in 2015 and 2016, the judge did not declare the corporate rights of her husband roman svistovich in two companies, she says she did not know anything, he simply did not inform me about it, he explained to me that the company truboil, it was actually founded by him back in 2012, we they were not even familiar with him during this period, and he simply for the reasons that he did not, it did not work, he... did not receive any dividends from it, he simply forgot to tell me about it, as well as about the top- hr agency usp. in general, not only for family members of judge yulia burzel are known for their rudeness. in 2018, the firm, where the judge's husband was a co-owner, appeared in the case of forgery of documents during the alienation of land near kyiv. and yulia burzel's mother, a retired judge since 2018, appeared in the investigation. it was discovered that she

received gifts worth almost uah 2 million. the high qualification commission of judges took a break before announcing the final decision regarding the eligibility of judge yulia burzel. and this is pavlo hutsal, a judge of the lubarsk district court zhytomyr region, and he repeatedly underestimated the value of the property in the declarations, or even forgot to declare it. for example, in 2016, he and his wife bought a mazda-3 car, he assures. that for 149 00 hryvnias. instead, this amount is significantly lower than the market value. presumably, in this way the judge could try to avoid financial monitoring, which set a limit for cash payments up to uah 150,000. if the amount is greater, it was necessary to explain the origin of the funds. in 2021, pavel hutsal's wife bought an audi q5 for over uah 2,000. but the declared money would not be enough for this. my wife was for an advance, and

please tell me, who was the counterparty under this contract? who is the counterparty? who paid the money? yes, who paid this advance? private notary? a private notary with whom your wife is in a certain relationship? well, in the family , yes. it is also known that since the beginning of the full-scale invasion pavlo hutsal made 14 short-term crossings of the polish border for unclear reasons. the board of the higher qualification commission. sent the judge's case for consideration by the full composition of the supreme court of appeals, who must make the final decision regarding his suitability for the position. and finally, we will introduce you to natalya semenova, judge of the apostoliv district court of the dnipropetrovsk region. as for the judge, criminal proceedings were opened for official falsification of documents. it was later closed, however, it was evidently about branches not only in virtue, but also in knowledge. criminal proceedings were opened in relation to. the prosecutor can open

criminal proceedings, the investigator, what does the investigator do, i didn't understand the question, sorry, superior the council of justice brought natalia semenova to justice for the fact that she constantly returned to the police reports on administrative violations on illegal grounds. if you pointed out to the public integrity council's question that the prosecutor's report was correct in itself, it was made. according to my legislation, what grounds were there to return it, when at the same time your decision was simply not fulfilled? no. it is also known that nataliya semenova systematically delayed the consideration of drunken driving cases, which allowed offenders to avoid responsibility in particular, out of 16 cases closed by her, which were discovered by the public council of virtue, in 13 cases the judge had more than two months to consider the case, and in three cases - more than a month. time, postal

correspondence was not sent, that is why the deadlines were missed, well, that is, the deadline for bringing a person to administrative responsibility, who missed the deadlines, i think not the court, in the end, after investigating all the circumstances, the board of the higher qualification commission sent judge semenov to dismissal. for today y... i have everything, you watched court control, i am tatyana shustrova. tell us about the facts of corruption in the judicial system that you know. write to the email you see on the screen or to me on facebook. see you in exactly one week.

vasyl zima's big broadcast, my name is vasyl zima, this is a big broadcast on the espresso tv channel. two hours of airtime, two hours of your time. my colleagues and i will talk about the most important things. time to talk about what was happening outside of ukraine, yury dobrovecher, two hours to be aware of the economic news, time to talk about money during the war oleksandr morchivka field with me and sports news, i invite yevhen pastukhov to the conversation, two hours in the company of favorite presenters, cultural news, alina chikchenina, our art viewer is ready to say good evening, presenters who have become many as if the day is already near me. we will talk about the weather for this weekend, as well as the distinguished guests of the studio. mustafa dzhemilov, the leader of the crimean tatar people, is in touch with us, mr. mustafa, i congratulate you. good day events of the day in two hours, big broadcast vasyl zyma, a project for smart and caring people. espresso in the evening.

