that someone might want to restore someone to their full rights 40 years into the rigged game, that is when you object? sorry, he says, that is i have a feeling that is not where our analyst begin the argument. , ahave richard rothstein senior associate of the economic policy institute. in fall of 2014, he published "the making of ferguson: public policies at the root of its documenting report the problems that segregated the st. louis metropolitan area. he is the author of "grading and using social economic reform to close the black-white education gap. economic found at the

policy institute website. ifil is the president and council of the naacp legal defense and education fund. her career has been committed to civil rights law, first as a fellow at the aclu, and as a r.ung litigato for 20 years, she was a tenured professor at the university of maryland school of law. the author and frequent media commentator on matters involving race in civil rights. definitely some university of maryland fans here. first, we are going to hear from richard rothstein. thank you. [applause] thank you very much, brian.

it is nice to be back here at hud. you a bit thisto morning for a few minutes about ournational context of system of racial segregation in which every metropolitan area of this country is racially secretar segregated. it is predominantly white suburbs that circle predominantly black and in some cases other minorities, urban areas and inner cities and first-rate suburbs. we now have as you have heard already today a new emphasis on affirmatively furthering fair housing and the monitoring the disparate impact of policies for which they cannot prove racial motivation. but stopping discrimination as undo theward will not

segregation that has been established over a quarter of a century of public policy. -- andtively furthering i do not like the euphemism fair housing -- a fervor lovely -- affirmatively furthering integrated housing will require more aggressive policies instantly making sure that we do not continue to discriminate. view to barrier in my pursuing aggressive policies to desegregate the society that was segregated explicitly by public policy is a national myth. that myth is shared not only by conservatives, but by liberals, public policy advocates, by politicians from across the political spectrum. and that myth is that we have something in this country today

that we call the fact of segregation. cto figure creation. as chief justice john roberts described it, it is a product not of state action but of private choices. it does not have constitutional implications. in other words, we have a system which has not established by the government, then we have no obligation to undo that system even if we can prohibit discrimination going forward. factoiew that we have de segregation has been the dominant view of the supreme court for the last 40 years and it has taken over all of our conversation in the public policy realm. stewart,justice potter in a case in which he was joining a majority that said we need to segregate on a

metropolitan wide basis, because he said, the segregation of metropolitan areas -- in this case, he was talking about beachfront of all places. he said the segregation of metropolitan areas was created by unknown and perhaps unknowable factors such as immigration, birth, economic changes, or cumulative acts of private racial fears. that is the problem of -- profit narrative in this country still today. and as youd earlier all do before we came today, we had a remarkable decision authored by justice anthony kennedy in the disparate impact case this june, the inclusive communities decision. what was remarkable what about the decision was not simply that justice kennedy allowed the disparate impact statements to continue to be used as they haven't used in every judicial

district in the country and by hud for decades now. what was remarkable is that justice kennedy hinted at a departure from this constant reiteration of the notion that we have de facto segregation in this country. what justice kennedy said in this opinion was the jury byregation by race, by law, public policy action, the jury segregation by race was declared unconstitutional almost a century ago, but it's vestiges remain today, intertwined with the country's economic and social life. egregated housing patterns can be traced to the rows of the mid-20th century. time, various practices were followed, sometimes with governmental support, to encourage and maintain the separation of the races. the 1960's, these policies, practices, and prejudices

created many predominantly black inner city surrounded by mostly white suburbs. that is a phenomenal statement in the other history as i described before of the court and in policy generally arguing that the segregation of metropolitan areas was unknown .nd unknowable and its origins it was not created by government and it has no constitutional applications. there is no obligation to undo it. , as we wouldbreyer expect to know better, in a decision just six years ago -- eight years ago, i'm sorry -- said that the segregation of metropolitan areas was de facto -- the same argument we heard from conservative judges. there is disagreement was the light of argument we have been hearing that we have de facto segregation and communities should be permitted to

