the president's office, but nevertheless appoints and dismisses the ministers of the verkhovna rada according to the procedure, for this the people's deputies must vote, give the appropriate number of votes, and accordingly, it is the people's deputies who make this decision, and many were outraged, especially from the representatives of the opposition, that the ministers did not come to report to the verkhovna rada, those who were resigning about what they did during their work, and the opposition representatives were also outraged by the fact that denys shmyhal, reading out the proposals for the appointment of candidates, had no additional arguments, a list of surnames was sounded, a candidate for such and such a position, and accordingly, the people's deputies were also in a certain state of uncertainty as to why there is a decision to dismiss, why, why they should vote for it, or why there is exactly such a candidate for appointment, what are the plans of these people in the future, and here it is worth noting that the problem is that this ceremony procedure, it is rather... at the moment it is a voluntary

thing, this is what shows the attitude of the minister to the parliament, does he want to tell what has been done, but nevertheless exists there the draft law that was proposed since the 20th year, it seems, proposed to oblige the members of the cabinet to report to the verkhovna rada before dismissal, but the ministers do not comply with this, but if there is no obligation, they voluntarily came to the verkhovna rada, not even all of them from those who wrote applications for freedom. well, those who came, they did not deliver reports, but delivered speeches before the verkhovna rada, and this is also not quite the same thing, and accordingly there are many questions, so some people's deputies and the public still have and why exactly were these ministers dismissed, and what was right or wrong, why were these reshuffles necessary, or the ministers themselves, well, look, simply if we want to artificially impose some form of reporting by law, this does not solve it. problems, that it is obvious that

the deputies, the fact that the ministers do not consider it necessary to come and report to the deputies, it actually shows, it illustrates to us the reality that exists, that these ministers feel that they are appointed not by the cabinet, not by the parliament, and under not from the parliament, therefore even people, not the people of ukraine, because the people of ukraine delegate their representatives to the verkhovna rada, accordingly, they are accountable to someone else, someone... or someone else appointed them to these positions, someone else decided that they would head these departments, what is the problem with that , that we have an actual appointment, does not correspond to the spirit, even the letter, and what is written in the constitution, what is written in the legislation about the parliament, about the supreme council, about the cabinet of ministers of ukraine, does it have any, in what way problem, maybe, maybe you know, some people said before the fault, what

a difference, maybe what a difference, here it is not completely possible to say that this is happening with some kind of violation, because well, the procedure is followed, 226 votes for dismissal for the appointment were scored for someone not on the first try, as it was with iryna vareshchuk, when at first the verkhovna rada failed to fire her on the fourth, on the fifth it fired her, they resubmitted a resolution to fire her and fired the second time, and by the way, we were watching the situation with voting, again, i will remind you that in we have a majority faction in the parliament, which in principle could dismiss ministers and only by its composition, and accordingly the faction met, they agreed on these personnel changes in the evening on the eve of the day of dismissals, on the eve of the day of appointments, and accordingly they have 233 votes, that is enough , to make decisions in the parliament independently, nevertheless, let us look at how the servants voted during these... dismissals

, they gave up to 191 votes at most, that is , up to 194 on average, somewhere around 191 votes, maximum during the voting, i.e. for some reason some of the servants of the people were either not present in the hall, or did not support the proposed decisions, and therefore they selected these votes, including from the support of deputy groups, from deputy groups, including those broke up with the former opzha. and here is an interesting story, they also gave 190 plus-minus votes, but when voting for the appointment of oleksiy kulaba, the vice-prime minister for the restoration of the new, the servants gave only 167 votes, nevertheless, the constitutional procedure was followed, the required number voted deputies for the appointment for dismissal, and there are already the motives of the deputies, why they were ready to vote, without hearing the reports or without hearing the arguments in the walls of the verkhovna rada, why exactly these appointments are necessary, this is already a question for the people. deputies, ugh, but how

