trips to the court, every day i went to yagotyn by car, minibus, electric train, but really i could stay, er, sometimes, er, at a certain address in the city of yagotyn. in 2015 and 2016, the judge did not declare the corporate rights of her husband, roman svistovich, in two companies, she says, she did not know anything, he just did not inform me about it. he explained to me that the company truboil, it was actually founded by him back in 2012, we did not even know each other during this period, and he simply e for the reasons that he did not, it did not work, he did not receive any dividends from it, he simply forgot to tell me about it, just like he did about the top recruitment agency uz. in general, not only forgetfulness is characteristic of members of the judge's family. julia burzel. in

2018, the firm, where the judge's husband was a co-owner, appeared in the case of forgery of documents during the alienation of land near kyiv. and yulia burzel's mother, a retired judge since 2018, appeared in the investigation, where it was revealed that she received gifts worth almost uah 2 million. the higher qualification commission of judges took a break before the announcement of the final decision regarding the suitability of the position of judge yulia burzel. a. and this is pavlo hutsal, a judge of the lubarsky district court of zhytomyr region, and he repeatedly underestimated the value of the property in the declarations, or even forgot to declare it. for example, in 2016, he and his wife bought a mazda-3 car, he assures that for uah 149,000. instead, this amount is significantly lower than the market value. presumably, in this way , the judge could try to avoid financial monitoring, which set a limit for cash payments of up to uah 150, if the amount

larger, it was necessary to explain the origin of the funds. in 2021, pavel gutsal's wife bought an audi q5 for over uah 2,000. but the declared money would not be enough for that. my wife received an advance. and tell me, please, who was the counterparty under this contract? who is the counterparty? who paid the money? yes, who paid this advance? private notary. private notary, with which? your wife is in a certain relationship, well, in birth, yes. it is also known that since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, pavlo hutsal made 14 short-term crossings the polish border for unknown reasons. the collegium of the higher qualification commission referred the judge's case to the full composition of the supreme court of appeals, which must make a final decision on his suitability for the position. and finally, we will introduce you to the judge of the apostoliv district. court

of the dnipropetrovsk region natalia semenova, criminal proceedings were opened against the judge for official forgery of documents, it was later closed, however, there are obviously gaps not only in integrity, but also in knowledge. criminal proceedings were opened regarding me, regarding me, the prosecutor, can the prosecutor open criminal proceedings? the investigator, what is the investigator doing, i didn't understand the question, i'm sorry, the supreme council of justice. brought nataliya semenova to justice for the fact that she constantly returned to the police protocols on administrative violations on illegal grounds, if you stated in response to the question of the public integrity council that the protocol itself was correct, drawn up in accordance with the relevant legislation, then what were the grounds for returning it when at the same time there is simply no fulfilled your decision, no. it is also known that nataliya semenova systematically delayed the consideration of cases about... reckless driving, which

allowed the offenders to avoid responsibility. in particular, out of 16 cases closed by her, which were discovered by the public council of virtue, in 13 cases the judge had more than two months to consider the case and in three cases more than a month. for a period of time, postal correspondence was not sent, therefore deadlines were missed, well, that is, the deadline for bringing a person to administrative responsibility. deadlines were missed, i i don't think it's a court. in the end, after investigating all the circumstances, the panel of the higher qualification commission dismissed judge semenov . as of today, i have everything, you watched judicial control, i am tetyana shustrova. tell us about the facts of corruption in the judicial system that you know. write to the e-mail you see on the screen, or... me on facebook, see you in exactly

one week. events, events that are happening right now and affect our lives. of course, the news feed reports on them, but few know what is happening. it is necessary to understand. antin borkovsky and invited experts soberly assess events, analyze them, modeling our future. every saturday at 1:10 p.m., with a repeat on sunday at 10:10 a.m. studio zahid with anton. borkovsky on espresso. new week on espresso - a weekly summary information and analytical program. a clear understanding of the key events of the past week, analysis of the causes and consequences of these events by experts, forecasts of the development of the situation for the current week, the opportunity to ask your own

questions and join the discussion. spend the final monday evening with us and walk confidently into the new week. the new week project with khrystyna yatskiv and andrii. let's go to espresso every monday at 20:00. greetings, friends, i congratulate you all on the holiday and the interlocutor of our broadcast today, ukrainian and american historian, professor of the department of ukrainian history at harvard university, serhii plohii. i congratulate you, mr. serhiy, and i also congratulate you on independence day, thank you very much, i congratulate you on the holiday, i congratulate all the viewers, listeners, on the holiday and you personally on the presentation of the taras shevchenko award, this is a very important award,

