fascism and they are the same as muslims. thank you very much. very important. see you next time on "life, liberty and levin". . bret: it was unscheduled and unscripted. the press had to scramble to get these shots. just after 6:00 p.m. on may 29, 1988 president ronald reagan and first lady nancy emerged from their limousine in the historic section of moscow. word that the american president had come out to meet them unannounced instantly spread, and thousands of russians surged onto the streets. despite a growing worry, things could spiral out of control, the 77-year-old reagan actually climbed onto a vegetable cart to address the crowd. reagan's press secretary marlin fitzwater thought this is going to be a disaster or be the

greatest performance in history. hello. i'm bret baier, what the scene turned out to be was the dramatic opening act of a clash of images, words and ideas that signaled to the world that the cold war was all but one. i write about it in my new book, "three days in moscow," ronald reagan and the fall of the siet empire. epic story with unlikely her or so it once seemed. hard to believe but as a young man, the greatest of cold warriors was so left wing, the fbi suspected he was a communist. in 1946, communists and the screen actors guild threatened to end reagan's acting career by pouring acid on his face. reagan began to take notice of communist expansion overseas.

>> we in america have met some years ago a similar program called pressionism under the kaiser week met it more recently under nazism under hitler and the national expansion of russia. bret: for the next 40 years he was relentless. >> we met the communist challenge depends on you. bret: no critic was forceful, more uncompromising than reagan. >> we cannot provide our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb. by committing immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the iron curtain, give up dreams of freedom because to save our own skins. bret: in the 70s he opposed the nixon-ford-kissinger policy of detente. >> my view of detente ine of making concessions to the soviets. we give them something they

want very badly. we don't ask anything in return. bret: neither the summits more arms control treaties stopped the spread of communism as america looked to be slowly losing the cold war. after his loss to gerald ford in 1976, reagan spoke moving about the stakes. not simply the future of civilization, the survival of civilization. >> someone asked me to write a letter for a time capsule that is going to be opened in los angeles 100 years from now. i said to myself we live in a world which the great powers have aimed at each other horrible missiles of destruction that can in a matter of minutes arrive in each other's country and destroy. those who would read this letter 100 years from now, will know whether those missiles were fired. they will know whether we met our challenge? bret: ford himself lost to jimmy carter while the soviets

added satellite states in asia, africa and south america. [cheers] when reagan ran again in 1980, his anti-communism seemed to many out of step with the times. but he won in a landslide. using his first press conference as president to, again, denounce communism. >> mr. president, what do you see as the long range intentions of the soviet union. >> i know of no leader of the soviet union that has not more than one repeated their determination that their goal must be the promotion of world revolution and a one world, socialist or communist, state. bret: an assassination attempt intensified his zeal, not merely to fight the cold war, but to win it. he and pope john paul ii who miraculously survived an assassin's bullet six weeks after reagan agreed that god

spared them so they could end communism and collapse the soviet union. >> won't contain communism, it will transcend communism. >> when i came in in 1982, reagan was still in full throated denunciation of the soviet union. he was still very much playing the cold warrior. >> what i'm strike now is a plan to hope for the long term, the march of freedom and democracy that will leave marxism and leninism. bret: the cold war was winnable. >> there was a huge argument within the administration. people in the defense department and the cia both thought the soviet union was there at the time. we're here, they're there, that's life. get along. >> the american public seemed to agree, nearly three quarters favored a nuclear freeze by the united states and soviet union.

