relations were not so good. finally, he was a representative here in washington. so, please join me in welcoming our guest. dr. joseph woo. thanks. [applause] >> thank you very much for inviting me. thank you very much for the very generous introduction, richard. ladies and gentlemen, i am very happy to be back to washington dc and to brief you on how we see the elections that just came ut over the weekend. on january 16, the people of

taiwan went to the polling stations and casted their votes for a new administration and legislature in taiwan. i think we all know the result areas the result is tremendous. the dpp for the first time ever, captured both the administration and legislature. think this is unprecedented. as we look at the political landscape and traditional wisdom of taiwan's political landscape, people would say the green base is always smaller than the blue ase. the blue is inclined -- is larger than the dpp. i think this selection proves otherwise. if we look at the first figure, you can see the dpp won the presidential election by a very

convincing majority. as you look at the second powerpoint page, the dpp is so far ahead in the election, on the district side. if you look at the third slide, the percentage in the legislature, the dpp is also coming out in a convincing way. all of the presentation is going to come out in a written text. this will be released to you afterwards. if you look at the fourth figure, this is an internal survey by the dpp. if you look ah figure, this is an internalok ah survey by the dpp. these are dual calculations. you can see before the first the blue is012,

larger than the green. there is a change afterward. the green seems to be larger than the blue, especially after the november 2014 local elections. looking at way of this. the dpp does not make any major mistakes. the green is more likely to be larger than the blue for the years to come. i think this has significant meaning to taiwan's democracy. 1996, we election of have already had three turnovers of political power which can be seen as a consolidated the marker see. -- democracy.

people are exercising their democratic rights. the people in taiwan understand this is the right they obtained after a long fight. we are very proud of this democracy and would like to share with other people. results, many people are trying to understand. they are trying to understand the factors. taiwan wouldny in is ano point out this independent dichotomy in taiwan. versus unification independence. there may be some degree of truth for earlier elections, but

the election in taiwan has already been changed. like to say that we conduct regular surveys in taiwan, trying to find out what people are thinking before they go to the voting booth. show --lar so raise regular surveys show they care about issues they can relate to end their life, not necessarily a lyrical issues. peopleues we found that safetyout what include issues area -- safety issues. this might miss the nuances in the election.

you some of to give of the on the elections important factors that, into play in this particular election. other than the country's young problem -- own problem, the young voters is the number one factor. this factor carried significant weight in the november 2014 local elections. it carries over to the 2016 election with the dpp candidate receiving overwhelming support of young voters throughout all surveys. the new power party, which represents a big moment in the 2014, scored and a convincing victory in its debut. the second factor i would consider important is the sharp rise in the performance of local

administration. the dpp local administrators in andral, are highly regarded outranked public and pender -- public opinion surveys. noted that thebe presidential candidate, eric chu ranked quite low in surveys. the third factor of would like to point out is the way the dpp is seeking positions, potentially confrontational issues including south china sea relations and relationships with japan, trade related cultural issues. the way we conducted the debate on this issue allowed them to move the on the traditional divide. they stayed on high ground with

political issues and garnered the support of the middle majority. this provoked the green-blue divisions, but it did not work. a final factor i would consider important for election results is the dpp factor. they addressed public concerns. the public concern about safety issues about pension, housing and etc.. series of policy platforms to address the issues people care a lot about. innovativeed five industry projects, renewable

energy policy issues, political judicial reform, and foreign policy. contrast, they did not come into the picture early on. eric chu did not become a candidate until october. they did not seem to make a successful impact. i would like to caution everyone about the meaning of the election. many people would like to interpret this as china's defeat. i would like to give some of my own observations. this is obviously china's favorite choice, if china weighed in the 2012 election

areas however, it may be inaccurate in reading the election with the same interpretation this time around. throughout the campaign, neither the presidential candidate herself or the team targeted china in any campaign rhetoric or slogans. they prepared for a high victory in dpp was just following the presidential election. statements by chinese officials opinions.eserved from havingto keep a negative impact on taiwan's elections. trying to interpret this election from the basis of ch these are dual calculations.in e

parties. e we would like to work with the kmt on an issue basis as well. the second thing we would like to move ahead is domestic reconciliation. the dpp believes in reconciliation during a transition. its --wan -- true to

transition period for taiwan. we would like to reach out to the outgoing government to resolve the difficult issues taiwan is facing. dpp pensioninclude reform and oversight. the third is economic restructuring reform. we will engage on this as soon as we come into office. we ran a major platform of bringing momentum to the economy with industry projects. valleycludes a silicon project, renewable energy center

and smart energy project. we also spoke about defense industries which will be centered in taipei. these will be something we will engage with in order to bring momentum back to tie one's economy. -- taiwan's economy. the next one is building our external relationships. it will be a friendship building as a guiding principle. in order to pursue our economic agenda, taiwan needs to be relations with china. this was studied during a nomination speech and was reflected in her june speech. in order for the dpp administration to maintain

friendly relations with china, we want to take postures that are consistent and predictable and make meaningful contribution to the community, china included. another factor that we would like to embark on, which is going to be important is reconciliation. this was a campaign based on the platform of the green-blue line. a moderate approach toward time , will be madea public. -- maintainemain the status quo. this is to move forward relations based on the results of more than 20 years of negotiation in exchanges between

the two sides. with regard to the question of the 1992 consensus, he clearly stated during the televised debates held in taiwan prior to the election, the dpp has never denied the historical factor of the dialogue that took place in 1992. there is a shared desire of the two sides at the time to avenge relations by mutual understanding. as for the specifics of the 1992 consensus, created by the kmt in the year 2000, she implicates a return to the spirit of setting aside differences to seek common grounds. going forward, we will do our utmost to find a mutually acceptable mode of interaction

two.en the will put forward the agreement as a priority to highlight our interest in peaceful relations with china. willeign-policy agenda, we pursue and expand our relations with the united states, japan, europe and other like-minded states. we believe the expansion of our foreign elation ship -- should not come at the expense of china. we will like to take part in the negotiations, the second round of negotiations. we are interested in taking part in pursuing the expansion of

trade negotiations either in investment agreements or prospects for u.s.-taiwan relationships. this is important for the dpp administration. the relationship will be the utmost important to our incoming dpp administration, especially on our foreign relations. we will improve economic security and ties with united states and engage in an effort to reform re-structural adjustments. ,e will increase investment proportionate to economic growth, particularly increasing investment in taiwan's advanced programs. specific andde a consistent agenda with united

states, so that taiwan can be a trusted partner and make a meaningful contribution. to conclude, the dpp will -- was and humand in 1986 rights are inalienable part of the party. opportunitysure the to be in the government again. with this effort which led to success. we will ensure that people our great trust. forwardmove the country in a responsible manner. taiwan will be a consolidated democracy. we will show others it works very well. foran will be a role model

political and economic developments. thank you very much. [applause] >> thank you, joseph for that comprehensive speech, both the analysis of the results of taiwan's election as well as the agenda they dpp has going forward. i certainly would like to offer my congratulations, first to taiwan for its successful presidential election and the third transfer of political power, and of course, my congratulations to your party. i wish she the best of luck with all of the challenges you face going forward. youuld like to start asking