desegregate even if they cannot be compelled to. you i went to describe to in a few minutes today is that we have such a systemic pattern of governmental sponsorship of establish the metropolitan landscape in this country, that we have a constitutional and legislative obligation, not just an opportunity, but an opportunity atundo it and we are failing our responsibilities as american citizens if we fail to pursue that obligation. now let me describe some of this history that we have all forgotten. it once was well known and i will come to that later. we have all forgotten how the federal, state, and local governments consciously segregated metropolitan areas in this country by race. disparate impact of poorly intention policies. segregated and much by race. the main tribe are initially began in the 1930's when we first began to build civilian

public housing in this country. under the new deal, the public works administration was the first agency to support public localities subsidize to build public housing. harold dickies, the most liberal member of the roosevelt administration, had been president of the naacp in chicago before he came to washington to work for the roosevelt administration. harold dickies, the most liberal member of the roosevelt brain trust, proposed a rule that said that public housing should be restricted to people of the race that lives in the neighborhood where public housing is located. liberal view of the roosevelt administration. was liberal about it is that they proposed housing for blacks as well as whites. he liberal view was built separate public housing for

blacks in this was a benefit for the african-american population. under the new deal in the first decade of the new deal, 21 fully segregated projects were built by the federal government, some for african-americans, some for whites. in addition, there were six projects that were so-called integrated, but the buildings were segregated. the buildings were blacks in the buildings were whites. they raised and some also integrated member hints about the country on the grounds that .hey were slums instead, they substituted integrated neighborhoods segregated public housing projects. in that time in the 1930's before everybody had all the deals, there are many metropolitan urban areas where both european immigrants, african-americans, other whites from rural areas had come to work in factories. they all had to live close to the factors to be able to walk to work. the neighbors were relatively

integrated. notn to say that were developed of clusters of the neighborhoods, but overall they were integrated. i like to talk about st. louis because it led to the segregation of ferguson. in the downtown neighborhood of de soto kark was 55% white and 45% black. the federal government subsidized the city of st. louis to build public housing. they do smallest that -- the most that neighborhood to build an all-black public housing project. in st. louis and again the federal government support built in all-white project the downtown area. you have an integrated neighborhood and the public housing program segregated it. this was not an accident. this was not the disparate impact of the unintended consequence of the public housing prod tech -- project could this was the deliver

attempt to segregate the st. louis area. the second attempt to segregate metropolitan areas through federal programs was during world war ii when the second great migration brought african-americans to center of defense. the federal government often without local support constructed segregated public housing for defense workers in the metropolitan areas for defense production in world war ii. the segregated public housing projects became the poor get as we know today. in california, the largest shipbuilding centers of the where ships for the war were being built, mostly merchant ships to convoy supplies to great britain, richmond, california had a very tiny black population -- almost none before world war ii. was created by the federal

government where it build separate housing for all workers who came to work in the shipbuilding yards for blacks on one side of town and whites on one side of town. the blacks were closer to the shipyards and industrial areas in the whites were farther away in more residential areas. in one case, another californian exam that i have read about and studied -- the hunters point yard in san francisco jury many defense plant workers to service the navy yard's like the dry dock in san francisco. francisco once to build an integrated public housing project in the navy prohibited them from doing so. the navy insisted it be segregated and this was true again throughout the country. --detroit, the will around runlow run -- will low

bomber plant had been underdeveloped. of was no previous pattern segregation in that neighborhood, but the government built housing for white workers only. blacks were prohibited from living in the housing that government created. that became a white suburb of detroit. not by accident, not because of african-americans not want you to live there, but because the federal government specifically built housing for white workers only, for which blacks were prohibited. there was a big civilian housing shortage, not only in this country and april 19 30's and during world war ii when forrials were not available housing construction come up after world war ii, the korean war again consumed many materials. a big shortage of civilian housing -- in 1949, president harry truman proposed the national housing act to build massive public housing across

