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tuesday to friday from 8 to 10 p.m. the verkhovna rada regularly passes new laws, but how do these changes affect our lives? we have analyzed new resolutions to inform you about the latest changes in ukrainian legislation, how legislative norms change our lives, what to prepare for, these and other questions that concern ukrainians will be answered by the leading lawyers of the aktum bar association. see every tuesday at 7:55 a.m. in the program of legal expertise on the espresso tv channel. an unusual look at the news. good health, ladies and gentlemen, my name is mykola veresin, sharp presentation of facts and competent opinions. for example, if mykola veresen had done so, he would have gone to prison. a special look at the events in ukraine, so it is not necessary to say that the fish is rotting from the head. no, not off the top of my head. but beyond it. and then who for... hello, to me, my heart hurts. all

this in an informational marathon with mykola veresny. saturday 17:10, sunday 18:15 at espresso. congratulations, this is a special project for independence day: bright people in dark times. me my name is andrii saichuk, and today the guest of our studio is professor yaroslav rytsak, a historian. mr. yaroslav, i congratulate you. congratulations, mr. andriy, glory to ukraine. glory to the heroes, 33 years old, this is, you know, a symbolic age, ukraine is going through, and we are going through a very difficult time now, we can probably make interim summaries, er, many could probably say today that we could have achieved more, and many are probably amazed today that we are now so capable and strong, on the contrary, are you among the optimists, i guess? now these 33

years, could more have been done? i belong to the number called cynical optimists, this term was once used by oleksandr pashvar, i really liked it, i adopted it, i speak as a historian, and you know, the question of what to measure against, then what is the criterion where to compare, and mine the thesis is very simple: we cannot compare ukraine with, let's say, modern poland or modern france, because modern poland or france has a lot to do with... independence, we are a young state, 33 years is youth, still youth, and if we want to come to modern ukraine must be accepted, let's say, with poland in 1839-1842 or with france in 1830, we are very important, that is, i say that young states have their own certain laws, certain features, and we experience these features, and in particular, in particular these traits are this age of revolutionary war because the old old regime is dying very slowly. but

violence cannot be done without, i just see us in this day and age, on average they believe, this is a very obvious assessment, that such a transition lasts 50 years. of course can understand that now it is conditional, because it can be faster, she these things accelerates, but if we look at it from this perspective, if we compare ukraine, let's say with the same poland in 1942, pure even france itself in 1830, then we see that ukraine is still very different, very different, because since that time these countries already lost, gained independence, lost independence, very certain flights, let's say what is characteristic of young states, they are mostly glued together from pieces, from pieces of different regions, strong regionalism, separatism. political instability, governments change, you know, like mittens, presidents are killed, the atrocities are such, there are coups, corruption, you know, this is a height, that is, when you look at this perspective, you understand that ukraine works in this regime, if you are in this regime, then it is not surprising ukraine is quite stable,

even incredibly stable, so in that sense i am a price optimist, in fact, we could say that today is the 34th day of independence, because we know that in the 90th year it was already celebrated quite a lot. assumed that we are part of some larger structure, i do not completely rule out that that when we enter the european union, we will lose part of our independence, we will become sovereign, i am talking about this as a scenario, i am not saying that this must necessarily happen, but in the 19th year there was the idea of ​​sovereignty, that is, the maximum possible rights political culture, but... within the framework of the renewed soviet union, it was, it was a major achievement, but it was another step, almost not a step, it was almost, you know, miles and miles to go to this independence, you like repeat about that in order to understand where you will end up after there 10-20 years, it is necessary to understand where you were 10-20 years

ago later, is this historical determinism impossible to bypass, or does this mean that we are still doomed to very, very slow history, i am not saying that, i am saying that where from when, where are you will you come from where you come from, i 'm not saying that there is only one road, i'm just different paths, it's just that the scenario is one path and more possible, another less possible, that is, i repeat all the time, the story is not the prison does not impose restrictions on us, it does not deprive us of choice, so i think that during the most critical moments of ukraine, ukrainians made the right elections, that is, they voted for independence in 1991. it is very important that in 1994 the country did not fall apart, although the chances were high or the threat was very high. roughly like an american one, you pass the north and south of america,