, you talked a little bit about what the party will do in the future, but i want to focus on the first 100 days as democracies often do. what are the most urgent items on the agenda? what do you hope to accomplish in the first 100 days? >> this is a very important dpp for some time. we would like to embark upon those projects right away. projectsthose economic involve structural reform and it will take a long time for the effect to take place. before that, there are several projects we would like to embark upon, so that the people can dpp the sincerity of the and engage in political reform.

is the agreement oversight bill. we see this as a priority will for the first legislative session. this is a top priority for us. another priority in the new session will be transitional. in taiwan, people are talking about how to make a smooth transition, and this is important for us. in order for this smooth transition, there has to be infrastructure so that the transition can be handled with the principles. we do not have that. we need to put that in as soon as possible. another thing that will be important, that will be integrated during the transition. thee guidelines or

compulsory education. there was a debate earlier on about the compulsory education historical textbook or the chinese textbook for it -- textbook. this is a pressing need for taiwan, and therefore, we need to do it as soon as possible. there were some discussions in the dpp on political reforms we promised the people. for instance, the political party law. that may be something we need to consider in a serious manner. we attachne thing importance to his two formulate a national mood, especially during the transition.

, so that the government can having a conciliatory environment. we need to create a mechanism to deal with those pressing issues. i think this kind of mechanism, if we can set it up, that will be important to address the critical issues. i forgot to mention one critical issue, that is the pension reform. systemsthese pension are coming into collapse. the military pension is coming into collapse. this will happen next year if nothing is done about it. therefore, we need a committee to discuss that as soon as possible, so that we can work on it right after the government comes into office. >> great, sounds like an ambitious agenda. let me ask you about what you

hope to achieve in relations with mainland china. you talked about having the oversight bill passed in the legislator early on, i assume you would go forward. i would like for you to talk about the trade and merchandise agreement that are still left on the table. issue atone leftover least from the previous administration, and that was the effort to set up representative offices on both sides of the street. what do you expect the dpp will do about these issues? are there other objectives you have in relations with mainland china? >> our objective with relationships between china and taiwan is to safeguard our peace

and stability. principle, guiding to maintain the status quo. for the status quo to be peaceful and stable, we need to work on some specific issues, issues like what you just mentioned. i think the interactions or trade influence is normal. it is going to be conducive to a peaceful and stable relation. we will consider the negotiations and trade issues. in order for people to understand, that the negotiations or engagement between the two sides is conducive with taiwan's economic development are conducive to peaceful development, we need to handle it in a more transparent way. we also need to have some guiding principles to govern the

negotiations between the two sides. i am sure you remember what 2014.ed in march of i think the people reacted to the negotiations or agreement, not because of the agreement per se, but way -- but the way it was handled. therefore, we need to consider process with as background that we need to handle it in a transparent way. i think the agreement oversight necessary fortely us to conduct negotiations with china with the rules set up by the oversight bill. up oversight bill will set rules and ways for us to conduct haveiations, and it should

much less problems in making trustworthy. , we domodity agreement not oppose this negotiation between taiwan and china. what is needed now is to have the oversight bill to govern the remaining negotiations. we also agree that setting up representative offices will signify the normalization of the relations. this, but opposed to there is data we need to be more attuned to. there has to be no political preconceptions in the agreement.

we should have the right to comprehensive legislation. rights toto have the visit their citizens in a comprehensive way. there are numerous examples of representative offices setting withoutttings recognition. content can be learned in setting up representative offices in between taiwan and china. >> let me ask you a question that you did not address in your speech. energy the future profile of taiwan. during the campaign, the kmt criticized the position of the dpp to create a nuclear free homeland in 10 one by 2025 --

taiwan in 2025. the idea is to shut this down in a short. time and create a new green industry, but also promote biogas. this is being done by the current administration. there is unlikely to be any height in -- hike in electricity prices or shortage of industry -- energy. both would be concerns and that increases emissions at a time when the world is trying to reduce these emissions and mitigate the effects of global warming. can you speak to that issue? >> that is indeed an issue that

was debated and taiwan's presidential election. the nuclear free homeland, eric chu, the other candidate advocates a nuclear free homeland. we had the idea for a long time. the reason for us to have a nuclear free homeland is because of taiwan's conditions. nuclear plants are already in operation. they are located very close to fault lines. maykind of major shifts risk the safety of the power plants. another factor that we had recognized is that we have no ability, no technology to deal

with spent fuel. we do not know how to deal with the spent fuel, those nuclear power plants may be beforeto come to a halt expiration comes. if we do not deal with the spent fuel or the nuclear waste, we have no right to continue to build a nuclear power plant. some people are talking about shifting the spent fuel or reprocessing it. this is expensive. in the end, we have to bring the spent fuel up for storage. this is not a viable option for taiwan. those nuclear power plants are close to the population center. thinking about this possible disaster, real disaster to

taiwan, if this happens with the willar power plants, this be a tragedy. we need to look at taiwan's natural resources that are free. we are the number one producer of solar panels in the world. we ship them to germany and other places in europe. there are quite a few industries that are using solar energy for their income. have solar, they industry.the fishing they do not do fishing, but they can make money off of power generation. there are other agricultural factors. have two incomes, one out

of electrical generation and one out of agricultural processes. i think we can continue to expand this type of operation. we did a calculation and by the year 2025, we can have 20% of our energy needs coming from our region. to getould be sufficient us out of the nuclear power plants. creation will be very important for taiwan. headquarters, we have led lighting. should, but they package to encourage consumers to use led lighting and we can

save one or two nuclear power plants. i think we are in a good position, and what the chairperson said about the it is noty crisis, only going to affect regular consumers, but big businesses. we would encourage them to adopt is reusable and not use it at the peak hour. >> thank you. very comprehensive. let's turn to a more sensitive subject. you talked about the goal of reconciliation. the question is, what is the process by which the dpp envisions that that reconciliation will be achieved? i talked to many scholars from the mainland who have put

forward some suggestions and reassurances that they would like to hear from the doctor. i have not heard too much about the reassurances they are offering, but hopefully this would be an interactive process. of course, it takes two to tango. some of the things that mainland scholars have suggested is that the previousing leaders inauguration speech of a promise not to pursue independence during the term in

office. there continues to be interest in the mainland in this idea that has been foot -- put forward previously about freezing the independence platform of 1991, which is something the doctor has not taken a position on publicly. i am curious what you would say is the reassurance she could offer. what are the reassurances you would like from the mainland? what role, if any, would you envision the united states can play in facilitating this process? >> this is a good question. this is a difficult question for us to deal with. i think in order for us to build mutual trust between taiwan and china, it has to be a step-by-step process.