the country, still mostly for whites. this was a civilian housing shortage. it was not just african-americans who need the housing. public housing was the most desirable housing available for any middle-class and working class families. president truman proposed the national housing act to finance massive expansion of the nation's public housing program. conservatives in congress, who were opposed to any federal involvement in the private housing market, this has nothing to do with race, they were just opposed to government involvement in the private housing market. conservative in congress came with a poison pill a minute. we still have these today. these are amendments that legislators can put on the bill that if the amendment is adopted, it assures that the prior bill will be defeated. conservatives in congress for pros -- proposed an amendment to the national housing act that president truman proposed. the amendment was that all

public housing from now on had to be integrated. they knew full well that this would pass that southern democrats would vote against the entire public housing program, which they supported on a segregated basis. liberals in congress, led by then senator hubert humphrey, and by another leading liberal in illinois,e time liberals campaigned against the integration amendment. the argue that th is amendment was passed, there would be no public housing at all and that african-americans would be better in segregated housing the no housing at all. in retrospect, we can question their judgment about that. in any event, they campaigned against the integration amendment. it was defeated with liberal votes. once that amendment was defeated, the public housing program that passed and we saw a massive expansion of public housing throughout the country.

robert holmes in chicago and the homes in st. louis, which were oflt under the provisions this 1949 segregated public housing act. you may remember them. they became an iconic symbol of segregated public housing in this country. they were originally built as two separate projects -- the prudent project was for black. the iowa project was for whites. this went on throughout the country as late as 1984. a newspaper investigation by of "the dallas morning news" surveyed 47 metropolitan areas across the country and found that everyone of those metropolitan areas that public housing will segregated by race. and everyone one of those projects, the facilities, the amenities, the service, the maintenance of the white projects with superior than that of the black projects. i mentioned a minute ago the

pruitt i co-towers in st. louis. you may recall that eventually they became infested with drug dealers, low income families ,nly, lots of people on welfare no longer have families in it. it was all black. the towers had been originally built for white and may suddenly had no more whites wanting public housing. there were long waiting list for the pruitt towers for african-american families and were vacancies in the other projects. the st. louis authority openly towers for blacks. how did that happen? how did we have a shortage in 1949 and by 1955, when the towers were open to african-americans come there was no longer a housing shortage for whites and the longer need the public housing? there was only a shortage for african-americans.

to understand that, we have to look at another federal program administered by the predecessor agency of hud, the federal housing administration. the federal housing administration embarked on a program in the 1940's and 1950's to supervise the white population of this country. explicitly the white population of this country. they embarked on a program to loans,, to underwrite mass production builders to create subdivisions unconditioned -- this was a federal housing administration condition -- on condition that developers who took these loans would not sell homes to african-americans. suburbs around the country were created for whites only. the housing shortage disappeared. whites can lead the public housing projects where they they wereby, if returning war veterans, for example, they could buy homes in these white suburbs in which the

monthly carrying charges that they had always homes were less than the rent they were paying in public housing. and this was for explicitly whites only. you are familiar with many of these projects in suburbs around the country. in new york, the best-known is built on- 17,000 homes condition that they were not sell homes to african-americans. loans to build the project were guaranteed by the federal housing administration. some may recall hearing a song that pete's singer used to sing about houses on the hillside made of ticky tacky. the south of san francisco, you'll see a giant development by federal housing administration funds that were on condition that no homes be sold to african-americans. let me just play out this 11

town example for a minute. leaven sulfur in abouttown 7000-8000 dollars per home. abouthomes today sell for $400,000-$500,000. you have heard about it today -- , ok,air housing act says african-americans, you can now moved to leaventown. while the fair housing act is a wonderful thing and prohibits discrimination against african americans, and cannot undo the federal policy that created leaventown in the first place. homes in 1947 were affordable to working class and lower middle-class african-americans the way they were affordable to working lower and middle class whites.

