughtful rentals r we are very much set in partnership with our european allies what comes next what comes next with respect to economic pressure and other forms of pressure. we are already providing military assistance to ukraine. we have not taken a decision yet to up that the nature of that i assistance to include lethal defense equipment, something that's under consideration, but obviously, it is a significant step and we will want to do so in close consultation and in

coordination with our partners who's unity on this issue with us thus far has been a core element of our strength in responding to russia's aggression. china and india, interesting what you said about it and what's in this document. kwebling the rise compete with where necessary and build up relations with our traditional allies in is asia. in terms of india is different. it talks about strategic convergence with india, with india's eastern policy and america's that seems to be kind of pretty clear indication that you are going to be working with india in this region, not necessarily against china but where necessary to balance

china. is that the a fair read of the strategy? >> i wouldn't put it that way. i would say that these are two very important relationships. they were committed to building on. bi they are very different. our relationship with india as the world's oldest democracy and the world's largest democracy has the potential to be important. perhaps a broader convergence of some sets of interests. it is not about pitting one against the other. it is about building the potential of both of these important relationships to the extent possible. let's be pragmatic. even with india obviously, we have had everything in the past and will continue to not see everything in exactly the same way. india laz enormous and very real

development challenges. it has a history in the international system that makes it different than our own and where we can expand scope for cooperation. i think that potential is greater than ever. we will do so. i certainly wouldn't suggest that it will be without some elements of disagreement and diverge divergence. >> my last question will go. on iraq and strategy. >> it lays out what i would say the plausible strategy in terms of dealing with the challenge of isis in iraq. in syria, it talks about the motion of some kind of political rearrangement that will be in this to deal with the situation. it doesn't really sound like a plausible strategy. it may not be possible given the situation there.

the business there is no border any more it crosses iraq and syria and a way of dealing with it. it doesn't sound like we have a way of dealing with it in syria. >> martin there is no question that the challenges in iraq and syria are different. guy necessity, we are having to approach them differently. there is a region where the violence is fillspilling across borders not only between iraq and syria fraifrl but other names in that same region. in iraq we have been the prospect of working with the government in a fashion that provided it governs in a non-sectarian way, an inclusive way. it gives us a partner on the ground that however weakened is established and can be built up.

that's exactly what we are doing with our coalition partners in the iraq context. we are training advising equipping, assisting the iraqi security forces, providing active sport from the aran das a consequence, we are already seeing progress in pushing isil out of numerous parts of contested areas. in syria, the challenge is different a government that has violated all norms and lost its legit mattis to govern and instituted violence against its own people. that's not a partner for the united states or any other member of our coalition, and yet, at the same imperative remains, not only the opportunity to degrade and defeat isil from the air joined with our efforts to cut off the foreign fighter flow and the financial flows and provide

humanitarian support, and counter the eyology. we need partners on the ground and there, we are building from a lower base. no question. we have committed and we are working and have been to bolster the moderate syrian opposition. but obviously, that opposition is weakened and under strain. so, the process of working with our coalition partners to build that capacity will be longer and more challenging even than it is in iraq. >> thank you. let's go to the audience. i would ask you three things, please: number 1, identify yourself. no. 2, ask a question. and number 3, please let's focus on the national security strategy that's the subject of this meeting today. yes, please.

>> [question posed away from the microphone ". >> the hostage policy of the u.s. in terms of national security. there was some news today from islamic state about a hostage. >> in the first instance p we are obviously very concerned about the reports that have come in, in recent hours. we do not at the present have testifies to corroborate isil's claim but obviously we will keep reviewing the information at hand. we have a broader policy with respect to hostages around the world. we don't make concessions to terrorists and to hostage-takers. we don't pay ransom. and we adhere to that policy rigorously because it is our strong view and our experience that when you make concessions

