ever gives that motion we would stand with you. not because of you, not because we agree politically. simply because of the institution needs to be able to stand on its own. first thing she did when she became speaker she removed that. you know what, it give me the power to make that motion on her. i had a lot of republicans that want the me to do it. i never did. nancy and i get along? no. but i thought the institution was too important. i thought it was too personal. at the end of the day keeping government opened and paying our troops with the right de-- was the right decision. i stand by that decision. at the end of the day could i lose my job over it? so be it. i'm going to fight for the american public. thank you very much. [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2023] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy visit ncicap.org] >> since 1979, in partnership with the cable industry, c-span has provided complete coverage of the halls of congress.

from house and senate floors, to congressional hearings, party briefings, and committee meetings. c-span gives you a front row seat to how issues are debated and decided. with no commentary, no interruptions, and completely unfiltered. c-span, your unfiltered view of government. " continues. host: bobby cogan served as a former advisor to the director of office of management and budget in the biden administration is also with the center for american budget. joining us now to talk about how government is funded. thanks for giving us your time again. guest: thanks for having me on. host: can you give is your impression on how things work resolved as far as keeping the government funded for another 40 plus days? guest: sure, with a couple of hours to spare, a deal came together, something that had

been off the table before then. we had roughly a cleanish continuing resolution that passed most spending on the discretionary side going to the previous levels. by and large, it kept things going through the end of november and gives congress more time that it will used to then fund full year appropriations. host: on the house side, you are seeing appropriation bills being worked on. talk about that is a process for the funding of government. guest: each year, we do 12 appropriations bills. they are usually combined into one bill called in on the bus and sometimes a few bills called minibuses. that was called the discretionary portion of the budget and that's about1/3 of the budget. it's the things where we pick the level every year.

every year we say how much money will we give nasa or nih this year. and the department of defense so that is the1/3. the house and the senate have been working on the 12 bills that the senate has marked up on a bipartisan basis. the house has marked up 10 of their 12 bills and they passed three of them and of given up on one and they are going ahead on this and it's useful to talk about what's going on. host: go ahead. guest: one of the backdrops behind all this is coming out of the -- we almost defaulted early in the year and out of that we passed a responsibility act and in there, we had a bipartisan agreement on what level we were going to fund the government. people still have to decide how it was broken down and how much of it would go to epa or nasa and that sort of stuff but the top line that was agreed to.

folks were supposed to begin writing bills at that level. part of the reason we are in such a difficult place now is the senate on a bipartisan basis started writing stuff slightly higher but the house wrote stuff significantly low the deal. when we say yes, they are going through the those, it's true but part of the issue is the bill they are writing severely under fund the deal that was agreed to a couple of months ago. host: part of your analysis, you made some statements and i want to read some of them and get you to clarify and elaborate on them. can we start with $58 billion for nondefense bills? guest: there was a deal that was

agreed to with the majority of house and senate republicans voted for it spearheaded by speaker mccarthy. that total level is for government spending. it was already a strict spending cap. it was going to reduce nondefensive discretionary money by $49 billion. then, the house republican appropriations bills cut 58 billion dollars below that for ongoing programs. if you add up the total spending for nih and cdc and the epa and social security administration, it's 58 ilion dollars below the deal. in addition to that, they cut back a bunch of other types of spending by 94 billion dollars. that's like underfunding the deal by $152 billion. within the last week and the speaker mccarthy has indicated

they are planning to do another $60 billion beyond that and they have locked in around five ilion dollars but we will see where the rest comes from. that's why we are in a difficult situation. house republicans have created these massive cuts compared to what the deal was six months ago. host: you can ask about the funding process, (202) 748-8000 for republicans, (202) 748-8001 for democrats and independents (202) 748-8002. you can text us your thoughts at journal@c-span.org (202) 748-8003. are there differences between with the senate versus the house? guest: the senate has begun its process. it has marked them up and they had major bipartisan support. they were working on moving a minibus and i think they had 89

or 91 senators for a motion for cloture. they have huge agreement in their bills. moving an appropriations bill if everything is working right, takes a while. typically, congress will pass a continuing resolution to buy more time which is extremely common. i would say the senate is working normally in this way. host: the house is offering lower figures that initially agreed upon, how does that impact what the senate has to do? guest: the senate can and will go ahead passing its bills. where it will matter is if the house republicans and system going significantly below the dealer setting up another showdown in mid-november. i don't think there is any appetite among senate republicans and senate democrats

and house democrats and the white house of breaking the deal they did a couple of months ago. similarly, when there were budget caps for 2012-2021, they didn't go below the captain any year. there were bipartisan agreement and all nine years to go above the cap. the issue here is that house republicans are going down a path they know won't become law. to that point, there was difficulty and they withdrew their ask of funding the department of agriculture and other agencies. they were having difficulty getting enough people to support it speaker mccarthy said don't worry, this won't become lost said don't worry about voting for it. if part of the issue is that the bill they are calling for was extreme.

the ag bill is an example and it would ban pharmacies from selling the most common abortion drug while simultaneously cutting a program that helps poor, pregnant women and newborn infants for food. it's only healthy food. it's called wic. this bill would really cut back and underfund this program that helps poor pregnant women and newborns get food. it's a pretty extreme measure. things like that are littered throughout these bills. that's why they won't become law. host: you said this and you may have reference it already -- can you elaborate on that? guest: any congress can do

anything as long as it's constitutional. the appropriations committee is supposed to work on discretionary appropriation. they can pull back things that are mandatory, that are typically funded through other committees. when that is done, it is only done on a major bipartisan basis. there was a deal to do $21 billion of that but now it's $115 billion. these were programs that were passed by other committees and inside these bills, they said i know this is another committees bill or another committees program funding but we were -- but we will pull it back anyway. host: on your twitter feed, when talking about ukraine, you have a twitter pole. i will read the question but i want to set it up for you. what percentage of the budget has ukraine assistance average?

let's start with why you put the pole there in the first place? guest: guest: it was related to whoever was the main character in twitter that day. -- but we look at what percentage of the budget, and it is not enough from anyone. it is not anyone's job, it is not most people's job to be federal budget experts. so once we have a wrong since of how big the parts of the budget are. people ask how big it is, they say it is 25% of the budget around 1% or yes -- or less. and they say we cannot do these at because of other thing any

for it and it is not appropriate. and i did the pool to see what we are spending on things and how much various things cost. the potential -- host: the answers very, what is the answer? guest: it would be around 1%, but it would be under 1%. and yet -- host: and yet this has complicated things with aid to ukraine in the past couple weeks. i'm sure you have seen that layout as well. guest: to be clear there is a bipartisan majority in each chamber. and even if the majority of everyone agrees sometimes things do not end because very specific people have made it a biggest issue.

in the senate, they are continuing resolution. they were originally going to have a -- more for ukraine but they lower that. between the defense side in the department of state side. in the house version, they took out ukraine entirely. i did not know what would happen if we had -- given this all came together the day before we shut down there was not time for full -- folks to say we did it this way what of we did it this way we were already dealing with the reality of shutting down. they are working through the house may or may not bring up a measure. it's important to a lot of members for various reasons and so we will certainly see it come up.