they are no longer affordable for middle-class families today. a 1968 fairwe have housing act, which prohibits discrimination, and there might be some discrimination still, but blacks are able to live in leaventown. it is still 1% black. today, nationwide, african-americans, on average, have incomes that are about 60% white incomes on average. african-american wealth and most wealth in this country's wealth and housing equity. african-american wealth is 5% of white wealth. income -- the ratio is 60%. that is a must entirely attributable to explicit federal racial policies that prohibited african-americans from gaining the equity that the white families who bought homes from

can now sell for $500,000 game. what would it take to remedy this kind of policy? simply saying we cannot discriminate against african americans is not going to remedy this policy. i will tell you what a remedy would look like. a remedy that would meet constitutional standards that even john roberts says, if it is governmentally sponsored, there is a constitutional obligation to undo it. well, the federal government should go out and purchase the next 22% of homes that come up for sale at have to pay $500,000 or whatever they should and resell it to qualified african-americans for $125,000. [applause] that would be a permanently furthering fair housing. in a way that is constitutionally required. it is completely politically

unrealistic to talk about that. but why is it completely politically unrealistic? the reason is that we have completely forgotten the history of how federal -- and i could go on with state and local governments -- have purposely segregated metropolitan areas. because we have forgotten that and we think we have de facto segregation because people do not want to live with different races or have the money to afford to integrate more because the migration or whatever potter things said, they think that happen by accident can only be undone by accident. americans recognized the things that were done on purpose can things done by remedy done on purpose. then, we might have the chance to begin to think of some of these policies that would reverse the social engineering that created the metropolitan

society. was it you who talked about social engineering? we need to undo the social engineering that created the metropolitan landscape that we have today. can't do it unless we understand the history because the history is what creates the obligation for from the policies today. now there are many things that we can do short of aggressive policies that will make small differences. of course, we can abolish discrimination, the source of income discrimination. we can usher low income tax house credit is not used to support readily -- disproportionately in low income minority community's. in order to really address the segregation of our metropolitan areas, in order to integrate low-income people into middle-class areas and middle income african-americans into middle-class areas like the example i talked about a minute

ago, we are to have to become familiar with the history of how we purposely created the segregation. in addition to the things that all of you are doing at your importantls, the most job in addition to that that you have to do is educate your communities about how they got to be where they are so that people will begin to understand the obligation that they have to undo the segregation that we all live with i. thank you. [applause] sherrilyn: good morning and thank you very much. ryan and all of

you here at hud, and richard for providing this wonderful seminar. richard and i have been doing these joint talks here at hud and other places and i'm always riveted by his presentation on this really, really important history. and talk want to pause with you all today a little bit contemporary manifestation of some of the history that richard is talking about. toould also encourage you make when i think are some important connections between what you have been seeing on your television of the last year as we have dealt with issues of police violence and urban unrest . frankly to recognize role ine, our role, my in problem we all live with

this segregated structure which we have come to take for granted and come to accept it. we have come to believe that it landscape.art of the and i suppose i want to spend a few moments talking about why we , not onlyt this because we had a fair housing act and the wonderful ash we havee and devoted most of our lives to fighting discrimination, but because as a democracy imperative. if this country is to make it, if you and i are to make it unified, we have to get our hands around this problem of segregation. spring when baltimore interrupted in days of unrest in

the wake of the death of freddy gray in police custody, i did a lot of media. some of you may have seen some of it. when i did the media, i was asked a lot of questions about baltimore. i lived in baltimore city for 20 years and i've lived in baltimore county for five years and taught at the university of maryland law school for 22 years. although i am a native new yorker, i really transplanted to baltimore and took it on as my home and raise my children there. people had a lot people had a lot of questions of what they'd seen on the tv. they wanted to know why our young people so angry? why are people burning businesses in their own neighborhood? will the cvs ever come back? would freddie gray run can the police?