very important, a marker for this award, your awards, thank you, i want to talk about historical memory, and you know, i have to confess to you... it certainly sounds like a sign of bad taste, but i will tell you, there were not many history books , which i read with such interest as the last school textbook on the history of russia, which was written by the former minister of culture of the russian federation medinsky and the rector of the moscow institute of international relations torkunov, because you know, when i read the books of historians, your books, i think that the gate of europe - this such a beautiful file of such... an analysis of ukrainian history, when i then read medinska's textbook, for me it's like watching, i don't even know how to compare it, well, some kind of comic from which i try to find answers to the question, what does it breathe modern russia, the modern russian elite, how it distorts, distorts ukrainian

history, i don't know if you have seen this book, yes, yes, i saw it and actually did not read it all, but i paid attention. of course for the last chapters, and the feeling on the one hand is really, as you say, like a comic book, that is, because in the textbook crystallizes any approach, any idea as much as possible, and this textbook is simply an excellent textbook of today's russian radical nationalism, fascism, imperialism, that is, the term can be any, but from the other side. you understand that it is made in terms of impact on schoolchildren quite professionally, and that is , blatant blatant unprofessionalism is historical, and very, very dangerous professionalism when

it comes to the way the textbook is formed, and for us historians it is like putin's article from the 21st year, on the one hand you want... to laugh, on the other hand, is clearly not to be laughed at, because these, because these are documents that form such and such, crowds or hordes or battalions that came to ukraine and may come in the future. this is a very important question. you and i studied history in soviet schools, i don't know to what extent it is possible to say that these history courses really influenced a large number of people and preserved in them the idea of ​​history, such as it was later in essence. destroyed by the collapse of communism, how long do these dangerous narratives remain in people's minds? i i mean for a long time, precisely when the social order is changing, because we always say, here is putin's russia, it may have its time of existence, it may come to an end. does this mean that in the heads of those people who

will learn from these textbooks in russian schools, these narratives, aggressiveness, disdain for all non-russian imperialism will remain even after. of course, they will remain, as the soviet narrative actually remained, for a very long period of time, that is, the so-called... ninopad, this is 2013-2014 year, the soviet union ceased to exist in 1991, and the signs of the marker of soviet history remained, they remained significantly less or almost did not remain in western ukraine or in the baltics, where mobilization , including this protest, began during the anniversary of the pact. molotov and ribbentrop, but in a large part, part of the soviet

union, in a large part of ukraine , these stereotypes continued for decades, to a certain extent they still continue, and they are displaced not only and not so much by showing that it is good that these narratives are somehow scientifically or socially untenable, but they are displaced when other, other narratives appear, and from my point of view, i wrote about it the same leninofall, this, among other things, is also the moment when ukraine refused to live together in a world in which both lenin is a hero and victims of the holodomor, that means heroes, victims, and all this somewhere in one village, on one square, they are celebrated at the same time, that is, this schizophrenicism, historical schizophrenicism has finally arrived. to the end and one of these monuments had to be toppled, it was a monument to lenin, but

it happened again in 2013-14 and in a large part of ukraine, as a result of a decision of the verkhovna rada, not as a result of a decision of local governments. well, they will tell you that they actually tried to unite ukraine with such a mix of historical holidays or historical memory. do you remember the appeals of ukrainian politicians who said: "in different regions there will be different heroes, relatively speaking, in the west and in the center the heroes will be the fighters of the ukrainian rebel army, in the east there will be heroes, relatively speaking, stakhanov and artem, who have nothing to do with of ukrainian civilization itself, to be honest, they don't have. of course, i remember it very well, but it was not an attempt to unify ukraine, it was an attempt... to collect votes in each of the regions, saying in

each region that what is there means that it somehow developed historically , historically liked, and here the question is, on the one hand, really the narrative and the continuation of the existence of the soviet narrative, on the other hand, this question is more serious, what should we do with the soviet heritage, the people i interview... in the 14th in the 15th years, completely ukrainian-oriented, patriotic and so on, they said, well, let the city in donbas take away the monument to lenin and what will remain there, there are no other monuments there, the city itself was formed in the 20s and 30s, and this, this question is more serious than simple, so, to show that, so, a medina fraud or a soviet native is a weakling, built on blood, this is

a question of ours, our consciousness, what should we do with the long soviet period, what should we do with the same violinist, what should we do with a politically divided history, that is , this is a more serious question that is impossible to resolve simply with some denial or ridicule. but can we say that we are the first to solve such a question? i can give you an example of a story from north macedonia. i remember when i started coming to north macedonia in the first years after its declaration of independence, the national heroes of macedonia remained on its iconostasis, they were members of the communist union and komsomol members, but they fought for macedonian sovereignty within yugoslavia. then the next government tried to replace this historical narrative, addressing to the hellenic legacy to alexander the great and his father, king