the states of america, that's how ukrainians overcame the crisis of 1996, none of us are cossacks remembers, if only older people like me, this is a constitutional crisis, well, two maidans, because two maidans - that's what actually happened. moments when it was also about the existence of ukraine, well, the last one is the war of 14, the war of 22, if you look at it from that point of view, you know, ukraine is quite, i repeat again, quite a stable structure, and nothing allows to break it , and this is what causes surprise on the one hand, and on the other hand a certain respect, with what we should come out of this war, is this war nation-building, and yes and no, you see what is nation-building, you have to to explain, because we in... consider that a nation is created once and for all, yes, and somewhere there must come to some point that a nation will be created and will be, well, there is such a primordial yes, i think, this is the point of view that nations are created endlessly, there is no such thing, creating nations is like riding a bicycle, it doesn't matter whether it's electronic or electric, but because

you have to pedal, you have to pedal all the time, if you get tired of pedaling, you fall off the bike, the same and that, even though they never end, it's just possible take different forms, different circumstances. everyone else is like that, but here it is, that is, from that point of view, i believe that what is happening in our country now, in our country, sorry, i am afraid that i will give a long lecture there, i would not like to give that long lecture, but all- i will say that there is such a dichotomy, which is repeated very often, that there are two different types of nations, and ethnic nations, united in the kolomoi language, of historical memory, let's say like modern poland or hungary, and also political nations, which "uniting a state with common loyalty, let's say great britain, which consists of essence of four. so, are the big states of america, the 50 states, yes, or switzerland, so this is a constant debate that is being conducted in the 20th century in our country, which is better suited to us countrymen of nations, not in the sense of which is better suited to us, but which will be more teka, uh, which will allow us to gain independence, and what

i am saying now, that this opposition is largely conditional, because there are neither pure ethnic nor pure political nations in the world, is that each a political nation is formed from a scientific-ethnic core, and mine thesis - i have such a long introduction, my thesis is that now a new core is forming in ukraine, and i would call this core, it is the young or younger, the middle class, which prevails... lives in such cities, which does not have of soviet memory, who may or may not still speak russian, but do not have any particular sympathy for russia or russian culture, who see themselves in the west, and this core, that is, what this nation will be, will rise in what this core will be, what will happen to that core, my thesis was that that to a large extent maidan will be their revolution in this generation, do not think that i am paying you a compliment, but this is objective, i also refer you to this class, not myself, you. maga you and your environment, you know, i always have the feeling that if, if we

are talking about a class, the middle class, then it is extremely small and has little influence, its size does not matter, its motivation matters , mobility and, you know, cohesion, what paschaver said again, may be 1%, but the quality is good, it sets tone, you know, i say this all the time, because this is a generation, for me this is a class of a generation, these are young people. because they grew up after the fall of the soviet union, they grew up in independence, this is the generation of independence, this is the class of independence that grew up there, you know, i always say this is an example that the generation, it has no flavor itself, the fact that was born in the same time does not make if a generation, you know, it is like unleavened dough that has no taste, who gives flavor to a generation, salt, a small share, it is about who will be the salt of this generation, who will take the voice, who will form a political program for this.

in big cities, whether in lviv, or in dnipro, or in kharkiv, or in odesa, even for a while in donetsk took shape, we know these, you know, big rallies that were in donetsk before before the secession, there were so many people there it was, but what is very important is that this generation is bilingual, but it gradually begins to ethno-nationalize, that is, it switches to the ukrainian language, to ukrainian markers, because accordingly, ukrainian culture, if so, if so, then the forecast is very simple: worth two or three generations, ukraine will become an ethnic state, this will be a new image of ukrainian ukraine in some time, let's say this, the image will be formed, whether it will last, i don't know, because it depends on many circumstances, first the war will end, but for how long will the war continue, how will the war end, what, say, will be the level of our losses? and again, i must say that this generation is at the front, it is losing a lot now, unfortunately, unfortunately, for

what the future will be for ukraine, where it will be, i assume that it will be the european union, and i hope, and i hope for this, and there are many other factors that i can talk about, but i have such a friend who is a social philologist, a linguist himself, he himself works in edinburgh, he has such a strange part of tomyshka musel, he is. .. a selesian or, how to say, it is difficult to recognize who he is a pole or a german, you know, this is a selesian, but he has one very simple forecast, he says that processes have started in the country that are very similar to those processes that once took place in in poland or slovakia, relatively speaking, the time when the russian-speaking or russian-speaking part the population will become a minority in two or three generations, as stable as german-speaking in poland or hungarian in slovakia, these are the processes, once again we'll have to wait and see. careful, careful forecasts, but i want to say that now in ukraine