>> i urge you to beware the temptation of pride, the temptation of blithely, declaring yourself above it all. bret: that sparked reagan's most forceful criticism ever of the soviet union. >> to ignore the facts of history and aggressive impulses of evil empire. to call the arms race a giant understanding and there by remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil. >> i was at the speech where he talked about the evil empire and focus of evil in the modern world. >> it was stunning, even by reagan's standards that was pretty blunt and pretty raw. >> i remember just asking myself and my staff say, you know, what did reagan have in mind when he called them the evil empire? it was a pretty brazen statement for a president to make about another country. and we just decided that he really felt he could make things better. >> ronald reagan wanted to win the cold war from the beginning of his time in office to the

end. >> you once called him a principled pragmatist whose strongest suit is knowing what he believed and why he believed it. >> he had a system of going about things. number one, be realistic. number two, be strong. not just military strength, economic strength, but then more than that haveengt str and purpose. number three, fe out what it is that you wa when you get all that straight. sit down and negotiate and you have a hand to play. bret: but before reagan was ready to play that hand, he ready to play that hand, he dramatically upped the ante.wit, the products i've tried just didn't fit right. they were very saggy. it's getting in the way of our camping trips. but with new sizes, depend fit-flex is made for me. introducing more sizes for better comfort. new depend fit-flex underwear is guaranteed to be your best fit. the first survivor of ais out there.sease and the alzheimer's association is going to make it happen. but we won't get there without you.

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. bret: ronald reagan's detractors thought he was reckless in the way he poked the russians while the superpowers aimed thousands of nuclear weapons at each other, but as we've seen, his most fervent hope was to find a way to eliminate the risk of armageddon. a year into his first term, he floated a proposal that stunned friend and foe alike.. >> the human spirit must be capable of rising above dealing with other nations and human beings by threatening their existence. bret: march 23,1983 two weeks

after reagan dubbed the soviet union the evil empire. >> the promise of change in the course of human history. there will be risks and results take time, but i believe we can do it. >> one of ronald reagan's friends was a scientist who was here at the hoover institution, edward teller, who began telling the president about the possibility of a strategic defense that could actually defend the united states from incoming ballistic missiles. these things go up into space, and before they come down and re-enter the atmosphere, knock them off-course or destroy them. bret: reagan's idea was dismissed immediately as star wars by critics who said it would never work. >> what i could perceive in the press corps is this is a pipe dream. >> i have to say they for one didn't understand what a big deal this was. how much president reagan believed in it. a lot of people thought this was a political tool to say no,

i really don't want nuclear war. bret: some believed reagan was risking nuclear war but upending the delicate balance that had thus far prevented armageddon. >> the working military doctrine was mutual assured destruction, m.a.d. if one side launched a first strike, the other side would have enough nuclear weapons to launch a devastating second strike. ronald reagan never felt comfortable with this because it rested entirely on keeping the soviets scared enough so they wouldn't do anything catastrophic. it was not a genuine defense. >> it seemed sdi was a big, big focus for them. >> if you can defend yourself against ballistic missiles, that changes the whole dynamic of deterrence. if i can shoot down your missile, then i don't have to worry about it. bret: he overturns all of

nuclear policy in several paragraphs and ronald reagan did that on his own initiative, and members of the cabinet were not informed until very shortly before. bret: it would not be the last time he surprised them. >> my fellow americans, i'm pleased to tell you today that i've signed legislation that will outlaw russia forever. bret: on august 11,1984, he cracked a joke into a mic he didn't know was on. >> begin bombing in five minutes. bret: it was a joke of course but comic premise was based on decades of dead-serious cold war rhetoric. >> as we got closer to 1984, people realized the fact he was the first modern president never to have sat down with a russian leader. bret: not that reagan was to blame. >> in the first term, people are saying why aren't you negotiating with the then-soviet union leadership? and reagan used to say, how can i? they keep dying on me.

>> they were a bunch of old men and one followed another to the grave. bret: then gorbachev comes into the picture who is different. in reagan's eyes and the eyes of the world. >> absolutely. you cannot overstate how different mikhail gorbachev was from the russian leaders that had preceded him. there was a sense of a new soviet leader and new possibilities for engagement. bret: gorbachev launched efforts to reform the soviet union to make it more open. perestroika and glasnost. when he agreed to meet reagan in geneva, switzerland in november 1985, the world didn't know what to expect. >> how is the press coverage of that considering all the anti-communists and evil empire stuff up until then. >> there was a sense that the soviets were on the offensive and questions about whether the united states could respond.