should it be in principle, if we had a functional, functioning, efficient parliament, how would the appointment take place in the event that the monomajority that exists in our country still exists. no one refuted or canceled it, if she really, as we saw, showed it voting, not a lot for any minister of the necessary number of votes, for none, even sebiga got less than 200 votes in the voting from the so-called monomajority, respectively, what should this mean, that is, if we have a functional parliament, well, a lot of people talked about it about whether there is a crisis in the parliament, we in georgia are honestly more inclined to believe that... there is a certain crisis of the monomajority, because, if you analyze how the servants voted on previous various laws as well, whether they gave, or whether they provided with their own , exclusively by the majority of votes, the last such case seems to have been more than a year ago, and maybe more, and it also seems possible that

some minister was fired, but i can’t remember it now, so really not all decisions are supported by all the servants of the people, we remember that there was a story about the fact that the member... those deputies who formally united in the inter-factional association of dmytro rozumkov still remain the servants of the people, and that means there, too , we need to see whether they support all the decisions, i'll just say, we don't have much time it remains that in parliamentary democracies, starting from poland and there, i don't know, to denmark, to portugal, there is such a thing as a vote of confidence in the government, in such cases it happens, it is appointed, it is initiated somehow. and if the government, which is in this composition, does not gain 226 votes, then it resigns. as it happens during martial law, we need to study our legislation, but in any case, if there are no monomajority votes, accordingly , the dissolution

of this government is announced and they begin coalition negotiations between different factions, in which case these factions are represented in the future government, and each of them is responsible for one or another ministry, that is, the party is responsible. if in our country each of the ministers voted for, for example, deputies of the opzh faction and former regional members, accordingly they must have their representative in the government. this does not mean that they do not have a representative in the government. simply, if we knew that, for example, mr. galushchenko is a creature and a candidate there, relatively speaking, of the party of regions, then let's talk about it frankly, and then this mr. president, let him explain in one of his evening video messages, well... that's right, i'm just wondering how it should work in principle, if we have a parliamentary democracy, there is no parliamentary democracy democracy, then take full responsibility, say that we don’t need a parliament at all now, we accept everything only with our presidential office, that’s enough for us, we have a military

dictatorship, this is also an honest decision, but state it openly and take for myself then responsibility for every absolute decision is managerial and e-e and and and and executive. which is approved in the office of the president, right? well, at least we investigated what, if i can say, the story is interesting, how ukrainians perceive the influence of the office of the president beyond its powers on state bodies, then more than 50% of ukrainians do not agree that the office of the president has this excessive influence on the government and the parliament itself exceeding his authority, i.e. such an interesting statistic, which in principle says a lot about the current state, yes. mrs. sofia, thank you very much for the conversation, movement analyst honestly, sofia lazarova was with us, we analyzed a little the peculiarities of the rotation of the national government, well, now we are moving on to cultural topics, and lena chechenina, art viewer,

espresso journalist, will be with us or already is, congratulations hello, we are glad to see you, we start with such a non-competitive story. the program of the venice film festival is currently showing a documentary film directed by the russian anastasia trofimova, it is called russians at war, and this film it turned out to be very scandalous, what is wrong with this film, how these russians are depicted in the war, and will this film be shown now at the festival in the competition program in toronto, and oh, i'm afraid that ... it will be, because our the consul general in canada wrote a post, and he explained, actually, why we, well, the ukrainian film community was so upset, and mr. oleg, oleg mykolenko is asking, asking in his post and in his appeal to the official management

of the festival not to show this tape, but they refused it to do and they will show her like that, well in general, we can only retell and orient... to that, to those reviews, to those reviews written by our cinematographers who watched this film in venice, for example, daria basel, producer and olga zorba, director. who went to present their films, our ukrainian films at the venice film festival, there were two of them this year, they will also be shown at the toronto festival, they have already shown a ukrainian film, pavlo ostrikov's mother cosmos, which is produced by volodymyr yatsenko, who is a military man, by the way, and in the end we we constantly see that this is russian propaganda, it sneaks into so many prestigious events, and this is explained either by the fact that russia has a lot of money and can buy everyone, or by the fact that there is still