every time we try to signify following the status quo, following the principle, it has already said a lot. that would mean some of the things that many people would describe as changing the status quo, would be adopted by the upcoming dpp administration. that thefew things chinese side must receive in a clear way. basedl pursue the policy on the constitutional order. this is based on negotiations and exchanges between the two sides for more than 20 years. that is going to be the basis for us to move forward. these will be steps for

reassurances. the issue about the taiwan independence platform has been restated again and again. the dpp position has been evolving gradually. in 1999, the dpp adopted a resolution that recognized the status quo, the taiwan was already independent. i am sure the chinese know that. the resolution position was reiterated by the dpp again in the 2014 china policy review. that view was adopted. notnewest position is taiwan-independent platform, and i am sure the chinese side know it. i think the scholars show that

as well. in order for the two sides to move up, we have tried very hard to accommodate the chinese ideas in order for the negotiations to move on. it is also necessary for the chinese side to move forward as well. during the campaign. , we noticed the chinese side being reserved in statements and actions. i think that is a positive step forward. i am sure there will be more opportunities for us to send goodwill to the chinese side. i hope the chinese side can respond in a reciprocal manner so the negotiations can move on. the trust will be built step-by-step. important.nsensus is

i hope i do not have to read it again, but it is very and it has been stated during the campaign. realizese chinese side the goodwill coming from the dpp side. start, especially when the dpp comes into office this year. >> you keep calling her the chairperson, but she is now president elect. >> thank you for the reminder. >> let me ask you a question the south china sea, which is on the minds of many people. we expect to have a ruling on the tribunal on the conventional law of the sea. position, which was issued

after the award that was released a few months ago, regarding the tribunal release.ional i would be interested in how the dpp views the issue going forward of this case. she has talked about adhering to international law. there also have been discussions bind that wasinal created by the republic of china in 1947 when it was in power on the mainland. i think there has been a desire by other countries that the line ben behind that

clarified. there has not been a total opening of the archives in taiwan. i think this is something where tensions have continued to rise. i wonder if she has thought through what changes in the position she might have and how she might approach this. >> i appreciate you asking this question. this is a controversial issue in the region and the issue has been debated during the campaign. one side claims we are ready to give up the south china sea. we will not give up anything over the south china sea. ofer all, we are in control

island.ral to man ourtinue position. we say it in a clear way, any kind of claim must be based on u.n. law. that position will not change. this will not change even based on the tribunal. we support freedom of passage, freedom of navigation. actions inrovocative the south china sea. positionsour basic and we will stick to these basic positions. court,he international that is something we will talk about. we will follow the international

law, and therefore, the results of the international court should have an effect on international law. people, for us to accept the results of the international court is important. administration of foreign officials came out -- foreign affairs came out to say we do not accept the result of the international court decision. i can feel this is coming out of some painful calculation, painful discussions. after all, taiwan is now part of the international court administration. course,did during the

we encourage the community to have its voice heard in the process. it is not right to make a position on something where taiwan's voice cannot be heard. archives orto the the results of the documentation to become public, that is something that is interesting. we started some discussion about that, but we have not had the conclusion. whatever decision we will take, with regard to the south china sea, we must take into consideration reactions from all corners, including our friends in southeast asia, our friends

in washington dc and the reaction from beijing. we need to be cautious in doing this type of thing. we will do this only after very careful consultations. we do not want to rule out the possibilities of opening up the archives for international review. >> we are going to open up the floor to questions. say, in addition to the video being online, we will have the full text of joseph's speech, which was a little longer than what he gave today. that will be the authoritative one. that will be there for your reference. we will be bringing over microphones. please, identify yourself and ask a question. i will ask that the first question not come from a journalist, if that is ok. i promise, i will open up the floor to journalists, but i want to give non-journalist and

opportunity to ask a question. over there, yes, this young lady who has her hand raised. >> thank you very much. i am from the brookings institution. i would like to push further on the issue of the south china sea are. in particular, a commentary you wrote. you said taiwan should define its territorial gain in the south china sea based on its actual ownership of the island. i wonder if that statement was meant to signal changes in the south china sea policy? first one, taiwan will be confining its claims to the thend, as opposed to all of lands of the south china sea. the current officials position

in the south china sea of taiwan is that it has claims to all of the features. that is the first part. the second signal i am wondering if you meant to make, is whether taiwan what come out more clearly to clarify its bonnieons, and i think was alluding to that earlier. i do not know if you touched on that as specifically as you could. you need to clarify what you meant by your 2014 statement. thank you very much. should i go into that? >> yes. >> i am sorry if i did not make it clear with regard to my

position of the south china sea. we did not give up our claims for the south china sea. that is what i stated earlier. however, i did mention that any claim must be based on international law, especially the u.n. convention. to the line, i would not say we would give it up. that if the -- the island needs to be based on international law. debate,still subject to internationally. we have not given up that position, ok? i hope that is clear. our claim is not solely based on the occupation of the islands.

courtr, the international , whatever it is ruling, should be the basis for our claim as well. i think, as bonnie mentioned earlier, there are historical .aterials and archives that should be helpful in deciding whether taiwan still has the island or not. let me go back to my original statement one more time. anykind of claim, sovereignty claim any south china sea should be based on international law or the u.n. convention. that is the most important foundation for all

involved. bonnie s. glaser: next question, please. gomez: hello, my name is eric gomez, during the election campaigns, parties tend to make a lot of promises that might not be filled for whatever reason. taiwan, orring if whatever administration is faced with situations where it had to walk back some of its campaign promises, which policy positions do you think will get walked back, and why? [laughter] >> i didn't hear. bonnie s. glaser: which policies will you walk back? do you want to restate.