clearly, mikhail gorbachev was a different kind of russian leader, blazing new paths and building new bridges for the west could reagan keep up with gorbachev. >> he's younger, smarter, better read, traveled to the west. more willing to engage in argument, but he's also the last true believer. bret: a true believer in marxist-leninist ideology that held communism would bury the west. and while soviet central casting ordered up a new style leader, the wardrobe department didn't get the memo. >> gorbachev pulls up, and though he's the younger man by quite a bit, gorbachev looks older. wearing extremely heavy russian overcoat, and he looks grim and defensive and old. >> suddenly, reagan comes out, but he's just wearing a beautifully tailored suit. >> no overcoat, no hat, no wool scarf. >> the soviet system produces a

leader who although much younger looks older. and the american system produces a leader who although much older is far more full of life, and that image goes out around the world. >> the old man who is as i said, people were doubting couldn't keep up with gorbachev, suddenly had in effect stolen the first scene, point reagan. bret: away from the cameras, gorbachev was ready to play hardball. >> gorbachev doesn't come to geneva ready to say look, i you think the soviets made a terrible mistake. wrap this up. not at all. the first thing he wants to do is push. bret: he pushed especially hard against sdi, claiming its true aim was not defensive but offensive, an effort to neutralize any soviet weapons and render them helpless against a u.s. attack. >> reagan said to gorbachev, you can't win this cold war. and gorbachev said why do you say that? and reagan says because we will

outspend you every time. people always ask me later about reagan at that moment. did he really think that there's going to be an end to the soviet union? and i also said yes, because i really thought this was going to change, and he just hoped it was on his watch. bret: two leaders, two different views of the cold war. reagan knew in his gut that the soviet union was flimsy and would eventually crumble. marxist gorbachev fervently believed communism would ultimately prevail. but at least they were at the table. their first conversation lasting longer than any of the aides anticipated. >> did you want to interrupt? >> there's always some guy in the white house that's job it is to stand obnoxiously to say time is up.

longer they spent together, the better it is. >> the second thing that happens is gorbachev and reagan recognize in each other human beings. so there's some basic human connection between those two men that gets made at geneva and from which everything else follows. bret: reagan and gorbachev agreed to meet again in reykjavik, iceland. >> we had no idea what was going to happen there. gorbachev came as it turned out, with a menu of items that had been nonnegotiable. bret: indeed the soviet leader stunned negotiators with willingness to give up several classes of missiles they'd long hoped to eliminate. >> gorbachev lays on the table practically all our negotiating positions. it was astonishing. one point, reagan started to interrupt, i put my hand up and said no, let him talk. he's coming our way. bret: gorbachev kept coming, boldly proposed getting rid of nukes altogether but there was a catch. reagan had to give up star wars.

>> suddenly the whole nuclear arsenal was on the table, if, mr. president, you will get rid of sdi. >> here in america we were being castigated by every corner for wanting star wars. meanwhile gorbachev was going to give away his entire nuclear arsenal if we would give up star wars. >> reagan said nyet. >> they can't reach an agreement on those terms. >> ultimately the talks fell apart because reagan wouldn't. bret: reagan's friends and foes alike saw it as a colossal blunder, given a chance to perhaps start to rid the nations of all nuclear weapons. reagan opted instead to cling to his star wars dream, sdi, wasn't sure he'd done the right thing. >> took a few hours and george shultz realized this was a breakthrough. though that agreement broke down, look at all the soviets put on the table. once you put something on the

table, you can't really take it back. and furthermore, gorbachev is able to go back to moscow and say to the hard-lineers, i went nose-to-nose with him, and he would not give us the agreement we needed. at that moment both sides realize, it's done. you don't quite figure out what's going to come next but know the old game has ended. bret: and reagan would underscore that in front of the berlin w it's just a burst pipe, i could fix it. (laugh) no. with claim rateguard your rates won't go up just beacuase of a claim. i totally could've... (wife) nope! switching to allstate is worth it.

