and it is clear that putin is a very important figure in all of this, in all of this history, but it is also a product produced by russian society, as hitler was provoked by german society, and this society creates this model of the state and this model of behavior, and this model behavior is created by this society, so what do i think that means... is there a limit to how much it is some regime that occupied the country de jure or de facto, this is an important component, but there is responsibility, there is shared responsibility, there is responsibility social, and especially when it comes to what you do with this experience of yours, which is negative, which is criminal, and so on, how you treat it, this, this, if we talk about historical. makes up, it seems to me, is

the most important component. well, then, if you turned to the topic of russia, then we can also ask a question here, which was very relevant in the first months of the war, now it is not talked about so much, but i tried to think about it too, and now i think it is a responsibility not of the russian peoples of russia, but the russians are really their own state, and indeed this state gave rise to vladimir putin in one way or another, and it is not even a question of national... origin, because in the russian leadership there are people of different national origins, serhii shaigu, a tuvan, let's say by ethnic origin, but it is so clear that all these people serve russian chauvinism in one form or another, but the peoples of russia, who have quasi -states that essentially do not protect their interests, where their national languages ​​are not studied, where their national culture is distorted, their legacy, where everything is done to prove their second option. and second-rateness,

they are just as responsible as the russians for this war, do you remember how at the beginning of the war , even russian propaganda tried to talk about the buryats and tuvans in the usual way, and many of us accepted this and presented the facts, you see, buryats were in our village here in the kyiv region, they acted like beasts, and the chechens-kadyrivs acted even more like beasts, and as if from the russians... who essentially created this state and this army and this aggression, who need ukraine as their peaceful land, for example, the responsibility was shifted to small nations, which in principle are very far from all this, even from europe, but they became much more responsible and cruel than those who started this war and those who have their own, if you want, state interest in this war, of course. this is a classic imperial

imperial practice, that is, you conquer territories, then you use these territories, this is this population to actually continue your imperialist war, and then you can you can hide behind them, that is, this is not the first time, this is not the first time, that is , all these wild divisions and so on, and... that is , you can then say that it is not us, it is the asians somewhere in europe came and did something there and so on, but here we have tchaikovsky, we read it, we admire it and so on and so on, that is, these and these and these things have already happened, the responsibility of these nations as such, i do not have any specific formula for... talk about, but i have

a very specific parallel that i think can help us think about it. what is our responsibility for what the soviet union did in the same eastern europe in 1939 and 1940, for what it did in europe after 1945, that is, in fact, there was no sovereignty in ukraine, no ukrainians there was sovereignty, on the other hand, well, the ukrainian party elite was one of the most influential in the soviet union, that is, i researched kyiv, i researched the history of the caribbean crisis, well, the key decisions about whether to shoot or not to shoot at an american plane over cuba was accepted by two generals, the surname of one was buckwheat, the other was pumpkin. i.e. whether they are greek gourds, i.e. i

don't know who they were in terms of self-identity, i.e. the question is ethnic or territorial, i.e. it is a difficult question. this is a very real and important question, and i think today it will be better for us to answer the question about the buryats and the provinces, thinking about us and about our role in the empire and in the soviet union, well, this is probably still of great importance , we talked about all these at the beginning of our conversation new russian textbooks, but the context is also important, if you want to forge in an imperial or in a... non-imperial narrative, even of soviet times, you see, i thought about it, just when i was in borodyanka and looked at this shot monument of shevchenko during the shevchenko awards ceremony, that shevchenko was, in one way or another, a soldier of the russian empire, who in fact always ridiculed,

branded, and created in his poetry such an image of this russian empire, on which we were all brought up, which is an alternative to that image russian... empires that russians know, i mean, not even from history books, because it seems to me that culture can be more powerful than history. in the soviet union, it was said that the russian empire was oppressed by other peoples, at least until the 17th year, but students in the schools of soviet russia taught lermantov, taught pushkin, about georgia, which blossomed under the price of a wife. shtikov, about the polish uprising, the disputes of the slavs among themselves, and this was written by the best russian poets, in beautiful words, in beautiful works, with landscapes, i would said, of those countries that were conquered by the russian army, whether in the caucasus, or in