understand.nt to i am not sure what -- [laughter] , i guess thisre is an under seen circumstance of then -- what parts current administration are most vulnerable to external pressure? clear -- bonnie are there policies, things that the president elect would like to accomplish that you are content -- concerned will be subject to a great deal of pressure, perhaps from constituencies within taiwan, maybe from the dark green side of the party, i think that is the question? envision: i wouldn't

any part of the policy that is subject pressure -- to pressure. taiwan is inside the ttp. as far as i can see, during the course of kingpin, they are unified. other parts ofn the policy, i think the general reddick -- recognition in taiwan is it we need to adopt something. that is different from where presidents have failed. policies, there is a general recognition that we need to live peacefully and stay in stable condition with china, even with those dark green people. they have that general recognition as well. 's the only part of taiwan political -- the only part of

political case is the new force. they might want to exert something that is different from the ttp. the latewe are in majority. it should not be a problem. we are interested in having a consultation with a new party. i don't expect the new party to blocking the ddp -- dpp effort of moderating. the other side might cause a problem, as you can see from my presentation. i refrained from committing -- commenting on the kmt deliberately. however there are problems within the kmt.

kingn predict that the will be -- a not unified kmt might not be in the interest of taiwan. people inside the kmt -- extreme people to try to use political arguments, or do political actions in blocking the dpp effort, that might pose a problem. dpp is thee majority. therefore, we should have no problem pushing through the programs or agenda we want to push through. even with the budget. the defense budget itself will not be a problem. at the same time, the chairperson is also a person of consideration and negotiation. he is very good at consulting with different political forces. when he was serving in the

affairs council, as the vice premier, i would expect the future administration will be in good shape and consulting or negotiating with other political forces in taiwan. the programs that we would like to move forward can move forward. bonnie s. glaser: ok. front. bonnie. you, welcome, dr. wu, congratulations. first off, what do you think of beijing's reaction to the victory so far? useseems to be trying to the spirit of the 92 talks to serve as the new possible basis

to replace the 92 consensus. i would think's from beijing perspective, the key here is not 92, the key here is what to follow. , when china with different interpretations. -- one china with different interpretations. is there any possibility to --lude some kind of chuckled kind of one china -- however it is, in the spirit of the 92 talks. the -- doy -- these you see any prospect at all? thank you. are parts two there to his tricky question. the first part of probably easier to answer. hasing's reaction so far been measured as being rather reserved. thought --ething we

beijing would show restraint. we think that is a first positive step in relations between taiwan and china. and for the 1982 consensus, i think it is still going to be something difficult -- 19 any two consensus, i think it is still going to be something difficult. created consensus was even thet, and negotiations -- they stated in his memoir, there needs to be new negotiations. it will be say that a written statement about that part. i will go back to that part to answer your question. campaignnal day of the there was an incident that took place that was truly unfortunate.

there was a pop singer, dancer, and korea. flag on herne facebook. there was a taiwanese singer and pointed ton china, the authority. her performance was barred in china. that promotes tremendous amounts of emotion in taiwan. i think the most notable expression in china -- in taiwan of that incident, where is the 1992 consensus? where is the different interpretation? i think that is the way that people feel in taiwan. when the incident happened. i think worse than that incident itself was the response. saying there was political

forces in taiwan that wanted to provoke a situation. that was not helpful at all. people reacted in very angry manner in taiwan. some people say that was the final concert router -- contributor to the president-elect's victory. i don't know how much weight that incident has. vulnerable the 1992 consensus, or when china different interpretation is in the eyes of the taiwanese voters. we need to think in a very careful way about what is good for the relations between china and taiwan. in the written part, or when i read earlier, the most important thing to what happened in 1992 is that the sides decided to set aside their differences to move on for mutual interests.

that is the kind of spirit we should follow in the years ahead in the negotiations or contacts between taiwan and the mainland. bonnie s. glaser: chris nelson. chris: thanks. thanks so much, bonnie. congratulations. really exciting event. you are on your brief. at sundayve been night's democratic debate, no problem at all. but you probably would not want to be there. [applause] [laughter] for or fiveing years ago, what steps would be politically possible, and how to finally taiwan complete a bilateral investment treaty with the u.s. but you

have been talking -- that you have been talking to u.s. tr for years and you're still held up on political -- domestic political realities that make it difficult is our japanese friends would say, to push something through. ,o you think now with this new large super majority that you quickhat we will see some action to get the bid and the agricultural interest moving? or is that too hot to handle and that will not be a high priority, given what you have said that taiwan really wants to tcp -- ddp. : thank you for bringing this issue. firm one.has been a

before i getve to , somepposition journalist, some politicians in taiwan describing my visit to washington dc after negotiating for the port issue. my response is i am not a trade official. i am not here to negotiate with any u.s. government official on any issue, especially the port issue. dpprtheless, the participation is one idea that has been agreed upon by major political parties in taiwan. the dpp has already made its commitment to join the tpp. the kmt also made it clear that during the course taiwan should participate. i would say that the participation is a national consensus. a majority of the political

parties -- major political forces in taiwan already say taiwan should pursue tpp participation. the opportunity to participate in the second round of the negotiations. with that, i think we also need to consider those important matters that we need to resolve an order for taiwan to be included in the second round of tpp negotiations. i think most cumbersome, the most troublesome for taiwan will be the complete a catered -- very complicated legal structure in taiwan. it is not welcoming international investments or business. therefore we need to sort out all of the legal infrastructure to make a conference of reform. i think other than an -- that, we need to make an adjustment. it is a difficult adjustment of her bureaucratic practices. manage and control,

that might not be good in the new age of free trade. that is at the same time going to be very difficult for us to overcome. these are the things that we need to handle. if there is going to be any specific sector that is difficult for taiwan to deal with, i think we need to overcome by working on them in a rather than ignoring it. for the agricultural sector, there are two very important elements that we have already promised the people in taiwan. the first element is that we need to make the sector more competitive before there is going to be any opening. for instance, a report is not to be exported because of the foot and mouth disease that is something we need to eradicate for the pork to be exported again these are the kinds of things that we already spoke about

and spoke with the farmers in taiwan -- see that they can be competitive and they can make more profits in the process, i am sure they will see the legalized process as good to them this is one part of our effort vaccines -- ee than free vaccines for foot and mouth disease, we also spoke about insurance. we also spoke about the biogas production for the larger farmers. i think these are the things that would make port industries in taiwan more competitive. we made a part promise to the taiwan people, the food safety issues. proper labeling is a guarantee.