philip. now, i would say, there is a search for new compromises between this communist period, that is, the supporters of macedonia's sovereignty, and the pre-communist period, when macedonia was a significant part of hellenic civilization. they are looking for themselves. maybe we need to look for ourselves in the east too, as america is doing it. i come to some american city, and there are people who are heroes of some political or. cultural battles of the 19th and 20th centuries, american cities were also created, i apologize, not in the 12th century, this is not athens or rome or kyiv, nevertheless they have their own architectural style. the image and their own image of those they are proud of. ugh, yes. i think, in terms of the number of settlements with the name of athens, america beats greece. that is, they are looking, looking, looking for roots in the classics, but i completely agree with you that this is a search. and the fact that we very often look like

irritation, of course, there are other words for it. on facebook and and in the public space and so on, there are, there are elements, elements of this search, and we are not unique, that is, we are a country that arose on the ruins of a former empire, a multinational country, with a developed iconostasis and a national narrative, and we were not dropped somewhere from above, that is, on some parachute, that is, part of... part of the same elite, the same sixties, they, they are as soviet as they are anti-soviet, i.e. this is a natural, this is a natural process of forming a nation from within, from within the empire, and a very difficult process of reconciliation, historical reconciliation, reconciliation, political, that is , no, no, we don't

unique, on the other hand, each in... each of these post-imperial nations has its own set of problems, has its own set of, let's say , some positive historical elements, the so- called usable past, which can be used for this formation of a new idea, and ukrainians in this sense, we are endowed with a very, very good history, that is, there is something to turn to, from the fact that... kyiv has kyiv shrines, to the fact that there is a very developed cossack narrative, there is a narrative of struggle in the 20th century, against any invaders, very different invaders, that is, er, here we have, if we are not we will be able to use it if we can't come to an agreement through a better understanding of history, and

that means a better understanding of ourselves, well, we, we will have no one to blame but... ourselves, we are not deprived of history, well, here is something very important, i think , history is distorted and hidden at the same time, because when i resort to some historical events that seem completely clear to me, because i thought that it was simply necessary to read and, let's say, the soviet or bolshevik version of history on the contrary, well, relatively speaking, to change the signs , eh then i very often come across a situation when it turns out that simply... the events were completely different, that it was not an event in which the conventional bad guys fought against the conventional good ones, and now we ask the good to be the bad and vice versa, and let's understand how it all really happened, and then it turns out that it didn't happen, that it's all fiction, that it's all a myth, like the famous story with these panfilov heroes, or the details of the famous feat of zoya

kosmodimyanska, or like the story of the second world war ii soviet propaganda always... talked about the exploits of soviet pilots, they were certainly heroic people, but they never reported that, in principle, the pilots of the reich were much more effective and efficient than the pilots of the soviet union, and against this background, of course, all this looks more or less heroic, but together with these it is more tragic, the price, the price of each flight becomes much different than it was in the soviet era, there are a huge number of such examples, and here is the very fact that we do not know the truth... that we even make things up to be honest, trying to somehow evaluate the situation the other way around, it seems to me that this is also very dangerous, as you know, this is the first time i hear it and i hear it from you to change it relatively to the opposite, i myself experienced this period, the end of the 80s and 90s years, that is, the idea was

that if you change the sign and the world, the world will somehow manifest itself and you will understand it. and it's part of also existing in these ideological wars, and and and taking a certain certain side, and relative, relative to those that particular example that you gave of airplanes and and pilots and heroes and losses, if i remember correctly, from 40 to 50% of all losses of soviet aviation were connected with the fact that with mechanical malfunctions of aircraft, that is, from 40 to 50% of losses, that is, this is exactly the reality that... you will not understand just by changing plus, plus to minus and minus to plus, so really history is very, very multifaceted, and propaganda, what it is, how it

works, that is, it is not necessarily an absolute, absolute lie, it happens that way too, but it takes some aspect of a big problem and highlights it as a marker, as characteristic of this whole problem, and change its plus to minus, well, that's understandable. maybe another aspect, but not the problem as a whole, and only, only the understanding of this history as a whole, it seems to me, can be the truth that can liberate us, that is, this, this, this is a process, the process is much more complicated than, change signs another very important aspect that i always think about now, when it comes to the former and future european integration. of ukraine, this is a historical memory that divides ukrainians and their neighbors to the west. well, here we are we see that as soon as the slightest aggravation of polish-ukrainian relations appears, it