greetings, friends, i congratulate you all on the holiday and the interlocutor of our broadcast today, ukrainian and american historian, professor of the department of ukrainian history at harvard university, serhii plohii, i congratulate you, mr. serhiy, and i also congratulate you on independence day, thank you very much, i congratulate you happy holiday, i congratulate all viewers, listeners on the holiday and you personally, on the presentation of the taras shevchenko award, this... this is a very important and very important marker for this award, yours awards, thank you, i want to talk about historical memory, and you know, i have to admit, it certainly sounds like a sign of bad taste, but i will tell you, there have not been many

history books that i read with such interest as the last school one textbook of the history of russia, written by the former minister of culture of the russian federation medin. and the rector of the moscow institute of international relations torkunov, because you know, when i read the books of historians, your books, i think that the gate of europe is such an excellent example of such an analysis of ukrainian history, when i then read medinsky's textbook, for me it's like watching, i don't even know how to compare it, well, some comic, from which i try to find answers to the question, what breathes modern russia, the modern russian elite, how it distorts, distorts ukrainian history, i don't know if you have seen this book, yes, yes, i have seen it and actually i didn't read it all, but i paid attention, of course, to the last chapters, and the feeling on the one hand is really, as

you say, like a comic book, that is, because it crystallizes as much as possible in the textbook any approach, any idea, and this... the textbook is simply an excellent textbook of today's russian - radical nationalism, fascism, imperialism, that is , the term can be any, but on the other hand you understand that it is made from the point of view influence on schoolchildren is quite professional, and that is, blatant, blatant unprofessionalism is historical, and uh... very, very dangerous professionalism when it comes to the way the textbook is formed, and for us, for historians, it is like putin's article from the 21st year , on the one hand you want to laugh, on the other hand clearly not a joke, because this, because these are documents that

form either those crowds or hordes or battalions that came to ukraine and may come in the future, this is a very... important question, you and i studied history in soviet schools, i don't know to what extent it can be said that these history courses really influenced a large number of people and preserved in them a conception of history that was later essentially destroyed by the collapse of communism, how long these dangerous narratives remain in people's minds, i have mean long precisely when the social order is changing, because we always say, here is putin's russia, it can its time of existence can run to its... end, does this mean that in the minds of those people who will learn from these textbooks in russian schools, these narratives of aggressiveness, disdain for everything not russian imperialism, will they remain even after putin? of course, they will remain, since

the soviet narrative actually remained for a very long period of time, that is, the so-called fall of lenin - this is the year 2013-2014. the soviet union ceased to exist to exist in 1991, and the signs of the brand markers of soviet history remained, they remained much less. were hardly left in western ukraine or in the baltic states, where mobilization, including this one, started with this protest during the anniversary of molotov ribbentrop's molotov youth pact, but in a large part of the soviet union, in a large part of ukraine , those stereotypes continued for decades, to a certain extent still continue, and they are supplanted... only and not so much to show that it is good that these narratives are somehow scientifically

whether they are socially incapable, but they are displaced when other, other narratives appear, and from my point of view, i wrote about it the same fall of lenin, this, among other things, is also the moment when ukraine refused to live together in the world, in which leninger. and the victims of the famine, that is, the heroes of the victims, and all this somewhere in the same village, on the same square, they are celebrated at the same time, that is, this schizophrenia, historical schizophrenia finally came to an end, and one of these monuments had to be demolished, it was a monument to lena, but again, this happened in 2013-14 and in a large part of ukraine as a result of a decision of the verkhovna rada, not as a result of a decision of local councils. well, they will tell you that they actually tried to unite ukraine with such a mix

of historical holidays or historical memory. do you remember the calls of ukrainian politicians who said: let's have different heroes in different regions, relatively speaking, in the west and in the center, the heroes will be the fighters of the ukrainian rebel army, in the east, the heroes will be, relatively speaking, stakhanov and artem, who... nothing to do with ukrainian itself civilizations, to be honest, do not have, of course, i remember it very well, but it was not an attempt to unify ukraine, it was an attempt to gather votes in each of the regions, saying in each region that what is there, it means that somehow it happened historically, historically it was liked, and here the question is, on the one hand , real. narrative and the continuation of the existence of the soviet narrative, on the other hand, this

question is more serious, what should we do with the soviet heritage, the people who were interviewed in the 14th and 15th years are completely ukrainian-oriented, patriotic and so on, they said: well, from my city in donbas, take away the monument to lenin and what will remain there, there are no other monuments there, the city itself. happened in the 1920s and 1930s, and this, this question is more serious than simple, it means to show that, therefore, the medina swindler or the soviet narrative is weak, built on blood, it is a question of what is actually ours, of our consciousness, and what should we do with the long soviet period, what should we do with the same. violinist, what should we do with a politically divided history, that is