the consumer will fill comfortable about the effort. however, there is no pre-conclusion before any negotiation. that is the way that the chairperson said during the course of campaign. let me try to remember. it's too early. it's too early to have any pre-conclusions. even before the negotiations start. we need to engage in the negotiations to see the final result. these components, the food safety issue, and the productivity and competitiveness of the agriculture sector is -- we alsohat will want to guarantee. bonnie s. glaser: allen?

you.: thank thank you joseph. tpp, do you think that taiwan can join tpp? what do you see standing in the way? joseph wu: this is another difficult issue. how come you all ask very difficult questions? international economic organization organized by the u.s., the participants in the tpp -- many of them have already expressed how much interest was welcome. the u.s. government has expressed welcome to taiwan's interests. the japanese government has also expressed interest, publicly.

there were other members who expressed interest in private. i think taiwan's participation in the negotiations should be welcomed. of course the china decides to block taiwan by urging those --ller numbers of the tpp to it is not going to be very forthcoming in terms of the relations. in the past few years, if we thatto mention one thing the people in taiwan feel not inpy about the way china their relations, it would be the way china blocks international participation. no matter what kind of organization or activity it is. therefore for beijing to say no to china by encouraging smaller members to say no to taiwan, it

will not be conducive to a peaceful, stable, and from the relation between china and taiwan. i don't think that that should be the only way to consider the past two taiwan's overall economic relations with the rest of the world. i think we need to express our intent in a clear way, and start engaging in bilateral discussions with the member states. even if taiwan is not to be included in the tpp participation. there will be very good sets of fta's that are ready for taiwan. of course, tpp participation is something that u.s. government has encouraged taiwan to secret of the patient to. seekfore we -- participation to. therefore we want i to overcome the issue of china attempting to block taiwan's participation.

i also recovered the u.s. government mentioned in china, they were edges didn't working on the tpp. therefore we should not take it as a mutually exclusive way of participating and tpp. -- in tpp. we should look at it as mutually beneficial. there can be more members participating, that should be good. bonnie s. glaser: i might add that from the beginning when the tpp was first conceived, the idea was that would -- it would be open to all aipac numbers. -- members. taiwan is a member. , one ofurn to arthur our visiting fellows from taiwan. over here. arthur: hello, i am from taiwan. in terms of international stage

--t the doctor pointed out thewishes to expand international space should be respected by china or the international community. how exactly is tpp claiming on this issue? joseph wu: this is very important for taiwan. we went through lots of discussions within the dpp. we also worked with the administration friends on this issue. i can outline some of the way we think about our international participation in a moment. let me get back to the tpp. in the concluding provision it also mentions specifically about custom territory. around taiwan is only one. we see it as a space reserved

for taiwan. we are very happy that we seem to have a likelihood to be included in the tpp. since this is near consensus in taiwan, therefore the government should work very hard on that and try to overcome difficulties that we have internally. about our international space or participation, i think what is needed for taiwan is to consider how we can make meaningful contributions so that taiwan can be regarded as a trustworthy partner by the international community. there is actually a lot of things that we could do to help the international community. i am sure the international community remembers what taiwan did when the hiroshima event took place several years ago. we made significant contributions. taiwan's contribution is the

total of the rest of the world. that shows how we can help other countries. this is the kind of spirit that taiwan should build a take heart in the international activities. this is something that china cannot come in and say, no to. other than financial contributions, there are other things taiwan can do. international humanitarian assistance. we will work on that. disaster relief. we can really make some contributions. rescue efforts. seean is quite famous -- we -- since rescue teams to other countries and a speedy manner. unfortunate -- when the nepal earthquake took place, when our rescue went out, it was blocked by china. we will be able to send out rescue teams to the disaster

areas very quickly around the region. this is probably the best way for us to participate in international activities. these kinds of things are humanitarian. these are not political. these kinds of things with health taiwan's friendship with other countries. i would also like to add that this rescue training center in central taiwan -- it started when president chen was in office. now it is in operation. there are rescue teams being trained over there. do is expand the international training programs so we can form an international network of rescue teams. therefore whenever there is a disaster taking place in the area, we can join effort in trying to help those countries or areas. we made it clear on several

occasions -- we also spoke with japanese friends in the future, maybe taiwan and japan can defy it -- together respond to disaster in the region together. i also spoke to friends and taiwan about the joint efforts between taiwan and the u.s. the answer is forthcoming, these are the kinds of things that are not a political gain -- game of that china is playing on taiwan. these are the kinds of things that taiwan can contribute to international society. this is the kind of thing that taiwan can win friendship from the international party. adia, in. glaser: n red over there. nadia: joseph, welcome back. after the election, the u.n. immediately dispatched a deputy secretary to visit beijing, and

also former deputy secretary was to visit taipei. what do you think in the future can play in the crosshair relations. r, isnk the one people hea there a credible indication channel between dpp and chinese government so far that well have an impact about the future? my final question, are you -- whatack to have the is your dream job in the new government? bonnie s. glaser: you will whate i did not ask position you will take in the new government. [laughter] wu: i would address the first question, or maybe the second first. it is all hypothetical about

where i will be. the first priority for all working in the party headquarters now is to make the transition as smooth as possible. inre is no discussion at all the party headquarters about the personal. -- personnel. there is not an answer i can give. that is the question of the least concern to us during this time. therefore, i do not know where i will be. [laughter] question, i think the united states can play a significant role in terms of cross state relations and reconciliations. i think they have been playing that role quite well. for instance, during the course of the campaign i saw u.s. officials work encouraging the chinese aside to speak to the taiwanese aside. -- taiwanese side. i think the kind of

encouragement will be helpful. that can also be a gesture to the taiwan people that pursuing cross state reconciliation will be helpful to taiwan, u.s. relations. these are the kinds of things that we see as very positive. very conducive to the future consultation, or cross state negotiations. needld say that we would the on states to continue to encourage the sides to speak with each other. back,le are back -- far when i was serving as the , one thing i continue to hear from the u.s. is that they encouraged the chinese side to negotiate with taiwan. we had the lunar new year -- tourism negotiations, things like that. we really appreciate the u.s. encouraging the chinese side to with the taiwan side so that the

u.s. can continue to encourage the sides to speak to each other, that would be very good. --ave buried a happy to see i am very happy to see the u.s. playing that role. that is helpful. that is conducive to the feeling that we are not dangling alone dealing with china. that is about,e whether the dpp has a channel to tremendouse are number of exchanges between the science, local officials, legislatures, traveling to china almost all the time. not to mention about the kmt officials that legislators going to china all the time. there are also chinese scholars or officials coming to taiwan all the time. therefore, the way i understand

it is if china wants to understand us, they can always find a way to understand us. they do very good intelligence. therefore, they can understand us very well. if we want to understand them, we can always find a way to understand them as well. therefore, it should not be a problem. i think it is more a problem of whether we can build a trust. when we start taking steps trying to assure the chinese side our good will, we hope that the chinese side can respond by offering some goodwill as well. that is probably the most important in terms of building the trust and between the two sides. bonnie s. glaser: i think we have reached the end of our time. this has really been an outstanding session. i want to thank you so much for coming all the way, right after the elections and giving us your thoughtful insight about why the such a landslide

victory, and what your agenda is going forward. on the back -- on behalf of brookings and cs i.s., thank you again. good luck. [applause] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] >> coming up on c-span, that the national security advisor ben rhodes. then candidate donald trump and sarah palin.