, the ethnic element and the political element are equally strong, although the political, the political wins, prevails, but again this is the effect of the war, because the windows, the war mostly ethnonationalizes, it there is a rule, look at what happened to israel in 67, we have a living example of this before our eyes, well, they in fact, they revived their dead language and they created this state from scratch. in the year 67, you know, before the year 67, poland, israel, if you can say so, was more liberal, more left, you know, more inclusive, what is it called, this year it changed a lot, wars change, let's wait, we'll see, because wars have this effect, it is still too early to say, but at least there is a trend, we see this trend, the problem with russia is that it has actually appropriated a large piece of our history, our culture, somewhere in part i don't i know, that is, she claims this inheritance, and uh, recently... timothy ash, garton ash said about this, that actually, it's a little

funny when you try to explain on international platforms somewhere that it's russian the culture is bad, it is secondary there and so on, just focus on the fact that you are good now, you are strong now, that you have good things now, but on the other hand, it doesn't matter if we don't have to somehow differentiate ourselves in the end, where does ukrainian end, where russian begins, especially as much as it is difficult in russia, or does it have its own? this is my own core, now i will say something that probably most of you listeners will not like, but this is a thesis that i once heard from professor roman shpolyuk, who to a large extent was and remains a guru, a professor at harvard, i wish. that he is confident that our generation is strong, the way of thinking, and he once told this during a discussion, you know, whether there is a ukrainian dostoyevsky, and this discussion also had such, then i found out whether the same discussion was already real, whether there are african dostoevsky, where in africa is dostoevsky, uh, and the question is very simple , the answer is very simple, dostoevsky translated into any african language

becomes african dostoevsky, you understand, dostoevsky, which is translated into ukrainian language becomes ukrainian dostoevsky, i am not saying that he must must be. popular or something else, but it functions in this culture, of course, we can talk about its toxicity, ugh, very important, that is , the very question, whether the gogule is ukrainian or russian, the one who interprets better, the one whoever inherits better, he better make films about gogol based on it, you see, it is very important, that is, it is, because it is again, it is izda on a bicycle, it is not, which means it is already ready, that we are ready for you, gogol ukrainian or russian, it is necessary to interpret, we have no doubt that before shevchenko, no doubt, but we have very... figures that are so-called liminal, they belong to two cultures at the same time, and we have to fight for them, i believe that many of them have to be fought, maybe we don't have to fight with dostoyevsky, i don't know this, although i believe that dostoevsky, with all his toxicity, terrible toxicity, is a great writer, without him, let's say, it is impossible to imagine many things, but my thesis is this, my hope is this, i hope that the war

will give made the emotions more acute, we see something else that those who live in peace do not see, and you know, i am giving a simple historical example here, it may sound banal, but still sometimes big things sound banal, we we understand that, let's say , the great greek culture was born from greco-persian wars. it would not have been the greco-persian wars, there would not have been this outbreak, almost all the great greeks that we know, or were, took part directly in this war, and were born before this war, the very feeling that a small nation could convey felt, to stand up to a great, great empire, you know, and defeat it, it was a huge elation, that is, i hope, it is my hope, that in the next

decades ukrainian culture will go up, go up a lot, break out. but i think now it has only no signs, russian culture is no longer developing, it has frozen, it is living old, old, old, let’s say, old there with its achievements of the 19th century, and i think that i don’t see any great dynamics in russian culture at the moment, but ukrainian culture can, i hope so at least , today a lot is said about the fact that in ukraine now we, we, we somehow evaluate what happened in the last decades, or maybe even centuries, as a certain post-colonial, anti-colonial discourse, how well it is applied and fits in ukrainian soil, because to a certain extent it seems to me that these lands were culturally more developed than the metropolis often, you have already answered your question, it does not fit, because i say all the time, you know, i remind you, when i answer, i

refer to a simple case of of my favorite work vinipukh, you remember, vinipukh went to collect honey, right? ugh, and he at the end of this honey makes the wrong bees, that is , the russian empire was the wrong empire, and realized that they will take honey because it had the wrong colonies, this applies to ukraine, the baltics and the caucasus, because these colonies the core itself was more developed, we don’t have this somewhere else, because the case is that the metropolis is more developed, and the colonies are less developed, well, here it is the opposite, and this means a very simple thing, that russia was great, but backward empire, it really needed enlightened years to justify this empire, and where... did the elite come from, where was this reservoir, and of course in western ukraine, balttia, ukraine, the caucasus, and here we have such a situation, because in fact ukrainians must confess , just like the baltics, just like the baltic germans, yes just like the caucasus, the georgians built this empire for a while, because they thought it was their empire, they were wrong, they were wrong, because nothing good came out of this experiment, and that's why a lot of them, let's say, from