and pay ransom you are only generating greater incentive for additional acts of hostage taking and providing resources to fuel those continued operations and horrific attacks. so in the broadest sense, that's how we have approached things. we are nonetheless, in the process of doing a review of our hostage policy, not with respect to the new concessions aspect that i have outlined but with respect to how we can support and be more responsive to the needs of, for example, the families that are suffering so enormously andwhen a loved one is in that circumstance. frankly, this is an area in which the president beliefs we can do better and we are trying to learn from the experience of other partner countries that

have similar approaches to the united states and are in close consultation, for example, with the united kingdom on this. and we are trying to learn from the experience of the families themselves, and so part of this effort is to be in broad communication with them and ask them, you know what is it that you have experienced? what has not worked for you? and how within the context of that broad area we might do better. >> thank you. my name is martip. i am the ambassador of switzerland. yes have a chance to read the strategy, but from what you have explained, multilateral institutions multilateralism doesn't play an important role is the impression right? >> it's wrong. >> it's wrong. okay. >> says the former u.s. ambassador to the united nations. no.

i mean obviously, it's just come out. i commend the strategy to all of you and ask you to read it. but multilateralism remains an important element of our approach. it is treated in some depth and this strategy as it was in the 2010 strategy. i think throughout the document you will see a great emphasis on partnerships, alliances, coalitions and collective actions. some of that will be best conducted through existing international institutions. there is really emphasis on international order, international norms, the rules of the road, institution building but, also updating these institutions for the challenges of the 21st century. i think you will find that theme is well treated. >> yes, sir. >> thank you very much. ambassador of georgia, thank you

very much for encouraging messages that you offer regarding the security strategy for the united states which brings back the united states as a world, efficient leader but ourmy question is about our part of the world where we have a very larming-scale crisis in and around ukraine. as of this speaking, to my knowledge, in moscow, there is -- there are talks on possible new deal which the, according to the leaked information, i don't know to what extent this information is true and correct. the information, subject of the talks can be ukraine neutrality or a cease-fire along the new contact line which is inside ukraine's territory. it means that if it was done,

then we are talking about the freezing of a conflict zone like, you know, we are attempting ukraine and french, to drop their european orientation and agree on russia's terms, which is neutrality. so how do you think this strategy, which is really very nicely developed and designed can act quickly, efficiently and really protect freedom of choice those in the neighborhoods of russia? thank you sdmrfrp first of all, i think it's way too soon to make judgments about what may be on the table in morning on you today. our german and french allies their leaders, are in moscow. i actually have been in close contact with the national

security advisors today and yesterday and earlier in the week. what they are bringing with them to moscow reflects their agreement with president poroshenko yesterday in kiev. so they are not out there unilaterally cutting a deal with putin at ukraine's extent. >> is a miss -- a misperception and i think we need to see how this evolves and certainly not either anticipate prematurely its success or pan an uncertain outcome. but in the broadest sense, our approach to your region is to stand strongly by our allies and make very clear that article 5 is inviolate able and that we uphold our obligations in the most serious way and we are

building the capacity of nato not only to defend its own territory but to support and grow its relationships with other countries in the neighborhood including iran. so this strategy is about strengthening and deepening our oldest and most fundamental alliance in europe and to make very clear that aggression in 21st century will come at great cost and will -- and not in any way or respect be tolerated or upheld, and as i said in response to martin's question we are continuously revisiting with our european allies how best to approach this chalemption and how best to support not only the government and people of ukraine but our

partners throughout eastern europe. >> we are running out of time. so, if you will indulge us i will take two questions from your former colleagues. ? >> susan, it's great to see you back on our stage. >> thank you for having me. >> i did get a chance to glance through the document after it was posted and you talk in here about five historic transitions going on in the world that the united states would like to influence the straj he can't occur of. one of which is a struggle for power underway in the middle east including a struggle between citizens and governments to redefine their relationships. it strikes me that throughout this document, there is a connection between domestic governance, strong institutions

