i think, i think, i think that we should be ready to perform such a task for ourselves, because if we do not do it, well , again, it will be thrown from somewhere outside, maybe from another russia, but from russia , and this may once again be a reason to use this as a political tool to influence ukraine in the future, so it is better that we deal with this issue, and it cannot be that the majority of those ethnic russians who live in against the background of this war, ukraine will simply... absolutely this is a matter of choice, and we all , i think in your circle and in my circle , i know many people who made this conscious choice, actually for political reasons, not because they are afraid of being russian, but because they are ashamed to be russian , because for them now to be russian is to choose not only russian ethnicity, it is to choose something, political politics, it is xenophobia, it is some kind of russian peace and so on, therefore...

ethnic russians choose ukrainian identity, in the ukrainian language, in ukrainian culture, and i am sure that this process will significantly change even the awareness of a significant part of russians in ukraine, and here we can say that putin is really shooting himself in the foot, actually by trying to use these russian markers in ukraine, well, by the way, about the question of identity and how people generally perceive their ee their we, i would say, their living space. the shchors monument is a beautiful illustration, you know, i really like the monument, i 'll tell you honestly, it's such a real work of art the art of architecture, a horse, it's not a matter of liquor, a horse, there is a rider on a horse, there are very few such monuments, but i will honestly tell you that the dzerzhynskyi monument on lubyanka is no less an architectural work, absolutely, do you remember it , was it simply the architectural dominant of this square? and somehow none of us

in 1991 thought, my god, what a horror, there is no, there is no dzerzhynskyi on dzerzhynskyi square, what now, how is it now, because here the discussion should not be about aesthetics, but about ethics after all , you can enjoy some of these kind of figures, including maybe in another space, i.e. in a museum, protected area, please, i.e. maybe they will save the wood for this, i.e. in principle, they dismantled it more or less neatly, i.e. maybe it will be exhibited somewhere. in some museums, please, i.e. as an example of how, what was the culture, what tools were actually used as this monumental sculpture as an influence on consciousness, this is important, because when we are told that, as part of decommunization, we allegedly want to uproot the soviet pages from our history, this wrong, you absolutely cannot tear them out, they must remain from our history, but like never again, as an example of what should not happen again, and we really need it in some educational programs, some educational spaces.

well, although russia is rapidly returning to this past, but in the 90s they took it all away, as if it had never happened, although these were the main moscow, against this background, is very different from the rest of russia, decommunization there was quite thorough, of course, and the question arises, why do we have why is it that we have not only shors, we had petrovsky, but until recently there was kosior, a chubar. the monument to these participants of the uprising

at the arsenal in mariyanskyi park, i can't even remember how many in mariinskyi park to the revolutionaries as well, well, it 's called something else, but it's actually to these revolutionaries who fought against the ukrainian people's republic, why was it like that? well, probably because we did not, you know, have such a break with this communist mine, that is, we have this smooth transition of the communist elite into the post-communist elite, absolutely. ensured such a very long post-communist inertia, which was broken little by little in 2004 , when yushchenko came to power, there was the same petrovsky kosior, then they removed the kosior in kyiv, and the final break was only after the 14th year, that is why we are taking such long steps they went to that, and as for me , they often discuss in our country whether it is possible to call the orange revolution a revolution or a revolution of dignity. call it a revolution if

you consider it as three revolutions starting with revolution on granite, i.e. from the 90th year somewhere to the 14th year, then as a single process, well then to me. it is more correct optics to see all this and to see, well, the different dynamics of these processes, but that's all, it's all the same, well, i thought about it once again in the 90s in north macedonia, which also just declared independence , and i think i lived in ohrid on the street of strašo pinjura, who is strašo pinžura, a national hero of macedonia, he is a communist, and all the other streets are basically named after him a lot of people from the communist past, but on the other hand, whoever proclaimed the people's republic of macedonia in general, well... of the communists, their children proclaimed where, but on the other hand, now we see that, in principle, in the history of macedonia there were a lot of non-communists , and macedonians did not appear, macedonians cannot be invented only by communists, and at that time there was no such understanding in another of our neighboring countries also has problems with memory, i mean slovakia, for example, slovakia wants to attribute itself to

