a.m. eastern on c-span two. c-span founding chairman bob rosenkrantz passed away this week at the age of 89. not only was he one of the first cable operators to support the idea for c-span, but he continued to create -- work on our behalf are almost 40 years. -- for almost four years. -- 40 years. ♪ >> with introduce you the man on my right, bob rosenkrantz, the first chairman and adjustment who through the first seed money to get c-span started back in 1977. >> in august, 1977, bob

rosenkranz, then president of you may call the cable and his business partner with the first cable operators to agree to support the idea of c-span. at that time, only about 90% of 19%ican homes were wired -- of american homes were wired for cable. he passed away this week and wrote a check for $25,000. with that money, c-span created the infrastructure to send out cable television's first live views of the u.s. house of representatives. on march 19, 1979, the something theirlion homes served by hundred 50 cable systems. -- 350 cable systems. >> let the public understand what goes on in washington and how to deal with it. above all, the mission here has been just that at c-span. we are proud of that. >> he steered the nonprofit network through its initial challenging years and continue to serve on c-span's board of

directors until his death. most recently in the role of chairman emeritus. >> believe the nation can only benefit from more exposure to our political process. to educate and inform our people both young and old and give us all a better feeling that we are participating in this process that occurs our nation forward. thank you very much. ♪ c-span two.n 48 hours of nonfiction books and authors every weekend. here are some future programs this weekend. saturday at 10 p.m. eastern, wall street journal political commissar does that the left is utilizing tactics to usurp the political process in her book the intimidation game.

how the left is silencing free conversation. a >> government abuses one-sided. i think there are reasons for that. when i started this i cared the first speech and amendment and i'm a libertarian when it comes to this. i don't think come i have no allegiance to one party or the and iand i went to this had written a lot about the abuses on the left for my column in the wall street journal. i assumed going in that i would find a whole lot of stuff on the right. i did not. honest --th legal analyst will take your calls and legal questions. he will be discussing his latest book american heiress, the wild side of the kidnapping tries of patty hearst. he's also the author of the obama white house and supreme court. the oath. the secret world of the supreme

court. too close to call. the 36 day battle to decide the 2000 election. a vast conspiracy. the real story of the sex scandal that nearly brought down a president. the run of his life. people be o.j. simpson. opening arguments. a young lawyer first case. the impact of the liquid the presidency on america the secret history of the democratic party. good a book tv.org for the complete schedule. >> sunday night on q and a, didn't robertson discusses his book after the civil war, the heroes, villains, soldiers and civilians who changed america. >> state allegiance was very

deep and went as far back as generations as settlers in the country. i think one has to keep that in mind. i'm not belittling slavery. slavery is without question the major cause of the civil war, that you can explore the actions of good decent men like robert e lee and stonewall jackson. they fight because virginia needs them. not that they supported the can threat or cause in either one did. 8:00 easternht at on c-span's q&a. university ohio professor compares richard nixon's 1960 present a campaign to doll comes presidential run. kevin mattson joined us on this morning's washington journal. athens, ohio is kevin mattson. he is a professor of contemporary history. good morning. guest: good morning.

host: your joining us to talk about comparisons that have been made to richard sick -- richard nixon's 1968 campaign and what we are seeing out of donald trump. before we talk about the gentleman involved, how does it compare to 1968? what are the similarities and differences? guest: donald trump is trying to paint a picture of the country as falling apart and collapsing which is the sense that a lot of americans had in 1968. we are not near this domestic turmoil that you had going on in 68 without -- with assassinations and confrontational protest. seem more like the country was falling apart back then, but that is one of the things that donald trump is trying to project. i do not think it works, but i can see why he would want to do that. host: why do you not think it works? guest: the tank -- the country

is not as -- in as much invested turmoil. we do not see as many confrontational protest. the places where you can see some similarities is the violence that has gone on within certain communities between police and predominately african americans, but no level -- no word in the level which occurred in 1968, nothing of that level. host: as far as the messages coming out of both campaigns, donald trump has been described as a populist. how would you compare that to richard nixon? guest: i think he wanted to be seen as a populist. richard nixon did not coin the term silent majority until 1969, but richard nixon saw himself speaking up for that silent majority, which for him meant middle america, people who are not protesters or african-american -- african-americans rioting in the

