the administration is popular, 70-80% support its actions and so on, but we encountered the first serious defeat with the failure of the counteroffensive, and the expectations for the counteroffensive were inflated, they were warmed by the miracle that happened in the kharkiv region in the fall of 22 , they were aggravated by the fact that this global coalition is being built in support. and when we did not get the result we expected, suddenly changes began in the attitude of citizens to what the state says, the number of people who want to come, for example, to military bases, sharply decreased, and levels of trust in state institutions began to decline, i.e. we see this very

serious game change, and what is trying in such a situation, what can the administration try to do in such a situation, it can try to continue what it did before, it can try to become more accountable, and that's the real question, which now stands at this critical moment, can we build a relationship where all parties, business, civil society, the church, there and so on, and so on and so on, have confidence in... the actions of the political leadership, which has a tremendous responsibility, or with a certain suspicion, or with certain reservations, and how you answer this question, i am very interested, i answer it that, it is difficult to build trust, because such stories as, for example , the story with mazeppa with the business, stories like the story with the surveillance of bigustinfo, stories like that, they don't help, they don't help to establish that trust, and also... if uh

, there are circumstances where, for example, the first person pi under they try to protect themselves under the pressure of traditions, and this, probably, in my opinion, the most logical, the most logical reason why the reform of law enforcement agencies is not completed, why the reform of the justice system is not carried out, and so on, because then the elite feel terribly vulnerable and fear that... in response to these reforms, they will actually be retaliated against from their successors , if we see that there are such fears, then it is very important that all participants begin to behave in such a way as to eliminate these fears, but with all this, we see that law enforcement agencies are limitless, we see that absolutely amazing judicial decision occur, very often we see that it is very difficult to see what... coordination in

a significant part of the executive power, how many ministries are without ministers, how many embassies are without ambassadors, that is, failures occur where they should not occur, or such situations as, for example, there with the appointment of, for example, the ambassador to bulgaria and so on, which simply cannot be explained in any rational categories, and this exacerbates mistrust at a time when there are much more important issues on the agenda. the unity of society in the face of the russian threat is an important issue, the transition from the sprint mode to the marathon mode, when we understand that the war is not for a year, not for two, for three to five, maybe longer, it means that completely different reserves of strength are needed, and now it is important to build these reserves of strength, and in order to finish with this block, to move on to the future, i will also ask the following question on the forum: the phrase that...

that war is a counter-revolution of dignity, what do you invest in it, how does war sharpen what actually what was won on the maidan, yes, how war changes the social contract, and what is the danger? we had three social contracts during the independence of ukraine, the first social contract with which ukraine gained independence is the soviet social contract, the essence of which is that... give up their rights in exchange for social security guaranteed by the state, the state did not fulfill these social guarantees, they became less and less and less valuable each time, and accordingly at a certain moment a part of society appeared that said: "we are leaving this social agreement, we went to provide for ourselves on our own, and then there was an evolution of the social contract from the soviet to..." to

the intermediate one, his nestor group called the social contract of corruption consensus, the essence of which is approximately that we, the citizens, do not impose difficult conditions on the state questions, and you, the state, don't ask us difficult questions either, we spin and you spin, we don't ask where you got your mercedes from, you don't ask why we don't pay taxes. the corruption consensus agreement is such a non-aggression pact between elites and society, which was very harshly violated by yanukovych. and there was no way to turn it back and make it work. accordingly , a revolution of dignity takes place, and the revolution of dignity brings for the first time in history a social contract, which the nestorian group called its contract of dignity. the essence of which is that citizens and elites recognize that they together have a responsibility for something very valuable and very important for all of them, for an independent state, and this independent state gives us security, gives us opportunities, gives us some quality of life, and for this it makes sense for us to cooperate, and

accordingly we begin to learn to behave in such a way that it is mutually beneficial for us. citizens learn to treat the state with respect, not fear. hate , as it has been for many decades, the state begins to treat citizens with the same respect, recognizing their dignity, and accordingly define their dignity, and accordingly, if we look at the large number of all kinds of reforms that have been carried out, decentralization, digitalization, there is an educational one reform and so on, these reforms are aimed at increasing dignity, now what happens next , a full-scale invasion begins, society goes into a... zero-sum game mode, it's either you survive, or either or or your enemy survives, and the game mode with zero sum actually reduces the space in which possible blame-blame is possible, and at that