poland, or in ukraine, some of the best ukrainian landscapes were created by pushkin in the poem mazepa, which is essentially... an imperial myth about maze and such in response to the admiration of byron. and on the other hand, there were students of schools of soviet ukraine. we all learned this in schools. from a moldovan to a finn , everything is silent in all languages. churek and saklya are all yours. i remember from childhood. and this, i would say, could create an anti-imperial narrative. and pavlo grabovskyi, and ivan franko, and more lesya ukrainka, all these poets were anti-imperial. while their russian, one might say, contemporaries, the best of their russian contemporaries, sang the praises of the empire, and this is already, you know, a pitfall for centuries of misunderstanding, well, yes, you remembered shevchenko’s words about from a moldovan to a finn,

the finns are also mentioned in alexander pushkin's will, and the finnish printer, stepey kolmyk, should consider it his own. a national poet, and his national poet, yes, yes, yes, that is, this, this, this is very, this, this, these are very different narratives, and they seemed to be present, in particular in ukraine, and one in the lessons of russian literature, the other in the lessons of ukrainian literature, but the question is also that the children who, who studied it, means... well, there are creations which, which are being formed, which are being formed in the reader, and the understanding of what is read is also formed by the teacher, and because of this, i would like to emphasize the importance of the importance of the role of the teacher and the importance of the role of the interpreter in

this whole, in this whole story, because the non-willing could and did happen in any way. texts, i.e. the same shevchenko was appropriated by the soviet, soviet literary narratives, after the end of the soviet union, tamara gundorova wrote wrote a book about franko not a stonemason, yes, that is, franko was only a stonemason, shevchenko was only a serf in a coat, which, what he, means, for a photographer. and it's this question of what we do with our heritage, how we try to understand it, and i'm joining this conversation now from cambridge, united states of america, where

great debates are now taking place regarding the decolonization of russian or russian-centric history of literature, where actually almost for the first time in my life. stream, that is , the main questions are questions about the imperial, the key imperial narrative of russian literature, which, imperialism was recognized as the basis of french and english literature, but somehow russian actually remained the subject of absolute adoration and idealization, and this is now changing, changing due to events in to ukraine, and specifically because of ukrainian, ukrainian resistance, so i would just like to say that these these these these these processes not only concern ukraine or the post-soviet region. space, in general, the image of the post-soviet space, the russian space in the world, and -

it was precisely the opposite of ukraine that became the trigger for these discussions. well, we can say that ukrainians can be not only witnesses, but also participants in this reinterpretation of the russian imperial cultural narrative and the russian imperial past, because it seems to me that... we are not fully giving an account even to ourselves today in that role, in which this russian heritage played in the formation of even the present ukrainian perception of the world? this situation, which opened thanks to the heroism of the ukrainian army, the ukrainian people, will not last forever, if we want to somehow influence it, we need to be included in these processes, we need to speak, we need to communicate, sometimes it is very difficult, that is, to see on modern discussions on the ukrainian

internet about good russians, that is , the idea of ​​communication with anyone is actually excluded, it is interpreted as a possible betrayal, but what does this mean, it means the creation of a ghetto at this key moment, where we remain our own truth and limit our ability to actually influence. to change the broader narratives and ideas about ourselves and the world around us, again, this is a unique opportunity, which, from my point of view, would be a crime to somehow waste. well, there is another big question, to what extent the russian community itself, even emigre, even liberal, is ready for discussion, if it does not put this community, i would say, and its cultural and historical preferences on a pedestal. because yes, people may oppose putin, but they still have no doubt that that russia is the center of this whole