later michigan governor rick snyder a justice the drinking water contamination in flint. today, the senate armed services committee holds a hearing on u.s. middle east policy with former general and former ambassador. that is live it 9:30 a.m. eastern. a panel on crime and police relations with chicago mayor rahm emanuel, new orleans mayor and baltimore mayor. we are alive at the u.s. conference of mayors, starting at 1:00 p.m. eastern on c-span3. -- as i have been watching the campaign -- that may have something to do with

why there is more interest in these candidates and their books. a,sunday night on two and nonfiction book critic for the washington post discusses books written by the 16 presidential candidates. 2016itten by the presidential candidates. >> a pursuit of power and ideology could have particularly interesting one spirit when they put up these memoirs, they are sanitized. they are vetted. they are therefore minimum controversy. >> sunday night at 8:00 eastern on c-span. next, deputy national security advisor ben rhodes. from georgetown university. this is one hour and 40 minutes.

>> good afternoon and thank you all for braving the second coldest day of the season. >> good afternoon and thank you all for braving the second coldest day of the season. i am the director for the georgetown institute for the study of diplomacy. the mission is to bring together diplomats, practitioners, scholars and students from across and beyond georgetown university to explore a wide range of global challenges and the evolving demands of diplomatic state craft. the purpose is to better understand the nexus between theory and practice. between the scholar and the

practitioner. and to enhance and expand an appreciation of the critical role of diplomacy as a national security tool in both formulation and implementation. we host a number of events throughout the year, including the very prestigious lecture in american foreign policy and diplomacy. ture in policy andreign diplomacy. it began in 1976, predating the institute. they commemorate those who provided the endowment. -- it was by a graduate in 1924, practically one of the first. makers include george w. bush, dr. anthony lake, the honorable lee hamilton, ambassador theoponte, george tenet,

late sandy berger, and a ,resident of the wilson center among many others. this year it is the institute's pleasure to partner with the institute of politics and book service at the mccourt scroll up policy to present a moderated conversation with mr. ben rhodes. the assistant to the president and national security advisor for strategic communications and speechwriting. topic this afternoon's national security, communications, and politics in a complex world. mr. rhodes oversees all of president obama's national security communications, speechwriting, and global engagement. he just completed his eighth state of the union address. and he is also responsible for many of the president's more memorable domestic and global speeches. rigorously, he served as deputy director of white house's speech

writing and as senior speechwriter for the obama him pain. joining obama for america, he worked for several years as special assistant to lee hamilton, a previous lecture. presenter. he helped draft the iraq study group and and and recommendations of the commission. he is co-author with lee hamilton and tom kane of precedent: the inside story of the 9/11 commission." i was told to mention he was a mets fan. he is perhaps best known for channeling president obama's voice for the public, but he also serves as one of the president's closest and longest-serving advisors. given his role in the many national security decisions of

this administration, we decided this year to present the lecture in an of format to allow for greater insight into how national security decision-making works at the white house. a moderated conversation is always far more interesting when the participants have a report. so, two of georgetown's own who have worked with mr. rhodes in different capacities will moderate today's discussion. bernadette is a dean and fellow on assignment to georgetown from the foreign service. she most recently served as special assistant to the president for national security affairs and spokesperson for the national security council, where she worked for mr. rhodes for three years. the nfc, she served at the state department as special assistant to secretary hillary clinton. baghdad, insy in

dubai, and in the u.s. embassy and bogota. in 2000 seven she was selected as a colin powell fellow which recognizes one of 12 most-promising future leaders in the department of state. prior to the foreign service, she was vice president of private thinking at j.p. morgan and assets of management at lehman brothers. she is a graduate of boston college. but unless he is the founding executive director to of politics and public service. nearly two years as one of the top communications strategists in the democratic party. most recently, he was communication director of the democratic national committee. he is a veteran of four presidential campaigns. he is a political strategist for four current senators and two former governors. he is advised on independent

expenditure campaigns -- i can't quite do this 1 -- independent expenditure campaign arms of the ccc and the ds cc, which he will translate later upon request he has worked upon numerous other state and local races. he is a founding partner in two of washington's leading consulting firms and is a frequent commentator on tv. has an ma ino political management from the george washington university. we have a great program today. i am glad you were able to join us. with that, i am turning this over to bernadette. bernadette: take you barbara. thank you for being with us today. i had the privilege of working for been for three years at the white house and really felt that you were one of the bus buses i

have ever worked for, in fact when i was thinking about going to the white house and was not really sure if it was going to be the weight it, j sullivan who at the time was the deputy chief of staff of the state department said, if you have an opportunity to work for ben rhodes, does not matter what the position is, you have to seize that opportunity. he was one of the best people you love ravages to work for. as usual, jake sullivan was correct and it was a fantastic expense. i am excited to be able to share with my georgetown colleagues and students what that was like. we thought we would start off with a mix of news of the day, see how it is to channel the president, what your experience has been like. if you could walk us through what your typical van slyke of the white house when you come in. what happens between the time you sit down at your desk and leave late at night? then: i mean, you must have forgotten in the several months since you left there is no such

thing as a typical day at the white house. do is, the best i could you know, i will get in in the morning and received the president's daily briefing. so, as you all know, the president receives a daily intelligent reefing. those of us who participate in that session get our own version of the briefing as it is we get into work. so, you start the day with generally usually not a lot of good news. it is a sobering start to the day. then, usually, we reserve that 9:00 a slot to coordinate what messaging andtant congressional national security issues are. for instance, this morning, we had a session on iran to review the status of all of the different pieces of the events that rolled out over the weekend.