wheres and that is populism was a part of his campaign. the challenge in 68 was another very vocal populace and that was george wallace who was using very emblazoned populist language. richard nixon had to be careful to a certain extent because he could not run as a full populist campaign to steal the thunder away from george wallace. host: you said that term silent majority. for those who do not know, what the you mean? richard nixon claimed it in his speech in which he was asking for americans to back him up on the question of continuing the war in vietnam. aboutbefore he was continuing the war, but about to expand the war and especially in the cambodia he gave them -- in cambodia. he gave a famous speech where he said the country is under siege,

there are these angry and very loud protesters, but there is this thing called the silent majority, and they are people who are not represented. they are behind us and they do not want to dishonor the country. he used on her a lot in that speech about the silent majority to say that the student protesters, those writing in the cities and streets were dishonoring the country. conceptually, it is a conservative term and made it sound like he was speaking for a large number of people whose voices had not been represented. host: we will take a look at richard nixon in 68 and compare and contrast that with donald trump in 2016 and we welcome your questions for our guest from ohio university. if you want to call and make your thoughts known. for --48-8001 republicans. (202) 748-8000 for democrats. (202) 748-8002 for

independents. in 68 that weerm are hearing from donald trump today, and we will let you hear a bit of the speeches. >> let this message come through clear from what i say. time is running out for the merchants of crime and corruption in american society. the wave of crime is not going to be the wave of the future in the united states of america. [applause] we will reestablish fear -- freedom from fear in america so we can take the lead in establishing freedom from fear in the world. justice, justice for every american.

if we are to have respect for law and america, we must have laws that deserve respect just as we cannot have progress not order, we cannot have order without progress. as we commit to order, let's commit to progress. host: we hear a theme of law and order coming out of richard nixon. we hear a similar theme from donald trump. trump hasald recognized the fact that he is doing something we could call local speech borrowing. he has recognized the fact that he has gone back to that law and order speech that the next and gave at the convention, and he wants to appropriate it for his own political arguments. in many ways, the root of it is richard nixon. one thing we have been touching upon as we have talked about this, 67 and 68, you saw a rampant riots in predominately african-american neighborhoods. when you heard richard nixon

have to say there are those who will say that law and order claims are basically cloaked racism, that is recognition that for a lot of americans, that was seemingly the case. it was always being pointed at african-americans in inner cities as being the violent agents. donald trump once the borrow from that. my personal feeling is that when you do such a thing, it can sometimes sound a little canned, and you can take the speech out of the historical context. the reason they think could make that work for him was because it did heal in 68 that the country was falling apart. your specially saw that in the convention of the democrats in chicago, where they were massive riots and police violence. as much as i think donald trump may want to put americans in the mindset of 1988 and the fears, it is not quite as easy as he might think. host: was it fair to think that

donald trump tries to take the argument about domestic terrorism and apply it to that kind of situation? guest: i cannot speak for him in terms of where he thinks the term can be applied, but i would assume that he has that in mind as well, and that is a place where i don't think richard nixon was worried about northern vietnamese citizens flying into the unit -- united states and creating acts of terrorism at home. that was something you would not see them play. this is some of the difficulties with different historical context in trying to appropriate language. kevin mattson joining us to talk about these comparisons. indiana,irst up from immigrant line. -- democrat line. caller: another thing you have to realize. whens racism back then nixon was talking about it.