importantse were questions and once i answered. but i regarded part of my obligation during those very when so much attention was on baltimore city to press a different set of questions, the questions i thought were being neglected and questions that really preoccupied my thinking. westtions about the baltimore neighborhood where freddie gray grew up. i wondered why the cvs was the only chainstore we saw on the street. no starbucks, no petsmart, no chick-fil-a. all businesses are valuable, but it was hard to imagine that all the handwringing from city leaders was about the concern for the easy tobacco mart and some of the other businesses the characterized north avenue where the unrest took place. why were the streets of west baltimore in such dilapidated

condition that baltimore city police could take a rest -- arre thes on a rough ride in back of a police van? and hisd freddie gray siblings been lead poisoned in housing in baltimore in 1990's, 70 years after the danger of lead paint were well-known? what were we to make of an education system that appear to have failed not only freddie gray but his parents who were unable to read and write? how does a community get to be the west baltimore were freddie gray grew up and allegedly sold drug and had that fateful encounter with the police? baltimore where police officers do not live in the neighborhood, yet managed the streets and the committee using a kind of merry-go-round of catch and release of young african-american men. who are these officers? where do they live?

how do we account for the baltimore being projected on television every night? the secret to understanding the anger, the despair, the demand for attention and justice that we witnessed during that unrest. lies in understanding that unrelenting creation of communiqués -- in communities in littleesidents have very chance to change their lives could communities are deeply segregated by race, poor, lacking in transportation, bereft of strong educational institutions, communities that placed unimaginable strain on parents, children, on children, on businesses. richard'sard presentation. deeply entranced segregation has characterized so many cities in the north, and even though i just use the passive voice, i should not. these were deliberate acts and policies. government sponsored policies. waslandscape of the north created by deliberate and

intentional segregation first through ration mr. two covenants and outright discrimination through federal housing policy which richard discuss affecting public housing and. affectedy -- public housing beginning in the 1930's. domestic investment programs of the 20th century and it includes not only the kind of a kind of support provided to the creation of suburban homes but it also includes the interstate highway system and the g.i. b ill. these investments are worth trillions of dollars in today's economy. and they not only created segregation, they created the middle class as suggested that the creation of the white middle class was kind of inevitable. theg.i. bill government's role in creating a

formal housing in the summer was not explained as a government handout or as welfare. as affirmative-action for white people. measures were understood as appropriate and sound government policy and is what our government owed young families after the sacrifice of world war ii. segregation was further reinforced by supreme court decisions in the education context, which first delayed allgregation with the deliberate speed decision and by restricting regional desegregation solution in cases like milligan versus bradley which ensure that whites could flee integration by leaving the diversity of cities. history of segregation is well documented. and by the litigation in which the legal defense fund participated challenging segregated public housing in baltimore thompson v. hud.

few realize that baltimore played a pioneering role in introducing residential segregation to northern cities when the city council of baltimore passed the first ordinance requiring residential segregation in 1910. people from cities all over the country called the city council and baltimore, send us the bill. and baltimore literally topped the rest of the country about how to create invisible ordinances requiring -- municipal ordinances requiring segregation. i want to talk about two under appreciated elements that as you move forward in the fair housing context, i ask you to draw attention to and i do so because they are issues that are current in baltimore today. history oftimore's segregation provides a window into what i think are the unappreciated elements that contribute it to and reinforced housing segregation and you

somehow must attend to, and that set of decisions are decisions affecting transportation. i've already talked about the creation of the interstate highway system without which the suburbs would not have been possible. that was a massive, massive transportation investment all over this country. and transportation decisions have too often been made to further and perpetuate segregation. they often are decisions in which policymakers acquiesce to community resistance to desegregation or they work in housingiwith opportunities which ensure that black have few opportunities. ironic thatt's after we watch the events unfold in baltimore earlier this year, the death of freddie gray, the unrest, the sad and pathetic

business corridor in which the ez tobacco mart is the norm and not the cvs. weeks later, the governor decided to abandon the plan to build the red line, the rail line that would run east-west baltimore city. and that has the attention to idgin to unlock the rig insularity of segregated communities like the west baltimore community in which freddie gray lived. the decision to abandon the red line got no ink. many of you probably never heard of it. this is a project that was worked in baltimore city for 10 years. i do not know how many of you are familiar with baltimore city. very few. baltimore's described during the unrest incessantly on cnn as a major american city. a major's, yes, it is