tend to have the president's daily briefing and that would be susan rice and avril haynes, lisa monaco, myself, the vice president when he is in town. that is always fairly normal. but then the rest of the day tends to be driven by several different things. participate role, i in the devotees and principles committees, which are essentially the policy-making bodies of the government. the various deputies from across and intelligent community, they will meet or if the issue is ripe for decision, there cabinet members will meet. i do not go to those mean is, if you did that is all you would

do. but that is the routine of policy making. that is one thing that could take up my time. the other elements are mainly if there is a major presidential engagement coming up. that will occupy my time. so, if the president is going on a foreign trip, what is his schedule, what are we trying to get done? what policy are we trying to get tocrossed the goal line announce? what speeches might have to give? digging through, essentially, big residential items. a trip, and announcement, a speech. that is something that will consume a fair amount of my time. if there is a very hot button pressing issue, there are no doubt going to be decisions made over the course of the day. situation like we had over the last couple days, i will essentially cancel my schedule and do nothing but you with iran. so, you are either planning for the next big thing you know is coming or you are planning and drinking from the higher hose of

world events. of worldre hose events. there are a couple other things, the public diplomacy function i have is less prominent but no less important. overseeing the exchange programs, the global outreach, that takes up a segment of time. and lastly, a series of issues i essentially have taken some degree of ownership of. policy.rma occasionally checking in on things like that. but, you always start the day the same way and it always ends -- wouldit is a good day, time are you at home? heari am always amused to

the biographer of jp morgan. the hours are not as bad in terms of sitting in the office as the people i know who are lawyers and investment anchors. wait in therell at 8:00 but i will be out of there by 8:00 most days. that is a short day. hopefully you can get out sooner. the problem is, does not stop when you get home. the challenge is not so much the total kind of ours land at the office, it is that if something happens and 10:00 at night you are expected to be able to do about it 10:00 at night. if something happens had 2:00 in the morning, you are expected to deal with it at 2:00 in the morning. i had long planned to go to new york last weekend for the long weekend, that obviously did not happen. so, the more difficult challenge i find in terms of time managing and husbanding your own energy is your never off. it is like being a doctor or

something. the phone could bring in the middle of the night and that is all. nobody is going to care that you had to pick your kid up from daycare. that is where i think the time pressure comes from. >> how do you consume information? you have these initial meetings in the morning, but presumably you are aware of what is going on in iran. physical newspaper reader? to have an ipad? to search twitter to see with the beltway is saying? how do you maintain that throughout the day? question. i consume information in a very distorting and unhealthy way. and i have 410 years. -- and i have four 10 years. attest to this. i was a think tank person. athought it would be

thoughtful, inspiring expanse. and the first and got my e-mail account, i had 500 e-mails in my inbox. 470 of them were what we would call press clips. media monitors who are constantly sending the latest iteration of the new york times story, the washington post story, whatever it is. .o you consume information i used to be a physical newspaper reader, as the reader. when you are in these jobs, information is fed to you from media monitors who are just sending volumes of information to you. that has evolved in the course of my time in government. it used to be you would wake up and there was a routine. washington post stories, new york time story, washington journal stories, wire stories. now it is like, here are tweets. it is a very distorting ring. because, you know, a newspaper

actually is help all as a filter because you can see what is on the front page of the new york times. that frontou get page article from the new york times e-mail to you and the next rocket man 72e says there are a bunch of idiots able to you have to be assign relative value to what you are consuming. twitter has accelerated what was already a news cycle where i felt there was a trap where -- if were to focused on there was a cable news flareup, people responding to that because they're concerned and it is driving the conversation washington for a few hours, if that was already a problem, twitter has accelerated that. like, oh my god what are going

to do about this. have diedeal would 1000 deaths if we let every negative story or statement shape how we felt about it. you have to of the ability to consume enough information to know what is going on out there both in terms of real events and washington conversation. but you also have to know how to shut out enough of that so you will not overreact and get knocked off course. one of the things i like about working for this president is he does not get not off course. it took seven years to get the iran deal done and if he had allowed himself to be buffeted by politics or even certain international events or criticism, you would not have the iranian nuclear program rolled out. is one of the topics we felt we had to address. we anticipate the audience will have questions about news of the day. having worked on the iran deal closely with you for several

thes, i, with the rest of world, watched and thought it was fantastic. congratulations. my question is, we sought to announcements in tandem. the implementation day of what you said has been a very long process to get to this point in tandem with the news that there was the release of these four americans plus a fifth american who left under different circumstances. you have said in the past that in a world in which there is a deal with iran means it is more likely to produce an evolution in iranian behavior than a world which there is no deal. whatever the british -- the president say this does not herald a broader warming of relations with iran. now that we have the implementation of the heralded iran deal, that is implementation day plus one thek, one month, one year # changes would you anticipate out of tehran?

will they started to push the boundaries? this, as a tangent, minas hope for more cooperation for resolving issues in syria? if so, what does that look like? nuclearst of all, the side of this is almost hard to overstate. a lot has happened. way, there is a sea change in what their nuclear like.m looks when overhung the entire

nonproliferation regime is resolve for the foreseeable future. there is continued monitoring. the important point is, a have clearly compartmented the nuclear issue and allowed the head of their nuclear program to manage that account. had no problem -- like, when there were issues, there were technical issues we could raise and say, hey, we have this concern. the concern was addressed. there is this kind of -- it is hard to overstate the importance of, you know, they have really decided to deal with the nuclear issue, for the time being at least, in a constructive manner. will have to rent it -- monitor if there is any change in that. diplomacy ined channels between the two twotries that did not exist

years ago. that does not mean there is a change in behavior yet, which i will get to. it does mean we can communicate with us government. ago, whenfour years something would happen, like the sailor incident or anything for that matter, it was, you know, we would have our u.n. ambassador find their u.n. ambassador, pass a message that their u.n. ambassador would then have to send back to tehran, process it there in their system , they then would tell the swiss in our interest section what the answer is to that message. i mean, this is not picking up the phone and talking to family, right? >> conkey and time-consuming. cannot learnd you about how decisions are made in iran. what has already been beneficial for the iran nuclear deal is communication. on the american citizens, you

know, we were able to essentially roll the nuclear negotiations into a channel to resolve that issue and that was difficult. everything with the iranians is negotiation. we were able to grind that issue town and get it done on the terms we were happy with. actuallylors is better. i don't know where that incident would've led four years ago. you have u.s. navy personnel in iranian waters, here at the sea, and you could easily see how in could have1 that escalated. you know, they are holding them. it becomes a crisis because it is kind of a public issue in both countries. theyve to respond before