with the free trade deal, it is going to be racism against the american republic itself for the reason that we are all going to be out of work. at -- the caller raises a good point, and i think it is that it is not really clear if all of these law and order issues and one thing to be a little bit careful about is that there is a racial issue going on in the contemporary situation, and that has to do with the relations between city police forces and predominately african-american communities. there is a racial issue, but the caller raises a good point. it is not clear that donald trump is going to be able to keep the focus on the law and order issue, because the economic issue is going to be so

first and foremost in many american voters' mines. it is not clear that he will be able to play this language out and sustain it. it may be likely that we are going to be focusing on the state of the economy. host: anthony joins us from puerto rico, republican. caller: good morning. i would like to ask -- you say the country is not in turmoil. what is turmoil to you? almost 10 officers killed in less than a month. -- you haveizens mothers and children living in shelters. what is turmoil to you? guest: i would not say that those situations are not turmoil. i don't want to sound overly critical and deny the right of justice on the part of people

who are being violently attacked , but i do think that there is a difference when you look back at 68. one of the things that is clear is we have the assassination of two very prominent public figures, martin luther king and robert kennedy. robert kennedy in the midst of a .rimary in the midst o in the case of king, you had riots on a level that you just could not see today. i'm not saying that there is not some turmoil in the country at this time, but i don't think you have a sense of the kind of national turmoil that you had in the year of 68. host: independent line in california, mark, you are on. caller: speaking with the first racistabout it was a

part of his speaking, it was and the college students, make --that if he could that he could really quiet the college students down, so it was a racist thing, and it was a way -- from the college students from getting out there and expressing their rights as far as protesting. guest: that is a good point.

college students were definitely a part of those people that did not hit the silent majority. they were the ones who were loud, they were the ones who were in nixon's mine, tearing down campuses and protesting the vietnam war. that was a crucial element of what richard nixon did. he did not think that protest was a good thing for the country . he constantly said the only people who can dishonor america are not the north vietnamese, but the people protesting at home, who are calling the country's cause into doubt. that language of being opposed -- iotesting and dissent would characterize it as having a very authoritarian flair to it. it seems to be suggesting that those who are protesting a war they disagree with our necessarily dishonoring the country. that is not the way the protester saw it, but clearly nixon's saw it could work to his advantage. college students and protesters and these things called hippies

were something that fell outside of the silent majority for richard nixon. host: as far as who the candidates were directly idealing to, who was the voter that nixon was after? how does that compare to who is donald trump -- who donald trump is after? guest: this goes back to this problem that nixon had in 68, it was a two word problem and that was george wallace. george wallace who had been a southern governor and very much opposed to the civil rights onement and very opposed what we can only characterized as racist grounds. he was running and 68 and where he saw lot of his supports were among northern urban working-class white voters. one of the demographics that richard nixon really hoped to get in 68. wallace did very well, but richard nixon thought he could get those types of voters. they were people, who perhaps

lived in a place like chicago who were upset by the democratic convention and the violence that they saw against the chicago police even the most of the violence was on the part of the chicago police. richard nixon hoped he could win into the republican fold. of reagand to a lot democrats. he does not do as well in 1968 as he would in 72, when he does sees the urban white working-class. it is clear to everybody who has been studying donald trump's campaign that he has seen himself as someone who could win the white working class. that is something for you can see a direct lineage between what richard nixon projected in 68 and what donald trump is projecting now. host: how did richard nixon used television and commercials? -- use television and

commercials? guest: one of the key commercials that nixon ran and 68 was that they simply used footage of the violence that had corrupted at the democratic convention. was if they can't govern their own convention, how can they govern the country? it was a clever way to employ the kind of law and order argument, to spread a message through tv commercials to appeal to voters and say the country is falling apart, and we are the party who can put it back together based upon this vision of law and order. in many ways, it was a rather crafty use of commercial messaging, and whether or not donald trump -- the problem he is running into is he does not have as much cash in the bank to roll out a series of commercials. host: for context, here is that

add from 1968. ♪ >> it is time for an honest -- dissent is a necessary ingredient of change, the new system of government that provides for peaceful change, there is no cause that justifies the resort to violence. let us recognize that the first civil right of american is to be free from domestic violence. i placed to you, we shall have order in the united states. host: there is the ad.

how was this perceived in 68? i is an interview with the new york times about these kinds of comparisons and one of the things i pointed out was that clearly, donald trump is taking that language of law and order every much and why? because richard nixon won in 68. this was not a landslide, he got his landslide in 1972. a lot of americans reacted to that message with a great deal of endorsement of richard nixon. i think that talk of law and order can reach people and can be very effective at mobilizing them into the voting booths. host: here is what donald trump said about richard nixon in interview with the new york times.