, this is a more serious question that is impossible to resolve simply by some denial or ridicule of a certain narrative, but can we say that we are the first to resolve such a question? i can give you the story of north macedonia as an example, i remember when i started coming to north macedonia in the first years after its declaration of independence, i left on its iconostasis... people's heroes of macedonia, they were members of the union of communists and komsomol members, but they fought for macedonian sovereignty as part of yugoslavia. the next government then sought to replace this historical narrative by addressing to the hellenic heritage, to alexander the great and his father, king philip. now, i would say, there is a search for new compromises between this communist period, that is, the supporters of macedonia's sovereignty and the pre-communist period. when macedonia was a significant part of the hellenic civilization, they are looking for themselves, maybe we need

to look for ourselves in the east too, as america is doing it, i come to some american city, and there are people who are heroes of some political or cultural battles of the 19th and 20th centuries, american cities are also created, i i'm sorry, not in the 12th century, it's not athens or rome or kyiv, nevertheless they have their own architectural image and their own image of those they are proud of. yes, i think, in terms of the number of settlements with the name of athens, america beats greece, that is, they are looking, they are looking. they are looking for their roots in the classics, but i completely agree with you that this is a search, and what very often looks like an irritant to us, there are other words, of course, for this on facebook, and in the public space and so on, there are elements, elements of this search, and we are not unique, that is, we are an emerging country

on the ruins of a former empire, a multinational country, with its developed... iconostasis and national narrative, and we were not dropped somewhere from above, that is, on some parachute, that is , often part of the same elite, the same sixties, they, they just as soviet as they are anti-soviet, that is, it is a natural, it is a natural process of forming a nation from within, from within the empire, and... a very difficult process of reconciliation, historical reconciliation, reconciliation, political, that is, no, no, we are not unique, with on the other hand, in everyone, each of these post-imperial nations, has its own set of problems, its own set of, say, some positive historical

elements, the so-called usable past, which can be used for... its formation of a new idea, and ukrainians in this sense are endowed very , very good history, that is, there is something to refer to, from the fact that there is kyiv, there are kyiv shrines, to the fact that there is a very developed cossack narrative, there is a narrative of the struggle in the 20th century against any invaders, very different invaders, that is , here we have, if we... we can't do it to use, if we cannot come to an agreement through a better understanding of history, which means a better understanding of ourselves, well, we will have no one to blame but ourselves, we are not deprived of history. well, there is a very important thing here , it seems to me that history is distorted and hidden at the same time, because when i resort to some

historical events that seem absolutely clear to me, because i thought that it was simply necessary to ... read and, let's say, the soviet or the bolshevik version of history on the contrary, well, relatively speaking, change the signs, then i very often meet with a situation when it turns out that simply the events were completely different, was it not an event in which the conventional bad guys fought against the conventional good ones, and now we ask the good ones to be the bad ones and vice versa, and we will understand how it all really happened, and then it turns out , which did not happen. that these are all fictions, that these are all myths, such as the famous story of these panfilov heroes, or the details of the famous feat of zoya kosmodimyanska, or how in the history of the second world war soviet propaganda always talked about the feats of soviet pilots, they were definitely heroic people, but they never reported that, in principle, the pilots of the reich were much more effective and

efficient than the pilots of the soviet union, and against this background, of course, all this is you. gives more or less heroically, but together with these, more tragically, the price, the price of each flight becomes much different than it was in soviet propaganda, such examples can be given a huge number, and here is the very fact that we do not know the truth, that we we even invent truths for ourselves, trying to somehow assess the situation on the contrary, it seems to me that it is also very dangerous, so you know, i am hearing it for the first time and i am hearing it from you to change it relatively on the contrary, i... i myself experienced this period, the end of the 80s, 90s, that is, the idea it was about the fact that change the sign and and the world, the world will somehow manifest itself and you will understand it, and this is a part, also the existence in the conditions of these ideological wars, eh, and and and the adoption of a certain

certain side, and relatively, relative to those of that particular example to which you referred regarding planes and and and pilots and and heroes and losses, if i do not recall, from 40 to 50% of all losses of soviet aviation were related to the fact that with mechanical malfunctions of aircraft, that is, from 40 to 50% of losses, that is, this is exactly the reality that you will not understand by simply changing plus, plus to minus and minus to... plus , so the story is really very, very multifaceted, and propaganda, what it is, how it works, that is, it is not necessarily an absolute, absolute lie. also, but it takes some aspect of a big problem and highlights it as a marker, as a characteristic of this whole problem, and change

its plus to minus, well, you can understand that some aspect, but, but not the problem as a whole, and only, only the understanding of this history as a whole, it seems to me, can be the truth that can liberate us, that is, this is this... the process, the process is much more complicated than, change signs another very important aspect that i always think about, now, when it comes to the future european integration of ukraine, is the historical memory that divides ukrainians and their neighbors to the west, but we see that as soon as the slightest thing appears aggravation of polish-ukrainian relations, language it can be about anything, even grain, immediately arises. the topic of volyn is immediately brought up by an official or an intellectual who says: until you accept our narrative, you will not get anywhere. now , literally these days, if you go to

the transcarpathian region, you will see an absolutely amazing picture. in the areas where the hungarian population lives, you will see billboards that, so to speak, commemorate the trianon tragedy. and in the areas where the ukrainian population lives, you will see the same billboards dedicated to trianon, only. it says that this is the triumph of historical justice, and it is happening literally in one ukrainian region, during the days of the war, and this, of course, quite seriously, i would say, worries me, because i just imagine what will begin when the real, you understand, not virtual ones begin , and the real negotiations of ukraine regarding the accession to the european union, and i think that maybe there are tools that would allow us to find a common denominator, namely historical tools, a dialogue of scientists, joint history textbooks that would remove all these layers of the past?