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>> live from america's news headquarters. i'm lauren greene. shaken by an earthquake on monday morning hit three people are confirmed dead and dozens more are injured in the mess of 6.1 earthquake struck at 8:00 a.m. damaging buildings, igniting fires and forcing the city to expand the subway service. according to the japanese urology go agency the earthquake did not pose a tsunami threat. more than 20 people injured in a shooting at an all-night arts festival in trenton, new jersey. gunfire broke out at around 2:4d four people are in critical condition. one of them is a 13 -year-old boy. the suspect is believed to have been shot and killed by police and another is in custody. authorities say the gunfire stems from a neighborhood dispute. i'm lauren greene, now back to three days in moscow hosted by

bret baer. 1987, the 750th anniversary of berlin, germany invited world leaders to the city to mark the occasion. reagan saw an opportunity to challenge gorbachev from communism's most symbolic platform, the berlin wall. >> the berlin wall, the barricade that more vividly than a purge illustrates the failure of communism. never a day passes along the bumbling barricade without one break for freedom. expression of man's determination to defy tyranny in any form. >> one of the things they think made reagan a historical figure was he had this uncanny ability to catch the crest of change in history. the berlin speech is a good example. bret: peter robinson was assigned to draft reagan's remarks. >> i went over to west berlin

as we called it in those days to do research. first stop is at the berlin wall, and over here is the german parliament building. standing there, if you close your eyes, you can hear the incoming shell fire from the battle of berlin. you can still feel the horrors of the second world war, and then you open your eyes and can you see the free world and turn and look at the communist world. >> in west berlin, where democracy rules, these pictures speak for themselves. the citizens, well clad, walk freely. east berlin too reveals itself to the camera, citizenry stealthy, streets empty, drab is the word it describes, it seems. >> it's color and gray, it's motion and nothing. bret: nervous west german officials appealed to the white house to pick another location. they worried reagan might

provoke gorbachev. reagan's own state department worried too. >> i paid a visit on the ranking american diplomat in west berlin. he was full of ideas of what ronald reagan should not say. don't have ronald reagan come here and sound like an anti-communist cowboy, and don't make a big deal out of the wall. they've gotten used to it now. bret: maybe the government had, but robinson discovered the german people had not. >> in the evening i went out to a residential suburb still in west berlin where i met about a dozen or 15 germans. is it true you've gotten used to the wall? one man raised his arm and pointed and said my sister lives a few kilometers in that direction but i haven't seen her in more than 20 years. how do you think we feel about the wall? they hadn't gotten used to it. they stopped talking about it. bret: one woman crystalized for robinson the speech he wanted to right. >> she became angry and said if

this man gorbachev is serious with this talk, glasnost to perestroika, if he's serious here, can come here and take down the wall. bret: robinson found that positively reaganesque. so did reagan. >> back i went to the white house and built a speech around this call to tear down the wall. i said mr. president, i learned in berlin that on the communist side of the wall, they'll be able to hear the speech as well. is there anything in particular you want to say to people on the other side, the communist side of the wall? and ronald reagan thought for a moment and then he said, well, there's that package about tearing down the wall. that's what i want to say to them, that wall has to come down. bret: other reagan aides tried to kill the line. >> there were several objections. one was it didn't sound right to the foreign policy apparatus, and part of it was the concern that by naming gorbachev personally. mr. gorbachev, tear down this wall. that would put gorbachev in a

difficult position with his own politiboro. bret: reagan was widely seen as a warmonger. this wouldn't help, and wouldn't reagan be raising false expectations. >> you don't call for tearing down a wall. that's permanent. who knew of tearing down the wall. probably not soon and probably not in our lifetime. >> he didn't know how and when, they felt it was coming and it was time for him to speak up. bret: so reagan kept the line, telling an aide, boys at state are going to kill me, but it's the right thing to do. >> general secretary gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the soviet union and eastern europe, if you seek liberalization, come here to this gate. mr. gorbachev, open this gate. [cheers]

mr. gorbachev, tear down this wall. [ cheers ] >> he was a man of commitment, of vision, of purpose, he knew it needed to be said in what way in that place and time, it was truly a moment of destiny. when you look at what could have not happened had he not said, that the world forever may have been a different place. bret: this much is certain, reagan, again, read the situation much more sagely than the foreign policy experts. gorbachev didn't walk away from the negotiation table. six months after berlin, he came to washington to sign the intermediate range nuclear forces or inf treaty which woulead to the nuclear and conventional missiles over the years. gorbachev surprised and charmed americans when he jumped out of