the anti-nazi the block that wants to move away in the direction of otsiya was the state of ios. which will allow us to look at this soviet era, let's say, not just with such a black and white coverage of the past, i mean not some party functionaries, but we really need to understand how people existed then, our cultural figures, our there

great writers wrote denunciations on each other, our great directors made propaganda films, if you look at the road. the son of the ukrainian soviet, ukrainian soviet classics were simply agents, that is, they were recruited, they were recruited, they really recorded each other there , well, now look at the materials in their agent files, well, after the drunkenness, they simply shot each other in every national culture of the famous jewish poet itzek fefer, who also lived here in ukraine, along with those jewish classics on which he wrote denunciations, which he oversaw. agent of the nkvd, but they were put against the same wall, what to do with it? this will be another discussion, you probably understand, because with us , after all, this is also a simplified image, a person is recruited, a person has become an agent, that's all. tavra, this person must be unequivocally condemned, but you can often see that this person, who cooperated, became an agent,

did not do any bad things, and sometimes , on the contrary, did good things, so we need to learn to delve a little deeper into history. you really don't see a black and white story, but at least shades of gray, preferably a color story, and one day you will still have to watch our history in 3d, by the way, this does not only apply to soviet times, you may have seen a somewhat unexpected discussion , which arose when nina matvienko died, and many people began to write, look at her political position, and see how you, mr. vitaly, can write about her like this, when she was so, so so, so said this and that and that, that's what i wanted to say to these people , listen, nina, she told me all this on the phone, it's not what she's telling you... singer, if you're ukrainian, but you have such voices, there are no other voices, like norwegians , there is no other knut hamson, he is like that, but he is perceived as

a classic in literature, a great writer, and there is of course him, well, what to do here, how our people are used to perceive it, the story definitely cannot fit into some black-and-white story, even if we take only some political aspect, well, yuri the tobacconist, the glorious ataman, who falls into captivity, who collaborates with the soviets, who educates red seniors in a soviet school, who suddenly in the early 30s begins to openly criticize stalin, he is arrested for this, during interrogations, he frankly, excuse me, insists on the fact that his they simply repress and shoot and leave. as a hero shot by stalin's henchmen , that is, who is he, a traitor, a hero, that is, both at the same time in fact, maybe in general we need to treat the history of culture simply without this soviet narrative, because in the soviet narrative it was so that if you are a poet, alexander serhiyevich pushkin, you

are some kind of incorporeal entity, and we can’t even say that you met a lot of women there, because it spoils your image, you can’t, but why, why did you write poems about... with love for russia , who else can you love, russia, everything, and this is how our people are they perceive that if you are a poet, a writer , a politician there, you are flawless, you know, that's how in this movie, game of thrones, there were these... meringues, what were they called, flawless, well, they were just without sexual functions, and this is the only thing, well, it is obvious that when a person does not have any desires, he usually does not perform any actions, he can be blameless, but, unfortunately, we all have flaws, it is extremely important to learn to bronze our heroes a little, because one bronze changing to another one is very simple, from a bronze lenin to a bronze one bandera, it is very simple, but it will not give anything to understand bandera, absolutely nothing. well, perhaps the power of politics lies precisely in the fact that they make mistakes and change. south africa is proud of nelson mandela