american city in that it has a baseball team and a football team and it has a sizable storytion and it has a history, has a storied civil rights history, the birthplace of thurgood arsenal -- marh shall. tremendous culture, a town i love very much. something -- it does not have something that most major american cities have and that is a true functioning public transportation system. the lack of public transportation, like the housing decisions is not by accident. there were plans to create a functioning public transportation system in baltimore many times. in 1966, the original railway plan involved a citywide subway system much like you have in d.c. it looks like the map of the d.c. metro. that never happen. as white communities protested and expressed their concerns about what this would mean in

terms of what this would mean in terms of the population. a 7 city cell 47 stop r -- s that goes from downtown to johns hopkins. the same thing happened in 1992 when the plan was made to create light rail that would go to baltimore up west baltimore and up into baltimore county. the system was created in a way that does not run through residential neighborhoods. it runs only to business districts. and runs up at a baltimore county business districts. and when there's a desire to have another light rail stop, like we were able to get a football team, we spent tens of millions of dollars creating a light rail stop for the stadium. but there was one community that refuse to have a light rail stop. community called

ruxton who said they did not want that element on public transportation in the community. so, if you are riding the light it will stopmore, every three minutes and suddenly not stop 15 minutes. thoseat's as it passes communities that objected to having a transportation system stop in their communities. transportation is the key to unl ocking these closed in like the one you saw and was baltimore. people getion is how to jobs that exist not largely in the center of baltimore but on the edges of the community in baltimore county and howard county. they allow women like the mom ont everyone lionized television who snatched her son from the protest. it would allow her living in west baltimore to get to johns hopkins in east baltimore which actually does have jobs.

johns hopkins is one of the greatest editions that hires ex- -- great institutions that hires ex-offenders. your ability to get to that job at 7:00 in the morning means you will be standing at a bus stop waiting for an hour for a bus that will be ended to the city to get you there on time. if you drive there was baltimore early in the morning, and you watch the bus stops, you see the moms who come from public housing and from low income housing standing at the bus stops. it is dark. they are there at 5:30 so they can get to the 7:00 shift at the hospital. and then you have to ask yourself where are their children? who will taken to school? who will make sure they have something to eat? who will make sure they have their homework? when they arrive in school

without those things, what is the reaction of the teacher? what's your reaction when you hear about the children who arrive at school without their homework and with nothing to eat? simply decision to abandon a transportation system that would bring people from one end of the city to the other, that would bring people to the jobs in the county from the city is a decision that reverberates for the lives of people in baltimore city. the decision that the governor made to abandon the red line is one that will profoundly implicate the obligation of baltimore city and baltimore county to affirmatively further fair housing for many years to come. the some in the thompson v. hud provides vouchers to families to move to communities of opportunity in the region. and that remains critically important. what youre wondering can do to support transportation

of baltimore, you can allocate additional funds to that program to allow families to move to communities of opportunity. but i think we all recognize that as a corollary, our obligation is all so make every community the community of opportunity. [applause] sherrilyn: and so, in and forcing the obligation of governments to further fair housing, you must take -- pay keen attention to the role transportation decisions have played and are continuing to play in locking in long-standing residential segregation. hud must work had in hand with the department of transportation uncovering the devastating symbiotic room -- relationship of housing and regressive transportation decision-making in order to give life to the affh. but also to meet your obligations under title vi of the civil rights act and ensure that federal funds to not

support programs that engage in discrimination. rule, you affh talk about the removal of barriers that prevent people from accessing housing in areas of opportunity. you talk about access to housing outside of areas with high racial or ethnic concentration of low-income residents. how does that happen in a city like baltimore where many people cannot afford to own cars? it happens by transportation decisions that work hand-in-hand with a local jurisdiction's plan to further fair housing. and to the extent we allow these decisions to be decoupled so these transportation decisions are made over here and then later on you look at baltimore county's plan or the palan in te city, you are allowing these jurisdictions to grandfather in unreviewed to these

transportation decisions. we need these two to come together. in addition to transportation, there has to be attention to regional solutions. and you know this already. in thomas v. hud talked about the way in which baltimore was being maintained as a segregated pool for the region's poor. he said that simply cannot be allowed to standd. -- to stand. possible bys made some of the transportation decisions i described to you. you heard vice president mondale this morning know that in 1968 he talked about promoting integrated and balanced living patterns. those balanced living patterns cannot happen without social engineering. to push backnt