civilization, anyone who thinks otherwise is either an enemy or someone who is fooling around for the sake of hype, to put it simply, i i i completely understand what you are talking about, i know such people, but i i also know other people who were not there until 2022, who appeared for. and we need to talk with these people, well, i mean, it seems to me that russian society itself, at least partially, should do its own work on mistakes, realize at least the weight of its own culture in the world context. i think it is too soviet influence, mr. sergey, because in the soviet union everyone was sincerely sure that they were aware of the role of their own culture and what they could compare with world cultural values, which is a complete lie, because... soviet culture existed in a certain isolation from the world cultural context and from

the historical context and from the scientific context, and only now people can, have the opportunity to understand the real weight of their cultural and scientific heritage on the scales of shared history with the world, and most do not wants to do this, yes, that is, there is hiding behind the idea, that means... of a separate civilization, uniqueness and so on, if we are a separate civilization, then of course, of course, anything that happens here is unique, it does not need any dialogue with the environment, because it, because it is different, it is different, and, this, this, this is, this is a very serious, very serious problem, but changes have begun, and we have... the opportunity to either support these changes or isolate ourselves and not to support,

which means subjecting it to someone else, we can support, in fact to open the way for some interpretations, which in fact will be completely different, if it is not contradictory if we compare with our experience, with our ideas, then... why not knock on the door that was opened by the ukrainian army and the ukrainian people, this was strategic . well then, this is also very important to understand, we can enter any door that, if we do not consider ourselves to be some kind of separate civilization that is constantly trying to make a bicycle, and that is what ukraine should be in europe in the future, what should be its place in europe what do you think, ending our conversation, well , today ukraine appeared in europe as if in

some robes, behind the scenes. a knight, i don't know, a defender of bordering, european bordering. ukraine, went to war with the russian army, which only the finns got ready for in the 40th year. for various reasons, the poles could not fight on two sides. in the year 68. czechoslovak did not even try to do it, hungary did not succeed, that is, in such a large industrial, large-scale war, well, we appear as warriors, and that's it was not, it was not our choice, it was not the choice of ukraine, and thus we have already entered, then

the question in... you are socially, economically, civilizationally, culturally, and here, here is the biggest question for us - this is not even a democracy, although now there are big question marks as to how far we will be able to survive the military experience and remain a democracy, i still remain an optimist here, but the question of rule of flow is... actually to what extent, to what extent we will be able to be a people, a nation , a country that will put the law above, above any other, ethnic, social, economic and so on, the interests of certain groups, that is, it is a key issue, but

it seems to me purely from a military point of view, that is, we, we chose. place, we, we, we, we create and continue the border, the border of europe further east, that is, from my point of view, it is a matter of time, such integration, integration in the sense of a secure europe and ensuring this security, but - culturally, culturally, legal integration, under culture, i primarily have... has a culture of law, this will historically be the biggest for us. thank you, mr. serhiy, once again i congratulate you on the holiday, i congratulate you happy holiday, dear viewers, our guest was the famous ukrainian and american historian serhii plohii. see you soon, good luck.

the book women at war is a joint project of the espresso tv channel and the spirit and letter publishing house. the book is based on the reports of the presenter of the espresso tv channel khrystyna parubiy. 20 stories, 20 fates, 20 women who defended the country. the book is dedicated to women who chose the path of fighting the enemy in the ranks of the military. women at war, search in bookstores of ukraine. with the support of the charitable foundation. czech republic ukraine is only for the megago, the league of nations is waiting for the national team, where you have to score as many points as possible! support our boys on september 10 at 9:45 p.m., exclusively on meego. exclusively on the air

of our channel. congratulations, friends, the politclub program is on the air on the espresso tv channel. depletion of resources. topics that cause the current topics of the week nato member countries have huge arsenals, and russia is already on the way to resonating in our society. this is the question of trump's victory, what is it? analysis of the processes that change the country and each of us. what else can the russians do, or are they capable of? will they use, say, the resources of the lukashenka army allied with them? vitaly portnikov and guests of the project: read the entire condemnation. it was difficult, but i was just interested, but this is absolutely not good, they help to understand the present and predict the future, they suggested to the united states to conclude a bilateral security agreement with us. a project for... indifferent and thinking politclub every sunday at 20:00 at espresso. events, events