let's go to william, new york city, republican. caller: as you are speaking and talking about donald trump and am donaldates, -- i trump's age, almost. i don't know where this young and not trying, to demean him, but i lived through that as a student. something about hillary clinton reminds me a lot more of nixon then donald trump, -- than donald trump. a lot of those riots across the country came about because of the murder, the assassination of martin luther king.

these terrible riots happened only in the black neighborhoods across the country. there were fires. some of us were studying. the university was like a gauntlet you had to walk through just to get from the subway to the music school because all of these leftists were taking over the university. university riots, taking over the university. doing citizens. taking spray paint and spray painting. you had to go through communist slogans to get to class. and i wonder, what were these guys doing in school? not all of us fell into that camp. host: ok. what do you think? guest: a really good point and pointing to columbia is a good focus.

the comparison of the feeling within the country is just not the same. throughout the 1960's, it moved to confrontation or worse they called resistance. a represented that. that is until they were evicted by the police force and the police force in new york city was white and working class. and they saw the college students as being snobs and elitists, of taking advantage of their education by not serving in the draft. so they were gleeful to get those protesters out of the buildings at columbia. where ione of the cases just don't see the millennial today doing this sort of activity, what the protesters at

columbia did. they are certainly active. but i think there is an enormous in awareness on the part of many young protesters, and i see them, as a history professor who has them in my classes, there is an awareness that there is a problem with backlash in this country. if you are violent and confrontational, it is likely that your message is going to fail. people reactse against rowdiness and confrontational as him. see the, i just don't same level of student protests in the united states at this time where you could make a good analogy with 1968 when there was a lot of protests and confrontation. your collar is exactly right. host: david, hello. caller: hello. it is amazing how history repeats itself. i might add to the professor that history has a way of

repeating itself. the extent of the present-day protests and reactions to a state that is failing the people, i think we are seeing the signs that things could get as worse as they were in the 1960's. back in the 1960's -- i am from used to's -- policeman just pull over a black man and beat him on general principles. so when blacks began to assert rights. the was the reaction to crazy racist notion that was coming out of apartheid. right? so when we talk about history and the strategy that always seemed to work with the white

people and reacting to those who were fed up with having enough ,f oppression and brutality their reaction always seemed to pull out the tricks of racial identity instead of dealing with the issue at hand. host: we will leave it there, thank you. let our guest respond. actually, i agree with a lot of what the caller is saying . when we go back to the term -- "silent majority" that richard nixon used, i don't think nixon was a racist but i think he knew -- enter caller referred to the southern strategy, appealing to the southern states because the democrats had become

associated with the civil rights movement which was fairly successful in tearing down some of the formal barriers for african-americans. so i think that your collar is right. i think you could take a term like the silent majority and suggested that the locations behind the term is probably a group of people that doesn't include a lot of african-americans. that it is racially coded. on that, no doubt. polarization is the thing that richard nixon was notorious for employing. it was almost rhetoric. and i think the collar has legitimate points to make. this seemed to be a bag of tricks. returned to and seemingly, it is a bag of tricks that donald trump is returning to. headlines this morning, stirring relationships with trump and senator mccain and

paul ryan. what was nixon's relationship with republicans in congress? mind: one thing to keep in -- first off, another reason why this is a different context is because these are different people. richard nixon had been in parliament and had held elected office for quite some time. an unsuccessful governor bid but he had been in politics for quite some time. so in many ways, he was much more of a professional politician. even if you wanted to use populous language. donald in opposition to trump, who truly is an outsider. one thing about nixon, he felt that being a western republican made it difficult to crack into a predominant the eastern establishment wing of the republican party. so in some ways, although he

held critical office and it is hard to describe him as an outsider, he certainly thought his western nests and non-eastern identity as something that elevated his status. al.: from illinois, here is go ahead. caller: hi, bringing up the democratic convention again during i was arrested the convention. and i want to explain what happened. theof the riots in front of hotel were antiwar and they were -- i was coming out of way far away, away from the