ukrainians were chosen another option, the operations of this empire, and as a result we have such a strange, strange... scenario that ukrainians were strongly represented both among the government and among the opposition, you know, it was very divided, i have only one case to cite such approximately this jews in the soviet union, soviet jews were so strongly represented by the authorities and were also strongly represented by the proposal, but this shows as if the drama and complexity of our history, and therefore again i am not going to, i do not think that we should completely abandon the colonial legacy, because there are so many of the figures we know now are the figures who passed through these borders. of this pargana, did they make their contribution, but we have to accept this reality, because the colonial heritage still needs to be given, eh, because the colonial heritage means very one thing, our provincialization, our inferiority, our inferiority, well, that too. which, for example, is in the same stories of little russian gogol, that is, this component is there, it is sometimes there, sometimes it is not there, because you know, it is very important, if you read russian authors,

russian authors do not like hegol, critics sometimes even hate him , because i think it's a damn maloros, because there is one feature in gogol that few people pay attention to, although if you look closely, it's so obvious that you know, it's strange why we didn't see it before, pay attention, all the heroes are ukrainian gogol it's... the characters are attractive, they're blood and milk, they're cossacks, they're my girls, you see, it's all the same, you know, like good kids, but they're all alive, you know, they're all burning energy, instead look at russian heroes, then khlistakov, then chichikov, then nos, then chenel, they are somehow not real, you know, they are some kind of pale-skinned people, what is called, a st. petersburg resident, everyone else is like that, and the russians believed that gogol was specially depicted that way, because in essence, in gogol ukraine is much more attractive, it is warm. you know, she's beautiful compared to that cold, cold, cold st. petersburg, you know, looking at how many people who are actually of non-ukrainian origin, but have influenced,

are influencing, will certainly influence ukrainian culture, history, are part of ukrainian culture, understand, that this project is ukrainian or ukrainian culture, it is extremely attractive, first of all, to those who come from this empire from the east, i have a post-graduate student who is currently in the war, he went to war from the first days, a very cute child, although he is tall... you know, that's all a tattoo with a long beard, this is maksym osachuk, i love him terribly, he himself is from the crimea, and he tells me that he is very, you know, he was in vaidar at the beginning, and he was telling a very important thing, he understood that the ukrainians in the maidan, he was going to the maidan, he came to the maidan, he saw, he saw so much warmth, so much solidarity that it was impossible to resist, he says, it was ukrainians who made me, i think it is very important that actually it is very many people are made ukrainians. because something in ukraine scary, you know, attractiveness, er, attractiveness actually is higher than will, maybe sometimes, you know, even such anarchy, but this feeling of will, you know, is very strong, and it

terribly attracts strangers, if it is so good, you know, to screech a lot of people ukrainian figures, in fact they are not of ukrainian origin, you know, petro mohyla, or there is a kapnist, you know, the very surnames for them are franco, who was franko, and his relatives until now, i was, i was actually in... his native village in naguyevychy and in naguyevychy there are franks , we know that franks yes franks know that too franko could be a german and a pole at the same time , and they even talked that he might be a jew, but this is a borderline borderline situation. shivelyov in the end, so absolutely, i will tell you, even lipynskyi, they were foreigners, from shiptyk, who from a certain time were either foreigners or simulated, who from a certain time were so fascinated by the ukrainian situation, ukrainian identity, not even that identity, but from ... of ukrainian identity, that they became ukrainians, stood in solidarity with ukrainian, with ukrainians, with their demands, i can say that, you know, maybe you you don't know this, i know exactly who in my

family was the first ukrainian, i remember, i established it, and it was my great-grandfather, he chose the same way, because we are all ukrainians without a choice, we just don't remember it , maybe someone is lucky, because we were born long ago, we were the third, second, third generation, fourth, who have already made ukraine, ukrainian, but i know that this is happening en masse, what we are seeing now, starting in the 14th year, and even more so in the 22nd year. is there a risk that every time, adding such new ukrainians, because i am too some added, probably ukrainian, i was born in siberia, and, for example, well, although there, at least half-definitely, i am ethnically ukrainian, but does it make sense now, but even for those who joined, relatively speaking, this project ukraine in 90s, it may seem to them that today's ukrainians, who only yesterday were russian-speaking, walked, listened to russian rap and so on, and today speak with mistakes, there is such an attitude towards them, they say, try harder, you bring something to us russian, you dissolve, solve this, this, this, this concentrate of ukrainian, should