, who started his career as an ordinary terrorist, he is a classic terrorist, like from hamas, relatively speaking, but the man rose, rose above his life to you know, i was surprised by the reaction of a lot of people to the new movie napoleon , how could such a person be put so low, what are the conflict situations, hysterical situations with josephine, and i am sure that a person... at the same time to have such hysterical relations in one private life, to be great in the other, everything, that is, people, this is the right of a person to a personal life, any mistakes and crimes, by the way, if this emperor of france, you will most likely commit crimes when you get to the throne, well, but people want to see, bronze, yes, a monument, and this is especially true, really, you can't tell nothing bad about the person who is your hero, i remember there was a situation in lviv, which scared me a lot, i would say , we were having a discussion, and someone

asked me who i consider the most authoritative ukrainian of the 20th century, said that i consider andrii andrii sheptsytskyi, i have such and such a position, such an impression, and here people started to stand up and say today is the day , so you are all stepan bandera, you are insulting us, we are leaving you, i didn't even know that it was possible to cause such a resonance with such ordinary words, i... i was not going to do anything bad to anyone, i have to to teach our people in a slightly different way to look at history, because this is the bronze view of history, it explains very little about the past, and it does not allow us to understand the present, here are its current heroes closer to us, the same viktor yushchenko, well , a person who really did a lot for ukraine , but he didn't make a lot of mistakes, of course, but over time, over time it becomes more and more clear, let's say, what is called a legacy in the west, yushchenko's legacy turns out to be bigger than we thought. yes, yes, and as soon as he ceased to be the president, they generally believed that it was his

rule - these are absolutely lost years for the country, how could it be, especially considering the post-maidan disappointment, of course, but now we really step aside a little and see that this is a historical figure, well, viktor yushchenko himself, by the way, may not have thought so at the time of the end of my political activity, you know, as a historian, as a person who is a little immersed in some historical processes , from time to time i see that uh... what you plan, what comes out and how you see it later, it's people, it's three different planes that often don't intersect, well, by the way, about the fact that history should be taught, this does not only concern ukrainians, i wanted to talk to you about this story with the decision of the ukrainian, polish institute of national remembrance regarding the whista operation, which in general looks incredible, i was also told , that i did not comment on this decision, i did not comment on it, because i opened my mouth and did not know how to comment on it at all, i never thought that the institute of national memory of poland, in which it was formed.

its staff is created by right-wingers conservatives, those people who are anti-communists, i would say from my great-great-grandfather, well, you see, after all, the nationalism sometimes coincides, in my opinion, you know that, it will fit into a broader such political concept, after us something at least a flood, that their behavior after losing the election is absolutely hysterical, but it has actually gone a little too far, if and... it is specifically about the case of the vistula campaign, it completely discredits the structure, and it is very, very good, very good that it was heard, there and historians, and social and political figures, very much it sounded good, because it is important to understand that this statement is not the whole of poland, that there is another poland that evaluates everything differently, especially since when we are talking about the vistula campaign, well , this is one of the few such consensus topics in the polish-ukrainian heritage, where both ukrainians and poles condemned, condemned together, that is , there was a decision of the senate... in 1990, there were many joint statements, that is, no one questioned the fact that this was a crime of the communist

regime, and now what to do revision of this to be done by some, well, this is this, unfortunately, some communist revenge, in fact, i don’t know if this prosecutor who did it realized it , he probably did, because it wasn’t just about closing the case, okay, that is, they could say for some formal reasons that there are no more living witnesses and so on , the case has been going on for about 20 years, but this is a brutal explanation. why was it closed, because it turns out that the action was not repressive, but charitable, they saved the ukrainian population from possible crimes in the nupa and resettled them in better housing than they had in the east of poland, that is, it is for... that much a brutal justification that shows that it is no accident that the polish jews were also relocated by the germans to better housing right in the center of warsaw when they created the ghetto, it can also be said that way, you see, that is, with such approaches, unfortunately, you can to create a lot of problems, it seems to me that this is an alarm bell in general about the polish institute of national memory, that is, you can