can be about anything, even about grain, the topic of volyn immediately arises and an official or intellectual immediately appears who says: until you accept our narrative , you won't get anywhere. now, literally these days, if you go to the transcarpathian region, you will see an absolutely amazing picture. in the areas where the hungarian population lives, you will see billboards that, so to speak, commemorate the trianon tragedy, in in the areas where the ukrainian population lives, you will see the same billboards dedicated to trianon, only it is written there that it is a triumph of historical justice, and it is happening literally in one ukrainian region during the war, and it is of course quite serious for me, i would say. worries me, because i just imagine what will happen when real, you understand, not virtual, but real negotiations of ukraine's accession to the european union begin. and i think that maybe there are

tools that would allow us to find a common denominator, namely historical tools, dialogue scientists, common history textbooks, which would remove all these layers of the past, of course, and... the only thing that is needed for this is the necessary political will, and it is clear that history and various historical memories in themselves can provoke some political conflicts, but usually these things recede into the background when politics change, that is, the great war between russia and ukraine began. which has become a threat not only to ukraine, but is felt, of course, by theirs, in poland, and somehow historical, historical debates, at least

for a while went into the background, and the same polish society demonstrated a level of solidarity, which means that it was impossible to dream about. i am not talking about the dominant role of politics in these historical discussions in order to remove. the responsibility of historians, but in some things it will be very difficult to agree, when there was a war on both sides, and each side considered itself to be right in this, at some points it is possible just ideally speak put press pause. that is, it is not always possible, but it is worth it, it is also worth thinking about and talking about it, that is, the same polish-ukrainian relations, during the war

and the solidarity of the two countries, this may not be the best time to raise them and discuss them, because i actually recently saw an interview of a very good polish historian who came to kyiv and tried to convince his opponent. accept, accept certain, certain truths, that is, you mean, hoe, our good friend, actually, perhaps, that is, i did not specifically call name, i for me, along with this, you know, such a friend of ours, who, having such views, he goes to ukraine, shows solidarity, here it is very similar. such a strange situation, which in principle could not happen, that a person with such a narrative, together with him, is a sincere friend of the country, what is his history, what is his... as

it were, the past worries him, the truth is that this is strange, of course, of course, and here is just the moment that the discussion and these debates and disagreements will not work out between saints on the one hand and sinners on the other, that means with on the one hand by scoundrels, on the other by the righteous, that is, on both sides of this debate. and it can be completely honest from the point of view of both sides, there are different, there are different truths to the informant, and because of this i am talking about the fact that such and such things are probably ethical now, now to put somewhere on pause both for one side and for other side, but what i 'd like to add as well is that, well, some

elements... stories lend themselves very well to some kind of heroism, other elements lend themselves very well to overcoming, overcoming, for example, conflicts and contradictions, and in for unification from the point of view of memory, ukrainian, ukrainian memory, what is happening today, what is happening since 2014, is the formation, the beginning of the 91st year is the formation of a virtually new ukrainian nation on new principles, and unfortunately, the last few years, especially the last two, give examples of self-devotion to heroism , which is probably difficult to find even in history, including even ukrainian history, we historians studied some

four days of ukrainian. dependencies in kyiv, so that means seven or eight months under the german occupation of the hetmanship, the founding of the academy of sciences and so on, we have today, we are on the eve of the independence day celebration, so we have, how many 32 years, this is the 32nd anniversary, yes, if i'm not mistaken , 32 years of the existence of an independent ukrainian state, 8-9 years... of wanton war, these things, which, therefore, not only changed society, changed us, but they also changed the future, the future of writing about history, and this, this must happen the basis for ukrainian unification, the history of the ukrainian unification between 91st, 2014 and 2022-23, that is, it is worth paying

attention to... this history through which we live, bloody, but also tragic and heroic, and eh, descendants will refer to this history, to these years, to these days, to these nights, in order to find support for oneself, psychological, moral, to find, to find heroes, to understand, to understand is also not easy. the choices that people made is not only heroism, i think that as historians it is a difficult task for us, but we should pay more attention to our last years, for our last decades and try to build a new understanding of the country and ourselves on the basis of this experience. i just want to clarify such a fundamental question as

what historical responsibility is. is different from the historical responsibility of the nation, well, i'm just for illustrative purposes, when we talk about the responsibility of the holocaust, we impose this responsibility on the reich, on the german state as such, and we know that there were states, they were state institutions, they acted in different ways , but they were in different ones relations with the reich, but in one way or another were participants, as state institutions of the same holocaust, well, let's say the croatian state of pavelic. it was one attitude to the holocaust, and there was the bulgarian state of tsar boris, and it was another attitude to the holocaust, but all this can be studied precisely as the work of state institutions and as their dialogue, if at all it was then in a normal form with its own society, well there was a bulgarian demonstration against the deportation of bulgarian jews in bulgaria , it ended in success and people were saved, but if the people do not have statehood.