are out in ways that escalate. whereas here, john kerry called and they were released in a few hours. which is kind of a much healthier, more functional way of resolving issues and avoiding escalation. so, the second point i make is we have the ability to resolve issues. anyway, they are going to be other issues. irritants, there are just going to be things that come up that will benefit from the dramatic communications between the united states and iran. the third point is, the next major test is syria. and, i do not know. there have already been, you know, this syria talks already looked different than they did two years ago because iran is at the table. they were not two years ago. you have a situation where he have the right countries in the process. in that you have iran and russia along with the united states,

turkey, qatar, and others. you have the right mix of players. template andright timeline for resolving the issue and you have the major sticking point of a sod. it, we will have to see whether iran's position on that evolves in a more constructive fashion or, friendly, you will have to see if iran's decision-making involves because our senses than that the foreign ministry is not the lead actor in the policy. so, that bears watching. that is not the only test, there will be other issues. the last thing is how well iran evolved? we don't know. will learn a lot with their module selections coming up next month. they have an important set of elections. and will be choosing new that will be a test.

off in aelection go way that is reasonably fair? and, who wins? so you will see what that's has. no question they will continue to be pushed back by hard-liners -- do not want them to be you do not want there to be with the west and the united states. you also see within iran, an well of support for moving in a different direction and how those two things sort themselves out. our judgment with the nuclear deal is ultimately there was so much public support for making the deal that even though the hard-liners were against it, they could support there was. >> [indiscernible] does this

have the potential to backslide? are we on such tenuous footing that there is no way to tell if this is an shined in a way that we made progress? both directions. on the iranian side, we did not make this progress when oxman augmented john was president. the previous president was there. we do not know who the next president of the united states is going to be, either. we do know we have demonstrated to skeptical audiences and both bentries that there can mutually successful outcomes. the nuclear deal was a very good deal for us because it resolves our biggest proliferation concern. it is a good deal for them in the sense that they are going to

get relief from sanctions that were crippling their economy. it demonstrates that, you know, through very difficult diplomacy common ground acceptable on both sides. the question as to whether or not both systems can sustain that momentum and find other -- to directect, that type of effort towards. respond toan increasing engagement with the rest of the world? the greater connectivity that is going to bring to the iranian people, does that serve as a kind of moderating impulse in iranian society in the sense that students and middle-class iranians who are more inclined to be less radical and hostile to the united states and israel and other countries, are they of powered in a way that has an evolutionary effect on iran and society? have to wait and see.

another recent event that makes for a non-typical day at the white house is the state of the union. as barbara mentioned and dan five first trading out, you are one of the few people in the history that has had a part and eight state of the unions. as the writer of the cairo speech, the president's nobel-prize-winning speech and some of the most favorite and memorable speeches of his presidency, can you walk us through what it is like to write a speech and channel the boys have the president? doo wop income as it down, have a better, discuss an outline question what does he give you knows on a legal and? he is quite an eloquent writer himself. what is a process like? to you, like students here, get it back with loss of crafts out -- with lots of cross-else? how does a presence were? all, there is a

thing where a character sets a record for the most home runs by a minor-league player in history. and he does not really want that of the. like, eight state of the unions suggest, why has he been in same job for eight years? [laughter] ben: one of the reasons i am in the same job, it is actually a very interesting process to work on the prison with his speeches. them, charismatic and he sank he is saying, and always wants to make an argument. the very short hand when which a speech goes is, i will sit down with him at the beginning and he will essentially just kind of talk for, you know, up to now about what he wants to achieve. sometimes you will be very specific and say, here's the outline of the argument i want to make. sometimes you just throw ideas

out. even rhetoric out that he wants to be and therefore is to you get this kind of verse of input you then take and go alone, in your quiet space, invite. >> where insurance quotes this? starbucks with your ipod? in a library? a library is actually buried in the fifth floor of the executive office building that no one ever goes to that i think is one of the nicest, most quiet places where nobody can find you. [laughter] ben: you try to get distance. just spent four days in isolation, but i am running back-and-forth to my other job now. and, you write something and then you enter this process where you send it around to everybody who needs to see. policy advisors, but has stuff. then you are in this kind of interesting, you know, moment where you are kind of a girl-keeper. goal keeper.g --

the main thing is, you have to make changes but you don't want to make so many that it starts sounding less likely spent and more like a summation of legal and the output of a product paper inside of a speech. then it goes back to the snow and nt will sometimes just completely rewrite it himself and come back and say, you know, it it is a bad try when he says, i think we need to make some a structural changes. that is the code word for like, when he did not do a very good job at this draft. that could be you have to kind of go back and read to the outline and rewrite these page where he will just start lining it with edits until he gets at the right he wants. he does not for the tuesday statement on at announcement. but he will growth 10-15 rounds of line editing until it is

exactly what he wants it. a most high-wire version was the nobel address which was right after the afghan announcement. we wrote this nobel prize speech, thought it was great, the morning we're going to leave for oslo, he calls me and john and gives us a totally different speech that he has written by hand overnight. get on theeft to plane to oslo, we had not even gotten him the draft of this page and we set up the whole night on the plaintiff in this crazy exercise. we finally made him go to sleep for an hour because he had to deliver the speech. so that is the most extreme version. that is extreme speech-writing. but deal with it i was a to the state of the union is, on the one hand it is hard to say things new after eight years. but the other reason is you have a years to draw from. nicewe came in, and it was

was everything we were saying the first time. because was listening there was a huge seismic change in america. and so, that was one kind of a speech ready. now, on the one hand it is hard because people have heard barack obama for 10 years and you do not want to sound like a greatest hits album. but, you have a record. what i liked about this was it is not a hypothetical thing. here is how we dealt with the ebola. here's how we dealt with cuba. here is my we think we're going to do this. and so, it was a very different kind of speech writing the in a years ago. when you are trying to say, here's what i want to do. now you can say, here is what i want to do and that is why it is a better approach. people.re is a lot of

here is what i have done and here's why i think it is the right weight to do things. -- the right way to do things. the nobel speech was the most interesting to me because it was a weirdly personal -- you know, foreign policy is often hard to personalize. you usually don't have to do that, obama was leading us as speechwriters to let us into his brain. we were reading that policy, he came back with martin luther king and mahatma gandhi.

he was trying to work through something so. you were about to send 30,000 people to war, you know. he took it seriously. what came out was interesting. >> i have been an admirer of your work, even begrudgingly so, for two years there. as we talked about and you are so well-known for, nationalthe come a security and foreign policy adviser to the president on everything from egypt, libya, opening ofe relations with myanmar and cuba. i wanted to