a sentiment towards russian culture, russia has done a lot for this sentiment to exist in the world, and we can also observe such left-wing views very often in people, in foreigners, especially those who are people of art, who love art, they are very driven to this the thesis that look... the world is not black and white, and the russian military are not all bad either, but they were forced, look at how they suffer, this sympathy for negative heroes, it is generally common in cinema, and we have seen a lot of examples of films where the heroes are very, very bad , who do bad things, we still sympathize with them, the joker is a vivid example, and this, i think, many people have watched the movie, and the main character feels sympathy, and here are the people who... are used to seeing this in the cinema a complex picture, when we see there various maniacs, murderers, and

we try to see something good in them, and with this perception, this audience approaches russian propaganda films, and russia knows very well about this perception, and they make such films, because according to the description of the russians at war, this is absolutely pure propaganda , which justifies and humanizes... the russian military, although there are also such mistakes there, because the producer daria pasel, she wrote that, so, this director, who spent 7 months, by the way, with these russian soldiers in the donbas, it seems and in the previous one, she made many films for rasha tudei, and in this film she tells, retells all the conversations of russian soldiers, and at the same time they talk about the fact that they do not want to fight. they want peace, they want war to end, war is horrible, they also say that they were forced,

they had no choice but to go to this war, but at the same time they mention that they went to fight for the money they were paid money, so they agreed to the salary, here it is necessary to catch them simply at such moments, i.e you were either forced, or you came here to earn money, that is, this anastasia trofimova shot films for rasha today, now she had absolute permission. for seven months to be with the russian army for canadian money, then she made something out of it, where she justifies herself, where, where they make a human face , they sculpt this collective image of a russian soldier, which we saw well in buch, in kupyansk, and we saw these executions , rape of minors, my neighbor was shot just because they didn't like him, shot in the chest and he and he was buried in the playground for weeks

because there was no chance, he bled out because they didn't let me get doctors to him, ok, you just know what i'm thinking, i'm thinking, what's the analogy here anyway works, the only thing that comes to mind is if, for example, 40 some third year in goebbels, a director who shoots him some commercials for cinemas, propaganda. shoots a documentary that nazism is actually not so bad, and she goes, for example, to canada for a festival to talk about the fact that, well, nazism is not so bad in fact, and in general good germans are fighting, although we know that the germans as a whole were much, so to speak, more humane and more cultured than, again, the red army, which came to the territory on dismissal, so to speak, just how to react to it in general, how to tell us? how can we get across, how can we show what we see, that evil for russia

is literally everyday life, it is literally part of their normal behavior, it is their norm, evil, murder, like that, andriy, just like that methods, that is, to make a film, well, i see two ways out, firstly, we need such situations, as we currently have with the venice film festival and with the toronto festivals, it is to convey our opinion, to do something, i do not know actions about it. test or even better come up with some kind of communication, effectively, find these points, examples, explanations that would be understandable and do it endlessly, be ready that one day it doesn't... work, but explain, explain, explain, consulate he explains, now the letter was written by the festival, well, ukrainian in general cinematographers, the dokudesua festival, we have a documentary film festival about human rights, they also wrote a letter in english, collected different opinions, and they also gave such analogies about the second world war, what do you imagine when

a film is released during the second world war, which says that, well, you know, the nazis are generally the most innocent people here. only hitler is to blame, no one else, they were arrested, they are poor, unhappy, suffering here in kyiv, they arranged a women’s camp, but they didn’t want to, they didn’t wanted, they were simply forced, it's all fog of war. and the second point is to make films ourselves and show our position through a story, because stories are a very, very effective thing, that's why it works so well, but there is a problem, now i will briefly say what the problem is that our public policy now ... and state cinema, it absolutely devalues ​​original films that are shown at various film festivals, our wonderful directors have achieved incredible success literally in just a few years and have participated in the most prestigious class festivals and they even won there and formed an image for themselves, but now derzhkino is betting on

commercial films, and well, i think that author's cinema is some kind of bullshit, how will three people watch it, and this is actually very important, so... that it is communication, and unfortunately, these films, which can now go to various film festivals and oppose something, this russian propaganda, are becoming fewer and fewer, but there are our cinematographers, producers, female producers who find money somewhere in the funds and continue to shoot, but state policy, of course, it's a disaster, by the way, one of the of films that was at the venice film festival, for our documentary about a full-scale invasion, it received funding from the same ... canadian fund, as well as this one about the russians, so there should be something done at these levels too, why so is happening, because in fact this country is now run by television and film producers, well , there are so many people who came from television, they are now, after a full-scale invasion, very eager to make films,