moment there is a risk that citizens will also switch to a certain configuration, for example, if distrust of the authorities is high, to the model of relations. zero sum games are also against own ukrainian state, and this is probably the worst thing that can happen, because the transition from a strategy of joint victory to a strategy of personal survival is a transition that weakens us all, well, in fact , it is a strategy of defeat, it is a strategy of defeat, yes, it is a strategy of defeat , which may be postponed, which may not be immediately, but there is nothing to cling to, that is, it is a strategy of disunity, it is a strategy that does not provide an opportunity to build in solidarity. joint action, and as a result of this we can at a certain point, risk reaching a point, and i me especially emphasized that we are not at that point, that is, there is still enough trust in the system, that is, it is very important for us to be realistic and not to cry wolves when there are no wolves yet, which

should happen now, that's what now what has to happen is for this defeat strategy not to work, for this defeat scenario not to be triggered. well, there should be such and such actions of each party in relation to the other party, which will give them the opportunity to establish trust in each other society power society society between itself, the business there and the customers and so on, if the business, for example, behaves in relation to its customers in such a way that the customers cannot trust the business, they turn their backs and go and buy their services or goods elsewhere, this business will burn out, and much more difficult. the situation with democracy, because especially when there are no elections, there is no way to change, for example, one team to another, it means that we all have to accept that we are in the situation that we are in. i like zelensky, i don't like him is a legitimately elected and legitimate president

of the country, he will be longer than his term, because it is impossible to hold elections during war in such a way that... they are recognized by society itself, i am not talking about international some there, international observers and so on , so that the society itself recognizes that these elections are legitimate, because a large number of people do not live where they are registered, it is impossible to ensure that neither the campaign nor the vote is normal, that is, in other words, until we win in war, we are in the configuration of the configuration that we are in, it means that we ... in this situation, we all have to behave in such a way that we do not give the other reason to distrust ourselves, and this is a very difficult obligation, because it, it obligates not only the administration, but actually what was very clearly heard at a certain moment at

the forum was what the participants said about what someone should do in order for us to win, it is up to everyone, and this question, this is a question and internally at a certain moment... the correction worked, that is , both through the moderators and through other participants who said, no, no, look, it's very easy to put the blame on someone, the question is what are we doing, the question is whether we 're looking far enough... far ahead, whether we understand what we have to do here and now and so on , and i'm seeing some trends that generally seem to me to be healthy, for example, and i'm looking within the business environment, how the attitude towards paying taxes has changed, paying taxes which until recently looked like a necessary evil, uh, and in some cases the avoided evil now begins to become a factor of responsibility. because the same business is the beneficiary of the benefits that

the taxes create. so. after all, you and i all use supermarkets, use public transport and so on and so forth. we didn't have the kind of collapse that could happen at the start of a full scale invasion. we have the forecast rate of the national currency and so on and so forth. that is, we have a huge number of benefits that we take for granted every day. but... in order for us to continue to rely on each other, we must, we must be even more careful with each other, we must follow by what words we say to each other, whether we keep our commitments and whether we are open to sometimes very uncomfortable changes. the example i gave is that it is very important for civilians who are not in the armed forces to see that the armed forces of ukraine has a people-centered philosophy, and this is not just to make a declaration, it is to show

that the armed forces really care that there should be as few losses as possible, what is real, what, what is the dignity of a person who, a person who is ready to sacrifice his own life, what is his dignity respected at every stage, she may be in a dirty and cold trench, but her life is valuable and she is not... this is important, which cannot be a kpi, for example, about whether a unit fights well or bad, according to the number of killed or wounded, and the greater this number, the better, which means that the units fight better and so on. we hear hundreds and thousands of these stories, they have flooded the information space, because they penetrate not through some propaganda mouthpiece, they penetrate through personal stories that told by people who are... and this is an important question. the second issue is that we still, we have to look ahead and we have to

understand that it is very important for everyone to adapt to the war, and civilians too. you don't, you don't think so, i'm sorry, but i'll just ask a follow-up question, don't you think that last year we talked so much about our sustainability, about the fact that we live a normal life, about the fact that business pays taxes , we're... buying, they're trading in a blackout, we've been talking so much in the background successful offensive of our troops, that a part of society simply opted out of the war, believing that somewhere out there it will be done outside, and this is a large part of society, it happens when expectations are overheated, when signals are too optimistic, this is natural, it will happen, therefore, an honest conversation is actually very important, i also think that now... worst of all, the real situation may be better in many aspects than we estimate,