against any negative connotation to that phrase. so i regard myself as a defendant of charles hamilton houston, the billion lawyer and who-- the brilliant lawyer of lawyers, if you're not a social engineer, you are a parasite. [applause] sherrilyn: that's our job. our job is to social engineer for good, to social engineer for opportunity. our job is to social engineer for equality. those are noble. unless we think we have a choice about whether we do this, i want to take you back to the supreme court's decision in brown v. board of education and the aacp engaged in that case. decision.ow the and you know that in that

decision, the supreme court talked about the harm of segregation to african-american children. they talked about the way in which segregation sends a message to african-american children that the state regards them as inferior and that message becomes internalized. that may all be true. but what i wanted to be clear about is that when we litigated that case, and we provided our briefs and we included with our briefs an and appendix signed by 30 social scientists that talked about the harm of segregation on black children, that brief also included an extensive discussion about the harm of segregation to white children. and it talks about the way in which segregation can produce andusion, moral cynicism, sense of dislocation among white children that can resulting ways in which they rationalize the incongruity they

society, the language of equality and justice they hear and the rhetoric of the public and that they may hear from their parents and the reality of what they see happening before them. and in that brief, the social scientists forecasted i believe some of what we are seeing today. because of the end of the day when you watch that awful video of walter scott running in that park in north charleston in being shot by the police officer, it's not just the police officers pull up next to tamir rice in cleveland and shoot him, the 12-year-old boy. it is that when his sister begins to cry and scream, my brother, brother, that they tackle her to the ground and handcuffed her and put her in the back of a car. is that they say to this grooming mother, if you do not get quiet i will arrest you, too. you have to begin to wonder what

manner of people are these? what has happened to them? that ast is my believe a democracy, as a society we can simply no longer afford segregation. we cannot afford the distance between us that allows one to not believe in the humanity of the other. and you and i do not have the luxury of sitting back 30 years from now asking the same questions if we are in a position of authority to lessence one iota to that distance between us. it was created bthe way in which we live. doeslows the othering that not see a grieving mother. and we sibling cannot afford it anymore. -- we simply cannot afford it

anymore. in case we are watching these events unfold and we are thinking that it's all about policing. and it does not have to do with us in case you're thinking what does hud have to do with freddie gray? it has everything to do with it. and so my hope today -- [applause] isrrilyn: my hope today really to convict you and me. trust me. i do not throw stones. to convict us as a society, as those who are the engineers to recognize that we bear responsibility for that as well. be resolved by the conviction or this or that police officer. of course, there must be justice and accountability, but if we do not begin to take seriously the harm that segregation is doing

to the society, that was predicted in 1954 we submitted these briefs, that we will be here 40 years from now with your grandchildren and my grandchildren and our great-grandchildren wondering what manner of people are these? they are the ones we allowed to be created. affirmatively, aggressively recognizing the role we must play in ending segregation once and for all. thank you. [applause] >> thank you. really call for remarks. -- really powerful remarks. thank you, richard.

you have really started this conference and a really emphatic way. i'm now looking forward to hearing questions and answers from our audience. i think people probably have a lot they want to say. few questions i'm going to ask our panel while you are for relating your questions. let me suggest that a good question contains three elements. your name, a brief statement, then followed by a question mark. so, if you think of a question you would like to ask, there is a microphone right here, and you can ask that question. ask sort of ano affirmative question. are there communities that either of you can think of who are doing it right, communities who are models for integration that can help lead the way for

others? [laughter] the answer is i do not have that list available. so, i think what we have to do is we have to take pieces from different ones. so, if i'm going to go back to the transportation system, for example. there are obvious ones like new others where there is a transportation system that allows for her certain fluidity of the population around the city in terms of getting to jobs, in terms of imagining if i moved to that neighborhood, could i still get to my church on sunday? i could, i could take that train and bus and it would get me there. so there elements. and that is how i always think isut policy in baltimore what can you -- because every city is different. it has its own tradition and will not be any cookie-cutter.