transparency accountability and security. but in the middle east we face a tremendous challenge balancing the short-term security imperative with that longer term recognition of the relationship between good governance and inclusion and rights respecting governance and security. so, i think my question is: how does the united states intend to address this consistent dilemma between short-term and long-term impair tiftz in the middle east when our partners in the anti-isis struggle are saying this is not the time to push for change and reform. this is the time to try to keep control. thank you. >> we will just take the last one, tom wright. thank you ambassador rice. tom rice with brookings. you spoke in the speech but, also, in the documents about how russia is not an existential

threat t has committed haneeinous crimes in ukraine and engaged in regression but for vladimir pitin, it is an existential threat to his regime. he sees himself in a cold war with europe and the united states. i was wondering what sort of particular challenges are posed by the major power like russia who sees the u.s. and nato as a rival over the next sort of 5 to 10 years. what sort of things worry you about what they might do in a covert front or the economy or military front? and how should the u.s. respond? >> two easy questions here. let me start here and come back. first, i caution you not to paraphrase quite the way you did. that's not exactly what i said. but the broad question about how we deal with russia look there is no question that an

aggressive and -- an aggressive russia that it is taking territory from its nabors is of grave concern and it's at the forefront of our focus and agenda. no question. having said that the tools that we will employ to counter and try to roll back that aggression are not necessarily in every respect military tools. in this case we have relied on alliances and partnerships to impose costs, to support ukraine, itself, which is a vital element of our strategy and to recognize that in the 21st century, where the vast majority of nations stand for upholding basic international laws and norms and find it

outside of those laws and norms to roll in and take portions of your neighbor. russia is paying an enormous cost. over the long-term, if these choices are sustained, the costs will mount. i think it's hard to dispute that in reality even if the in the short-term russia's behavior has not demonstrably changed, the economic impact of the choices it has made are having a maine affect on its economy and will have a major and growing effect on the economy. the variety of tools that we have at our disposable economic and otherwise are ones that we can continue to use along with our traditional tools to reinforce our collective opposition to this type of behavior. but i don't think it's correct

that we are minimizing the threat but it is one that we will address through a variety of means. turning, tamara, to your question which is i think one of the most challenging ones we face. there is no question that in the middle east we are challenged by short-term and long-term imperatives that we have to wrestle with in tandem. when the president spoke at the united nations in 2013, he talked in direct terms about our core interests in the middle east and he outlined four and colleagues like you didn't really like that because it didn't give, in your estimation -- i don't mean to put words in your mouth but sufficient inem fas sys on human rights. it focused on countering terrorism and weapons of mass destruction and upholding the

security and integrity of our partners and allies and ensuring energy sentence and the free flow of energy. >> thepoo middle east peace process? >> many of his speeches have including i think in that one as well, but the point being that we do have some overriding core interests. but that is not to say and i think i said this in my remarks, that we don't need and seek and wish to help support and build a middle east that is far more democratic, far more respectful of human rights and one in which women and all of the citizens of the region are is able to enjoy the same rights that we hold dear. >> is the objective. we think such societies that are democratic and respectful of human rights are more stable. they are more just. they have better partners. they are better able to confront

the type ofr will willty security challenges we face today. but it is a very difficult thing, as we have seen over the last several years to succeed in those types of transition while at the same time dealing with some very real both internal and external security threats. i think any of us would be over simplifying to suggest that there is an easy one-size-fits-all answer. we are having to approach this challenge different from egypt to bahrain to saudi arabia. but that does not suggest that we have less commitment to or have jettisoned our very real interests in the promotion and establishment of democracy and human rights in these countries like everywhere else in the world. but as i said in my remarks,

many of these transitions and many defendant changes we seek to implement will not come quickly or be linear. we are going to have to manage these tensions as a practical matter as policy makers for many years to come. >> susan, it's been five years since we have had a document like this. >> you guys get to dissect t i remember how much i had with other people's national security. >> one of the great things about putting forward a white paper like this is because it will provoke debate and discussion. and now some dissension. we are grateful to you for that and launching it here and discussing it with us. thank you very much. >> thank you very much [applause.]

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