of course there is, and the only thing that is needed for this is the necessary political will, and it is clear that history and various historical memories in themselves can provoke some. conflicts, but usually these things recede into the background when politics changes, that is, the great war between russia and ukraine began, which became a threat not only to ukraine, but is felt, of course, in the baltic states and in poland, and somehow historical historical debates, at least for a while , took a back seat, and the same was true of the polish one. the society demonstrated the level solidarity, that is, about which it was impossible to dream at all. i am talking about the dominant role of politics in these historical

discussions not in order to remove the responsibility from historians, but in some things, it will be simply very difficult to agree, when there was a war on both sides. and each side considered itself, itself right in this, at some points, you can just ideally, so to speak, put it, press pause, that is, it does not always succeed, but it is worth it, it is also worth thinking and talking about it, that is, those the polish-ukrainian relations themselves, during the war and the solidarity of the two countries, it may not be the best... also to raise and discuss them, because i actually recently saw an interview of a very good polish historian who came to kyiv and tried to convince

his opponent to accept to accept certain, certain truths, that is, one more river, of our good friend, actually. maybe, that is, i did not specifically mention the name, for me, along with this, you know, such a friend of ours, who, having such views, he goes to ukraine, shows solidarity, this is very much so here, such a strange situation, which in principle could not happen, that a person with such a narrative, at the same time, is a sincere friend of his country, whose history, to put it mildly, the past worries him, right? this is what is strange, of course, of course, and here is just the moment that the discussion, and these debates and disagreements are not... are

between on the one hand saints, on the other hand sinners, that means, on the one hand scoundrels, on the other hand righteous, that is, on both sides of this debate, it can be completely honest from the point of view of both, both sides, there are different, there are different truths to a certain, and so that's why i'm saying that these kinds of things are probably ethically... now, now to pause somewhere, both for one side and for the other side, but what i'd like to add as well is that uh some elements of history lend themselves very well to some kind of heroization, other elements lend themselves very well to overcoming, overcoming, for example, conflicts and contradictions, but also

to unification. from the point of view of memory, ukrainian, ukrainian memory, what is happening today, and what has been happening since 2014, is extremely important, is the formation, the beginning of the 91st year, this is the formation of a virtually new ukrainian nation on new foundations, and unfortunately, the last few years, especially the last two, provide examples of self-sacrifice by heroes. eh, which is probably difficult to find even in history, including even ukrainian history, we historians studied some four days of ukrainian independence in kyiv, which means eight, seven or eight months under the german occupation of the hetmanate, the founding of the academy of sciences and so on, we have today, we are on the eve

of the celebration. independence day, that is, us we have, how many 32 years, this is the 32nd anniversary, yes, if i am not mistaken, 32 years of the existence of the independent ukrainian state, 8-9 years of wanton war, these things, which means that not only changed society, changed us, but they changed also future, future writings about history and... this, this should become the basis for ukrainian unification, the history of ukrainian unification between 91, 2014 and 2022-23, that is, it is worth paying attention to this history through which we live, bloody, but also tragic and heroic, and eh, there will be descendants turn to to to this story, to these years, to these days, to to to... to these nights

in order to find support for yourself, psychological, moral, to find, to find heroes, to understand, to understand also not easy choices, what people did is not only heroism, but i think that for us, as historians, this is a difficult task, but we need to pay more attention to our last years, to our last decades, and... to build a new understanding of both countries and himself based on this experience. i just want to further clarify such a fundamental question as how does the historical responsibility of the state differ from the historical responsibility of the nation, well, i'm just for illustrative purposes, when we talk about responsibility for the holocaust, we impose this responsibility on the reich, on the german state as such. and we know that

there were states, these were states. institutions , they acted differently, but they had different relations with the reich, but in one way or another they were participants as state institutions of the same holocaust, well, let's say the croatian state of pavelić, it was the same attitude towards the holocaust, and there was the bulgarian state of tsar boris, and it was a different attitude to the holocaust, but all this can be studied precisely as the work of state institutions and as their dialogue, if at all it was in a normal form then with their own society. there was in bulgaria, the bulgarian demonstration against the deportation of bulgarian jews ended in success and people were saved, but if the people do not have statehood, if individual representatives of this people, let them participate in these or other crimes in large numbers, i mean, not only the holocaust , i have on do you mean the volyn tragedy, etc., or can it be said that the people who do not have state institutions