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we are looking for 14-year-old nikita kalancha from luhansk region. information about the boy's disappearance came back in february 2022, and this is not surprising, because the boy lived in the village of novostriltsivka in the starobil district of the region. which was occupied almost on the first day of a full-scale war. nikita disappeared when he was still 11.5 years old. accordingly, in this photo he is much younger than he is now. in july , the boy turned 14. he is straight dark hair, oval face and brown eyes. if suddenly someone has seen mykyta kalancha or knows where he may be, immediately call us on the hotline of the magnolia children's search service at the short number 1163. calls from all ukrainian mobile operators are free, if there is no connection and it is not possible to call, write to the chatbot child tracing services in telegram. this is just

one story of a missing child. in total, since the beginning of the war, we have received more than 2,000 requests for help in the search. fortunately, i will prevail most of the children have already been found, but the fate of many remains unknown, especially in the temporarily occupied territories, where, in fact, the work of the police, where it is impossible to leave and there are communication problems, anyone can help find the missing children, take just a minute of your time and go to the website of the magnolia children's search service, here you can view all the photos of the missing, who knows, maybe you will recognize someone and eventually help find them. i also want to remind you that the search for ten-year-old nikita is still ongoing nikolaev from the city of rubizhne in the luhansk region. this settlement has been occupied since may 22nd, but nikita disappeared already in may 23rd, and in fact nothing

is known about the fate of the child for more than a year, so i really hope. please look carefully at the photo and try to remember the face of nikita nikolaev, he has blue eyes and light blond hair, he looks like a 10-year-old boy, if suddenly someone has seen nikita or knows something about his possible whereabouts, do not delay and dial from any ukrainian mobile operator, short number of the magnolia children's search service 11630. calls. free, if suddenly there is no way to call, write to the chat bot, child tracing services in telegram. look at the photo: this is 16-year-old vladyslav symonenko, also from the luhansk region, from the city of severo-donetsk. the settlement was occupied by the russians at the end of june 2022, but information about the boy's disappearance came on the first day of the full-scale war. i really hope that

thanks to your care, vladyslav. can be found. try to remember his face. the guy looks about 16 years old, he has an oval face, dark hair and brown eyes. if suddenly someone has seen vladyslav or at least knows something about his possible whereabouts, do not delay and dial the short number of the magnolia children's search service 11630 from any mobile operator. calls are free. and i will ask for a moment of your attention. this is 17-year-old anastasia. pokhiluk from donetsk region. official information about the girl's disappearance came in the summer of 2023, but it is quite possible that the connection with nastya was broken much earlier. but it's not surprising after all, the child disappeared in the bakhmut district, where the situation has been too tense for a long time. if suddenly someone knows about the possible whereabouts of anastasia pokhylyuk, or someone has seen the girl before and perhaps knows something about her fate, immediately call us on the hotline

of the magnolia children's search service at... number 11630. if there is no connection and there is no way to call , write to the chatbot service for tracing children in telegram. we have created a resource through which you can report any crime against a child. in in any city, at any time. just go to the site and report, and we will launch all possible mechanisms to punish the criminal. stop will accept.

a journalist who joined the armed forces, a political expert who became a special agent, taras berezovyts, in a new project on espresso. the real front is a thorough analysis of the main events. reports, comments of leading specialists and experts. analytics from the major of the armed forces. how to make sense of disturbing

news and... distinguish truth from hostile propaganda. the real front program with taras berezovtsem every saturday at 21:30 for espresso. news time on espresso tv channel. kateryna shiropoyas works in the studio. russian shaheds attacked the lviv region that night. as a result of falling debris, a fire broke out near lviv. warehouses are on fire. this was announced by the mayor of the city, andriy sadovy. rescuers are working to eliminate the consequences, information about the victims is currently being clarified. and the russians hit the residential sector of kupyansk in the kharkiv region with drones on private territory.