tell a lot about what was done with this institute in the 16th year, as in polish-ukrainian relations. in this topic, a historical topic, were systematically destroyed, i i know that a lot of accusations were made against me personally, but what was done, starting with the destruction of graves that no one noticed, what was done with the adoption of laws, what was done with the liquidation of the polish-ukrainian forum of historians, in fact, which functioned, which was a working and good body, well, in the end , you see, it ended with such an absolutely idiotic step, and this, by the way, is not the last, there is one more step, this is her decision. of the government on the creation of the volyn museum are different, 180 million zlotys have been allocated for this, which is big money for in chelm, i.e. on the territory of the kholm region, where actually in this polish-ukrainian conflict, well , the ratio of losses was very, unfortunately, in favor of ukrainians, that is, many more ukrainians died there, that is, the 44th year is a kind of continuation of this the same conflict

that was in volyn and thousands of ukrainians were killed there in 1942, conflicts began there in 1944, they simply reached their apogee, and now , again, in the context after the flood , the volyn museum is being created. and the center is parallel the project and the center of polish-ukrainian understanding, there will be two projects , too, hills, so they will be together, yes, well, not knowing whether they are somehow parallel, but these are actually two projects, well, apart from everything else, this is also an insult to the memory of the same kaczyński, because despite his right-wing views, well, his historical politics, he had a completely different behavior, i remember very well my visavi of those times , janusz kortyka, who unfortunately died together with kaczyński, well, he would never allow himself such a thing, that is, his understanding of the same, what

this is communism, why communism should be condemned, his understanding that ukrainians can have an excellent memory, i remember our joint press conference. in the form where the president of the polish institute of national remembrance declared that ukrainians can respect shukhiewicz, this does not mean that we should respect him, but they have the right to do so, i cannot imagine that after 2000, after his death , so that someone, anyone of these directors, there are already four of them, seems to have changed, someone dared to say such a thing, he he he could say such a thing, and here now, allegedly by honoring these people, one is doing the complete opposite of what they set for themselves, oleg kachetsky was actually the president who, together with the president... well, became the ones who broke this, what do you have , we have our own , let's do it, let's do it together, and there were many parallel measures, in principle, everything was done in the absolutely right direction, tell me, well, in principle, if

we talk about this restoration now, i would say, polish-ukrainian cooperation specifically from the point of view of flight. we have memory such opportunities, because i well remember that when the polish-ukrainian women's forum worked for the ministry of foreign affairs, every time any questions had to be postponed because it was necessary to hold a discussion on historical issues, i always told my colleagues , listen , well, we are not a forum of historians, we have to talk about political things, but at the same time there were also forums of historians, and now it just all stopped, that is, it was once again considered that, at least on the ukrainian territory, it was considered. what is the problem, the source problems are the source of problems on the ukrainian side, that is, the ukrainian government changes, the issue of exhumation, the issue of exhumation, the issue of monuments, the issue of the agreement of some assessments of the polish-ukrainian conflict, and so on, that as soon as the ukrainian position changes, the ukrainian side, that is, after restarting the government, everything will go smoothly

, it turned out not, it turned out that, unfortunately, claims are almost universally expressed exclusively from... the polish side and there is not the slightest desire to solve this problem, well, so that you understand, with these monuments, the restoration of monuments on the graves has all stalled on begging, but for the polish side, for some reason , things are very principled, when one of the destroyed monuments, which, by the way, is official, is subject to protection according to the intergovernmental agreement, it was destroyed, first of all in on live air, it was shown, secondly, the ukrainian side tried to demand that it be restored, it was restored, but they lost 62 or so names of people who went there. put their surnames on this table, despite the fact that the table with surnames was just agreed at the time, so what the polish state undertakes to defend, and

nothing has changed, even the fact that zelensky and duda met, they talked about it, that is , the issue has not moved at all, well , again, now, if there can be a change in the polish government, then it can be to a certain extent measures, if not a change in the vector, then from my approaches, you are waiting, god forbid, yes, in fact, i am cautiously optimistic about the fact that er... something can change, because polish historical politics, it is very steeped, actually was a general policy , there is no such thing in ukraine, in ukraine, the issues of history are not so important for politicians, accordingly , politicians did not interfere so much , many politicians do not even understand why it is necessary to talk about it, and this is bad and bad, but as the former head of the institute of national remembrance, well, i can say that in matters of some historical assessments there, the institute of national memory formed the position of politics, not the other way around, in poland it was completely the opposite, when i met with my visavi from ipnu even on those... in matters of the same graves, and said that we we can solve the problem here and now immediately, you take on certain commitments, i take on certain commitments, he was not ready for that, because he