because we are now at the lowest point of our feelings, and you said on the forum , what ukrainian society is at the lowest point of its spirit, well, this actually means that the situation can be better than it seems to us, just as it was once worse than it seemed to us, that is, we also have to give up on ourselves. that self-assessment is not always correct, but, in any case, we are now in conditions of very changed rules of the game. we see how difficult it is to solve the issue with the help of ukraine in the united states, we see how slowly our partners wake up in europe, we see how difficult this public discussion about what it should look like, under which wheels is taking place. so what are the roles of different institutions, who should take what

responsibility, how should mobilization take place, a very simple example, the mobilization law that went to parliament, then was withdrawn from parliament, then went to parliament again, had none, no public hearing, experts had no opportunity to understand what is inside the draft law, it is some kind of secret, no, it is about... the relationship between the citizen and the state, he is about and what is the reason in your opinion, why the reason, because it is not a popular law, it is a complex law, but if this law does not exist, then people who have been in the third year will soon... . will be in the trenches, will not be able to return home, have prospects of returning home, and this is also difficult, and this is actually in order for this law to be properly accepted by all parties, it is very important to understand the principles laid down in this law, and actually very it is important that the principles of the social contract of dignity are established

in this law, so that the law says, so there are risks to everyone's life for you and me, but we are all ... on the fact that human life and dignity are important, and if we agree on this, if we build according to these standards our relationship, then fewer people will oppose it, and then we won't be in a situation, yeah, then we won't be in a situation where we're fighting each other, and i can say from the studies that i've seen, that i've studied over the years, that if the state looks threatening in the eyes of the citizen, the citizen is for... these generation has already accumulated experience of corrupt confrontation with the state, and the citizen will win, ukrainians are very citizens, that is, corruption will win, corruption will win the rules, and accordingly, this means that the cost, transactional, of involving one person in, for example, the armed forces will be

so high that, that it will be impossible to work normally. within the framework of, for example , such a law, and that is why it is very important that now the deputies, who by and large, now have responsibility for them, only for them, they are the only ones who can now both from the authorities and from the opposition, that is, from any camp, they are the only ones who can now go inside, look, decide how they want to change the norms that are there, and in accordance with these changes already offer society, that is, a new approach, most likely any solution. will be unpopular, because we are generally speaking about the fact that everyone can donate, each of us and you can find ourselves in a situation where we have to donate, do ukrainians want to, a large part does not want to, but the question is because what will happen if, if fate falls on you, what will happen if the choice is up to you, that is , what are the next actions, and here the question is that we

will be as strong as the most vulnerable will be protected. group of our society, i'm afraid we don't fully understand this, the last question, we have 3 minutes left, i would very much like to talk with you about the previous topic, but there are only 3 minutes left, i still want to ask you about the frontier institute , and a week ago, exactly on this forum, which we are talking about now, you announced about launch of the frontier institute. why the frontier, what do you invest in it and what specifically, how do you see your mission? we, as a society , are on the verge of a threat, and this threat will last , unfortunately, much longer than the war, because we are not at war with putin's russia, we are at war with

a much more complex phenomenon, if tomorrow there is no putin and this state as it is today, anyway... the imperial sentiment and imperial culture will remain, it is important for us to learn to live in such a way that we can have a protected full life living alongside the threat. mission of the institute the frontier is to understand how to ask questions of absolutely different players, scientists, analysts, politicians, business and so on, what can we do so that we learn to be resilient, to be resilient? and to understand how we can ultimately move this frontier away from us over time. the frontier is a very american concept, that is, it is a concept from the united states in the 19th century. europe has forgotten what a frontier is. europe did not exist on the frontier for a very long time. and the other side of this mission is to do the same

to help our european partners to open their eyes and understand better that the fact that they... do not feel pain, because they are not being hit, does not mean that this pain does not exist, and we must all join together in this resistance . listen, 15, over the last 15 years, or even over the last 10 years, you feel that the frontier is still moving, that is, we are moving, if we take the berlin wall as a point of reference for the frontier, which divided the closed world from the open world, then how in that joke they said, we are not bad advanced the issue is simply that we advanced and failed to protect our borders, we failed. to build a system that would be so stable that it would simply not make sense on the russian side to attack us, and as a result they now have a feeling that they can break us, they have a feeling that they