but it is about drawing from different models. what are the pieces that you think and work? then putting them together for the local community that you are working with. beat, again, am trying to the transportation horse because i think that, because i think too often we think they are separate. i thing for the family -- i represented parents of lead poisons kids in baltimore in the 1990's. werew how much the moms affected by the fact they had to leave their kids for a really because of the transportation system. i also know they selected housing that was horrible often because of its proximity to work or to other family members or to other caregivers where they could leave their children. it was bad decisions about housing but really for reasons that made sense. and it had to do with the fact

that they did not have choices and how to navigate the infrastructure. the housing decisions, even as i think about giving people vouchers and saying moved to a community of opportunity, ande know, from that case, is one of the reasons why we put safeguards with counseling in that case which i think is doing a good job, people make decisions they stun the apparatus they have around them. and they need to be able to make -- to have greater choices. and so the reason i raise the transportation issue here at hud is because i want to emphasize the way in which transportation isolation limits the housing decisions that -- wher eyou live is your choice. well, not exactly like that. really there are whole bunch of other choices that bear on that ability to make that choice freebie. that is one of them. because you all mentioned iansportation any affh rule,

think that is one of the threat you can pull and look at places that are doing that effectively and pull that into the mix. >> coming up today on c-span 2, on the second day of the housing and urban development conference, attendees hear from loretta lynch on efforts by her office to combat housing dissemination. -- discrimination. then former defense department comptroller robert hale speaks about the defense budget and the impacts of sequestration. at 10 a.m. later, numbers of the federal trade commission discuss net neutrality, working at -- looking at whether the fcc's ruling encourages on the -- encroaches on the ftc. that is live from the federalist society. >> the c-span cities tour.

bys weekend, we are joined charter communications to learn more about the history and literary life of grand junction, colorado. the mining of a certain mineral had importance in this part of colorado. >> all over the plateau, and especially in mesa county, we are surrounded by rock. within it we find a lot of dinosaur bones and fossils. and that has intrigued scientists, but the other thing we also find is a mineral, a rock called car in a tight. -- carnatite. it contains your radium which was used by marie curie to fight cancer. and it contains an element that was used to strengthen steel. during world war ii, it was of extreme value. ite also contains uranium.

uranium is one of the best sources for atomic power and atomic weapons. >> wayne aspen all was largely responsible for this area's agricultural development through his legislation. >> he fought the battle to reserve water for western colorado by making sure that we got our fair share. how did he do that? well, beginning in his state to hisand then going on federal career, he climbed up the ladder of seniority and was eble to exercise, i think, mor power than you might normally have. certainly in the united states he was able to make sure colorado and western colorado would be treated fairly in any divisions of water. his first major success was the passage of the colorado river storage project in 1956. >> see all of our progress from

grand junction saturday at 7:00 p.m. eastern on c-span 2. and sunday afternoon at 2:00 on american history tv on c-span 3. c-span,ay on "washington journal." at 11:00 a.m., john kerry discusses the iran nuclear deal of the constitution center. at 1:00 p.m., south carolina governor nikki haley speaks at the national press club. coming up and 45 minutes, bob colby, the chief legal officer of the financial industry regulatory authority. talk about his organization's role as a nongovernmental regulator of the securities industry. at 8:30, a look at the cadillac tax, a 40% excise tax on expensive health insurance plans. our guest is julie appleby of kaiser health. at 9:15 our spotlight and

magazine series features peter grier of "the christian science monitor" on how americans decide who to vote for in elections. ♪ host: good morning. it is wednesday, september 2, 2015. welcome to "washington journal." president obama returns to the nation's capital after three days in alaska. andh of washington baltimore, police are bracing for protests as pretrial motions begin in the trials of the six police officers accused of shooting freddie gray. lake, illinois, the manhunt continues for the three suspects who gunned down police officer joe glisten with - g