hilton downtown, but i was coming out into a hippie area of the time. i was watching it and it is funny. watchedts like that, i the police go by. and throwing rocks through windows. protests bring out the bad people who want to get away with something. out ande people coming -- going after these people saying yes, they came to the door and dragged us out. and i wasn to jail locked up, seven of us in a cell. and there were hundreds of people arrested. was the happened then

mccarthy lawyers came early in the morning to hear our stories. thank you, for the story. of the key things in contemporary history is that you hear from people who were participants. and it is always fun to hear -- not necessarily fun but interesting to hear what the chicago convention was absolutely a mess. and one of the things that is important is that there were people who went to chicago who wanted a confrontation. there were plenty of people who went because they wanted to protest the vietnam war and they wanted to support a candidate who was opposed to the war. but there is also a clarity with the people who went to chicago with the confrontational mentality. they wanted to provoke the

police riot. and when the police started to attack protesters on the streets -- and you have to keep in mind that these were illegal protests because they didn't gain a permit and police started to essentially beat up on the protesters, those who were watching would hear protesters chant -- the whole world is watching. protesters saying that we would expose violence in society. but when people watch it on tv, mosul say they sided with the police and not the protesters. fact thatoes with the there was a huge backlash against violent protests. the color makes a good point humphreys was going to be the primary candidate that richard nixon was going to have to take on and humphrey was tainted by his vice presidency is it maden johnson

it difficult for people to believe that he would be adamantly opposed to the vietnam war. and that was one of the advantages for richard nixon. host: don, hello? caller: yes, i want to thank c-span. it is always fear that works. with terrorism and everything. trump, i was for him until i saw the speech. he was talking about police but didn't say anything about on our slack people getting shot. police, you are going after america, for any american it's wrong. isaw him to that speech and

want to talk about mussolini. i watch a documentary about fiddler. his uniform on but he couldn't get elected. democrat,me a social put a suit on said everything he wanted to hear and as soon as he got into power, he put his uniform on and that is what got me about trump. just using fear. absolutely. i will be brief here but two points to that. there is no doubt that fear is a in element that was present nixon's rhetoric and donald trump now. i absolutely agree with the caller. colorat you heard the talk about was the analogy to mussolini and hit left. and this is something that a

number of people have made this accusation. donald trump is a homegrown american fascist. i actually don't agree with that argument. a road apiece that tries to tear the argument apart. tash't think donald trump -- donald trump does not have fascist politics. a glorification of the state or national community. in many ways, donald trump is too much of a narcissist to really be a fascist. is can't say to people there a higher cause than me. and hitler's, as awful of a , hitler's hadas higher ideals than just him being the fuhrer. and i don't think donald trump

has that within himself, fascist politics. using the fascist cardica something that i think it is a bit dangerous and unfair. guest previously taught at record university and is the author of plenty of books. professor kevin mattson, why the fascination with richard nixon? extent, i'llertain waste think i have been stuck in my books too much. he is a fascinating character. in some ways, i would argue having studied his life that i think he is an emblematic american in many ways. he was a very successful politician. in terms of seizing power.

so i think those things are enough in my mind. he's a very complicated guy. someone who you can still study on a psychological level and look at psychological problems and try to whose politics to those out. but basically, when people ask justy, i have to say he is a fascinating character. that doesn't mean he's a good character. one of the things that i think is funny as a talk about the analogies with donald trump richard nixon, let's be clear. one of the things donald trump is not talking about -- he used the silent majority and he has used law and order. but one of the things he will never talk about would be watergate. but i think one of the disturbing signs about richard nixon and one of the things that makes him fascinating is that he a fear of the

executive branch. lyndon johnson had this. and he really saw the need to project power from the executive branch. and i think in many ways, that created the water great crisis. will is from north carolina on the republican line, you are on. caller: yes. on the psychological problems with richard nixon and the fact that he used politics to try to straighten his own problems out. i am a republican and i will vote for donald trump because clinton is not an option. she is so far out there. afraid.d -- i'm

i think donald trump is so much like nexen because he uses the mental a bomb in its own people when he talks to people and about people. nixon used the same kind of dominance on the people he interacted with. i believe there are a lot of similarities between them. nixon hit his psychological problems but donald trump, he just puts it out there. he lets people know how he feels even when sometimes he may be should keep his mouth shut. host: thank you. guest: that caller raises an important point. where people want to make direct analysis, we have to be careful.