had to agree with the prime minister, the prime minister with the president and that's all and yes, everything is very confused, that's why now , after the reboot of the government in poland, there is hope that this situation will improve a little, well, society is also changing, it seems to me that the situation is in the aftermath of this war, i saw what you were conducting . i haven't seen you have such diametrically opposed approaches, neither have i, although that we argue a lot, but it is with great pleasure that i meet with gryzham and we talk, it was just that we mentioned this forum, where we met in the same, together with other historians, i have great respect for the fact that this year, before the next round discussions between us... he went to kyiv, visited the warehouse, taking into account the fact that there was an air raid, that is, on his part, it was also a certain show of respect simply for the ukrainians, that it is in

this format that he is ready to discuss, and now very decisive position of his, which refers to the vistula campaign, that is, he is one of those who initiated all these letters of condemnation, well, because he wrote a large book, just one and more, and the last one literally this year. so that is for him this is this is this is just a reclassification of his new inheritance? well, i also think that when we talk about this, we should hope that a healthy voice will prevail, although i saw a survey that now there 60% of poles are sure that the exhumation of the bodies of the victims of the volyn tragedy, other victims of the war on the territory ukrainian, polish the origin must be unconditional, so i think that any government will reckon with this suspino, of course, i am sure that the situation can be equalized, it can be decided, if you set it as a goal, unfortunately, this was not for everyone from in the 16th year, as a participant in many rounds of negotiations

on various topics with polish politicians in the field of historical politics, there was simply no desire to at least resolve something. thank you, mr. volodymyr, volodymyr vyatroevich, historian, publicist, people's deputy of ukraine, was with us in this part of the broadcast, and thank you, of course, dear viewers, what... it's such a late time with us, i would say , but please stay with express, we 'll see each other again, and now i want to wish you a good night, victory and peace, which we all so we wait, good luck, laughter, physical activity, sneezing, even during such a small load, urinary incontinence can make itself felt, feminost uro helped me, thanks to the natural ingredients feminost uro helps

to restore control over urination both day and night, feminost uro - urination under control, ask in pharmacies, damn it, stairs, my legs can’t walk anymore, wait , i’ll find out that there is no health, and what kind of health is there in the sixth decade, and i thought so until i tried gerovital, gerovital plus,

where he, and if there are no cigarettes, then what will you smoke, he says, well, if there are no cigarettes, then he will smoke village council, how much time do you need, it takes 10 days, 10 days, this is what you should do, i have arrived i don't come here to look at old people... what will be your vacant romance, vacant, vacant romance, please pray by god, i am asking you to drink, and tomorrow to fly your own...

let's go, where, there, come on, chair!

we are starting a second innovator, in order to develop a new car, it is necessary to blow it up, maybe. this is the first time i will say, on which chassis did you stop for the guard? we will reveal when we present. we have new corrupt officials, these are anti-corruption officials. did you go? how much does one mine cost approximately? cool question. wow, what other options were there, let's cut it out. hello to all

viewers of military courier, this is a timely project, and today we are talking about the supply of modern armored vehicles to the defense forces of ukraine. as you know, today there is a lot of talk about how much weaponry the western allies have transferred to ukraine, but unfortunately, not so much is said about the fact that ukraine itself is capable of producing modern armored vehicles. this is the ukrainian armored car novator, a car that is very well known to the ukrainian defenders, it has proven itself well at the front, but recently the ukrainian armored vehicle company, which produces this armored car, collected all the wishes of the ukrainian defenders.