we be afraid of it, i don’t know, we must, we must be careful, we say so, because i believe that it is her point of view that in the public plane the ukrainian language should dominate, in the private, we say to ourselves, which one wants at home , even in chinese, we can't use it, but for various reasons, my ukrainian should be public. language, the language of public space, which is called, you know, the language of television, and the language, i don’t know if newspapers still exist or not, at least social networks and all the others, this it's normal, it's normal, especially since the russian language is losing this status, i like to repeat it all the time, this is a sociological study, which shows the world that last year the russian language lost its status as one of the ten largest in the world, you know what we conceded, you'll never guess, portuguese and the same... have lost ground among the languages ​​most often chosen by foreigners, here credit goes to putin, you know, he degraded this language, because , again, my komuzal friend says, it's like that,

you know... sometimes you can say sociability obvious things that are not obvious to us. he says that there is a problem with the russian language, not because it is somehow difficult, something else, because in the russian language there is not a single country in the world that would be a russian-speaking democracy at the same time, it is not the fault of the language, but it is the fault of the culture, which functions in this language. you have a democracy english-speaking, you have a democracy german-speaking, spanish-speaking is very important, you know, we even have a chinese-speaking democracy. talk about taiwan, we don't have any russian-speaking, russian-speaking democracy, that is, if we talk about the democracy of freedom, the freedom and dignity of an individual individual, that is, this is very important, i believe that the choice of the ukrainian language is also a choice of the dignity itself, well, not dignity, content, you know, it is very important, so far we do not have the russian language as a carrier of the same idea of ​​freedom as it is in the ukrainian, ukrainian

case, whether this will happen and how it will happen depends on the further from the war, on the circumstances, i again i am speaking here purely subjectively, as you already know, because there is no sociological basis, although i think it may be someone did it, but what i observe is that the number of people who switch to ukrainian russian speakers from what is being done at the front, if the ukrainian front wins, the number of ukrainian speakers also increases. if we do not have progress on the ukrainian front, we have this reversal, because there is a group of people who will be swayed, will be swayed, harassed b 2 march by what will be done in this country, in particular, what will be done during, during the war , we have a tendency, a clear tendency towards the growth of ukrainian-speaking, the question is, firstly, can this trend not reverse itself, it may well, because in history everything is possible, and secondly, will we

create... the appropriate we, i say we, because i think that is the task ours, those people who work in the mass media, in history, write books, music, all the rest, do we institutionalize it, you know, because when there may be no turning back, something, when it relies on institutions, there is cinnamon, it is very important, and here i actually believe that institutions decide everything, whether we will have the right institutions, good institutions, but again, this is a question that i cannot answer now, because it is not a question of words, our actions, er, institution. it's more people, or it's laws, or that, i don't know, but at least, at least, at least the institutions themselves, the square, you know, works catholic, it's an institution, uh, how good a catholic university is, because it has a certain quality, you know, a certain quality and people have a certain comfort, but it has connections with the outside world, and with all that it is absolutely ukrainian-speaking, because it shows that it is possible to successfully be ukrainian-speaking, the soviet union did everything to be ukrainian-speaking, to be unsuccessful, because what

is success? the russian language, now with the symbol of success we know it, it is the english language, it exists, so it is very important, i know it, i say it, and i said it a long time ago, i am glad that zelensky made it a law, which in fact we should have the norm, learning english, even passing an exam, if i am not mistaken, for officials, officials of the highest level, but this is very important, it is not the language itself that is important, but what content it carries, which symbol it does not carry, that is how much it is as attractive as it is... it gives certain, well , you understand, a way out, a way out, a way out, a way out, the world, one thing is clear, that such a language as ukrainian or czech or polish, by itself does not give a way out into the world, it is not enough, russian gave, maybe ukrainian will be the language of one of the ten largest languages ​​in the world, but it is very important that we can go out into the world through russian, not through russian, but through english, and also obviously with the appropriate content, but that is another matter, that is, this i consider this

to be the task... of the institution, because what is an institution means that such support must be provided, let’s say, education in schools, starting with kindergarten, where it will be possible for children to achieve, let’s say b2 level there, these are simple things, that is, most of our conversations can be translated with a normal distribution of forces and with a certain amount of intelligence in the construction of certain institutions that we ourselves can understand, what they should be, how to construct them, whether there are, i don't know, traditions, values ​​that prevent us from modernizing, how, in principle, it is possible, i don't know, to raise another generation, if any , for example, parents who remain sufficiently post-soviet, for example, in their views, i don't know, on tolerance of lies, for example, among politicians, or willingness to sell their vote in elections, i will say something that again may not be liked, and especially not people like my po...