think richard nixon had a lot more talent than donald trump does. you can talk about how he felt like he was an outsider -- richard nixon but he held office. he had had the role of governor down in many ways. so you know, one of the things about donaldling trump is that he is impulsive and he shoots from the hip. we have seen that recently where it has gotten him in a lot of trouble. i don't think he has the capacity that richard nixon did to be a little bit more careful ,hen you are in public light donald trump seems to not have that. i agree with your caller that in many ways what we notice is that very often, the projection of dominance can cover up an enormous amount of insecurity on the part of a politician. one of the things we know about while heixon is that

projected dominance and while he was adamant against the people he considered to be his enemies, there was a profound insecurity that richard nixon had. and there is an irony in a studying people who protects dominance. host: linda from connecticut. good morning. caller: good morning. it is funny because richard nixon and his insecurities, we know about them because of watergate and the exposure of the tapes whereas donald trump is putting it out there on social media. i don't think we would have ever realized how insecure nixon was and he was facilitated by hoover and the fbi. but talk about psychological -- it is a good discussion when we look at the violence and law and order.

two of the police officer anders were committed by -- i think we have to look at the psychological effect of veterans and how the war in vietnam or iraq -- there are similarities we're missing that we could really use and may be have our veterans have a two week are and weeks rest and relaxation like astronauts do. it could really help our military, as well. thank you for listening. have a great day. guest: that is an excellent point. i think the problem of the returning veterans is something we could learn a lot from in looking at vietnam and the war today.

thathing to keep in mind i'm surprised people have not done more with is that 1969 was the year in which we would first hear more about this thing fracking -- low down in the military, trying to kill their superiors because they have grown so distrustful of the mission in vietnam. being so opposed without being able to articulate it. and i think the notion that those people will be coming back into the country and how they are treated when they come back into the country is something that i think the country did a iod job of during vietnam and agree with the caller that we have not done as good of a job as he possibly can with the returning veterans of today. host: joining us to take a look

at the compare and contrast of donald trump and richard nixon is kevin mattson of ohio university. >> homeland security secretary jeh johnson said today the government should consider designating the u.s. elections as critical infrastructure to try to help the voting system against possible cyberattacks. that's next on c-span. then a conversation on national security and the media. later, we'll get an update on this summer's international hiv-aids conference held in south frica. health officials will talk about the zika virus outbreak and the need for reproductive and maternal health care access. watch live coverage from the center for american progress at 12:00 p.m. eastern here on c-span. later, the white house cybersecurity coordinator

will be part of the discussion about how the federal government responds to cyber attacks, hosted by the u.s. chamber of commerce. live coverage begins at 2:15 .m. eastern. >> c-span's "washington journal" live every day with news and policy issues that impact you. coming up thursday morning, will act editor angie act check claims made by candidates. then leo shane, congressional reporter for "military times" on how military and veterans issues are playing out in the campaign. be sure to watch c-span's "washington journal" live beginning at 7:00 a.m. eastern thursday morning. join the discussion.

[captioning made possible by the tennis channel] [captioning performed by national captioning institute] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] >> a hush has fallen over the room. i'm going to get us started. there is a lot of interest in the secretary. and i want to get him out on time. my apologies to the camera people for starting early. i'm dave cook from the "christian times minnesota monitor," thanks for coming.

thank you for coming. our guest is homeland security secretary jeh johnson. we were honored to host his predecessors. we are delighted he made time in his busy and unpredictable schedule to be here today. our guest is a graduate of moor house college and columbia law school. he began his legal career at paul weiss where he became a partner. after five years he left to serve as united states attorney in the southern district of new york. his subsequent career has alternated between corporate law and government service. president clinton appointed him to serve as general counsel of the air force, and newly elected president obama named him department of defense general counsel where his boss, robert gates, called him the phonest lawyer he has ever worked with. on october 2013, is an obama nominated him to be the fourth secretary of homeland security. the secretary and his wife had r