can create the conditions that will force we will settle down, and then they will go to the european frontiers, where it will be much easier for them, and don't you think that we have not succeeded in many things precisely because we are a people of the frontier, that the frontier has affected the whole history, in some way on our identity, here is a similar one, well, not in these words, but a similar opinion is expressed by serhiy plokhii, it seems to me that frontierism is part of our nature, but this does not mean that we have to accept it's like a given, at one time the vikings, there the scandinavians were the ones who preferred violent solutions, and modern scandinavia is completely different. i'm just thinking about the last 30 years and that's what a difference it is, so it seems to me that this is derived to some extent from the frontier nature of our

identity, i would say one of the things that can cloud the view is that sometimes we don't realize how crazy far we've come in the last 30 years and how much we've changed, and when i look through my professional optics and... the question , could we have moved better, could we have moved faster, could this trajectory have been realistically somehow, so lighter, my professional answer is that no, we were most likely moving one of the most optimal , from possible scenarios, and if we honestly take into account those factors, which were the original factors in which we were, and it was not poland, not bulgaria, not the czech republic. these were much tougher conditions, we went a fantastic way. now, during the war, we must understand that we cannot stop our transformation. we

must continue to implement reforms, we must continue to change, we must continue to strive for a different quality, we must remain at the same time realists and maximalists, so that we can build the kind of life we ​​want, and we must also understand, that we at the same time, we have enough coolness. attitude from our western partners, because if we declare that our subjectivity is important to us, it is not only a threat to russia, it also means that western partners will have to deal with us, and this is the reason why we we have a blocked border, and this is the reason why we have problems with many neighboring governments of neighboring countries, and this is the reason why this awakening of the great european powers is happening so slowly there, our su'. subjectivity is not a signal of what is to come it is easier, on the contrary, it is a signal to everyone that there will be more competition, we will also have to take into account the opinion of these ukrainians, who are

these ukrainians, who allowed them, it means demanding something from us and so on, we need to have answers to these questions , and one minute remains, but i can't ask about such a threat, if you said the word victory, i won't ask what victory means to you, you put it, by the way, in your excellent report. asking a question but not answering it, right? if this victory is not as expected by ukrainian society, if it is, and it will obviously be like that, yes, because it will be connected with certain compromises, with certain, that is, the people may not feel the triumph of victory from time to time, or it will happen, that it will lead to isolationism, to anti-westernism, to insulting western partners and the whole world. and until such a thing before certain stagnation, do you see this threat? i really hope we don't have to think about it, but i think

it's a test of maturity for us, we we have to, instead of being offended by the circumstances, which are sometimes objective, we have to think all the time about how we can be the strongest in every situation, and the answer to the question... what should a ukrainian victory look like, thinking about , what ukrainian victory should look like, should be an ongoing process within each of us, within each sector, we must be very clear that this is the answer we need, and to a lesser extent our partners need, so in many cases we will have to make difficult decisions , which will... including angering our partners who may be unpopular within the country and so on and so on and so on, it is very important for us not to base the answer on this

question on this. the issues are reduced only to borders or only to, therefore, some legal status there, this is a more complex issue, this includes subjectivity, this includes identity, this includes culture, this includes security from future attacks, this includes a lot of factors, the physical survival of the nation , absolutely, yevgeny, thank you thank you for the conversation, yevhen hlibovytskyi, a member of the nestorian group, and the director of the newly established frontier institute, was mine. guest, thank you for being with us, we imagine the victory, it's great, thank you, thank you, tired of heavy and bulky saws, then the strong saw from unpack tv is just for you, with it you can easily cut trees and bushes, it's so convenient can also be used

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. and bile exclusively on the air of our channel. congratulations, friends, politklub is on the air on the espresso tv channel. the most relevant topics of the week: russia's war against ukraine, the war in the middle east, the crisis on the border between ukraine and poland. topics causing resonance in our society: drone attack on kyiv and other cities of ukraine, drone attack on moscow. and other cities of russia, analysis of processes that change the country and each of us. the country should get the right to start negotiations on joining the eu. vitaly portnikov and guests of the project: we are bored because there is nothing to fight about. let's win, help understand the present and predict the future. for the world, a second trump presidency will be terrifying. a project for those who care and think. political club. every sunday at...