and that's okay, commercial films are also needed, in order to maintain some... emotion inside the country, to show ukrainians some ukrainian product, even if, for example, from my point of view it will not be of high quality, it is still good, people go, watch some ukrainian movie and it collects some money in the box office , it's all good, but you need to understand that a normal policy in the field of culture must pay attention to many different aspects and understand that you need to finance and support everything, and because commercial. it can earn on itself, moreover, if we are talking about serials that are now also financed by the state, then if we are talking about original cinema, then it first of all needs state support, this is the case in almost all european countries, because it does not have the opportunity to earn so much money in box offices, but it is an artistic product, it is the basis on which

good commercial cinema is supported, and in our country, it turns out that they do not understand this, or do not want to understand it, and, if you look at the strategy of the development of cinema, which developed developed dezhkino, but she did not, was not accepted by the film community, because there are a lot of just legally incorrect moments, such as dashkino wants to film, document war crimes with the help of documentaries, but it does not work that way, this is a legal field, lawyers should fix it with the help of cinematographers, maybe in general, if you shoot a documentary. about the war, as the state cinema thinks, it will not be a record of war crimes in international courts, it will not be accepted, because a documentary film is not a record of war crimes, it is not clear on what is a documentarian to do, why should they be given any propaganda tasks at all, this film, which was released on netflix, it does not tell about the fact that ukrainian soldiers are cool and super, it tells

how good our president is and how cool he is team, by and large, the film was released. came out on bbc-2 about zelensky, a film that is so complimentary, well, it also works on such a positive image of the president, there are a lot of untruths in this film, there, for example, zelensky says that he left from the russian market, the 95th quarter after the start of the war in 2014, and he no longer cooperated at all, although he cooperated, we remember the tv series svati, the papik series - these are the series that he sold. to russia and despite the various protests there around the in-laws, despite the fact that an actor was filmed there who openly advocated... the illegal annexation of crimea anyway, by the way, ukrainian viewers watched this with joy, so we still have such a problem, but anyway, this series on bbc 2, it seems to me,

creates such a positive image, for us now it is necessary to have this image, to give weapons, well, if we have such a perception inside the country, but in general it is still important to say that what if we offer foreigners to see some ukrainian art, or send any messages related to. .. by culture we need to understand and it should be recorded in state policy that what we perceive well domestically, for example, a film that did well at the box office, does not mean that it will work well for foreign audiences, these are completely different things, we now see that again a few years ago, with the beginning of a full-scale trade, when a lot of people who missed the entire film production came to the cinema. for years, because they were sitting on television, making serials, and here they come and decide that they know everything, they make very poor quality

urapatriotic films and try to take them somewhere abroad, it does not work very well, because these people, if they watch there, for example, some politicians are invited, and some unofficial screenings, they watch simply out of pity, we don't need pity, we need admiration, pity and, by the way, i don't know about dignity. easy, because here, here i don’t know, you have to understand the audience for which you work, in russia now there is a crazy wave of fakes about what atrocities are being committed in the kurdish region, in the territories occupied by ukraine, that is, it is a whole flurry of different completely fake stories , but they won't take them to canada, they understand that it will look funny and it will play against them, but they know how to play on this, for example, left-wing intellectuals territory and they carry exactly this image of this ukrainian ivan, this russian vanya, who is not as bad as you can imagine, and this is it, you need to have understanding,

you need to have expertise, and this is hardly the level of the 95th quarter , but unfortunately, i hope that it will somehow reach our officials, tochetskyi has less than a minute left, maybe he will bring a little sense to this communication, and i always hope for that, new minister. of the renewed ministry is now the culture of strategic communications, but will say the same as the previous one the ministry, which was called the ministry of culture and information policy, was primarily about information policy, which is now necessary for the government, and then maybe a little bit about culture, pro-culture, as this word is, and now the new minister, the first thing he announced that the telethon will continue, to be honest, i hope so, because there are many good reviews about mr. mykola, as if he has a vision.

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