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ask your doctor if brilinta is right for you. my heart is worth brilinta. if you can't afford your medication, astrazeneca may be able to help. . bret: as reagan entered his last year in office, even some of his doubters conceded he'd understood the cold war better than they did. >> i think along the way the president was clearly underestimated. one had a sense that he had the upper hand in his relationship with the soviets, that he had gotten the intermediate range missiles not only out of europe but the world. they were basically arguing on his agenda that he was setting the terms, not mikhail gorbachev, not the russians, and that that was quite different than what it had been

when he came into office. bret: but nobody, including reagan, could know how close he was to pushing the soviet empire to collapse. >> didn't know at that point that he was going to win the cold war. moscow was still very much a superpower and the equal of the united states. bret: there were whispers, plenty of them that reagan, now 77 years old had, lost his edge. so what to expect from his last summit with gorbachev, three days in moscow. great theater, at the very least. >> the trip to moscow wrote itself. the great cold warrior, ronald reagan, in the heart of the evil empire. literally in red square. so you knew this was going to be very special. >> i distinctly remember president reagan getting on marine one and somebody yells a question, you know, what are you hoping for? and he says something like, sometimes the final act is the

best act. >> you also have to know when to lead center stage. that's the other line he used. >> the moscow summit came to a end and kind of a summation-type summit, but yet reagan was always true to his beliefs. bret: reagan truly believed this much, that for all the talk about glasnost and perestroika, gorbachev was kidding himself if he thought he could reform the soviet union into a free, equal and productive society. he sensed that the soviet leaders were not ready for real change, the soviet people were, and he intended to make his case to them. >> seemed fair, the president wanted to send a message not just to america but to the russian people as well that we really care about you, and we really want to see your lives changed. bret: that began day one. >> nancy says, ronnie wants to

go for a walk among the people. there's a commercial area right near the embassy at half a block away. the secret service as well. we don't think you should do it. they pointed out leaders don't just go walking in crowds, though gorbachev did it in america, and mrs. reagan says we're going to do it and we want to do it in 15 minutes. bret: and off they went. when the stunned russians realized the american president was in their midst, pandemonium ensued. >> the secret service says that's it, we're gone. they grabbed the president and headed back to the embassy. and helen thomas was right behind mrs. reagan. bret: helen toma, the upi correspondent who played the role of gadfly throughout reagan's two terms. >> a guy shoved her and helen started to go down. mrs. reagan turned around and grabbed helen and said come with me.

they went in the door, and mrs. reagan said well, marlin, what do you think of that? we missed our last best chance to get rid of helen thomas! [laughter]. >> in terms of the president making his point, it was golden. bret: on day two, reagan went on another walk. this time through red square with gorbachev. >> there was a metaphor for the extraordinary journey that reagan had taken personally, and the journey that the u.s. and the soviet union had taken in terms of their relations. >> that turned out to be the high point of the summit because it wasn't scripted. there were people around there with kids and saying hello, and it was very informal and nice. bret: and not nearly as chaotic as the arbon, because perhaps as fitzwater whispered to reagan, many of the regular russians were kgb operatives. a reporter asked the big

question reagan surely knew was coming. >> you still think you were in an evil empire, mr. president? >> no. >> he said that was another time and another era he put his arm around gorbachev. my gosh. as a news man, it doesn't get better than that. >> he wanted to do that to say i no longer believe it's the evil empire. i believe it's good people who want a better life. bret: had reagan's mind really changed? certainly not as much as the soviet leadership had hoped. mikhail gorbachev was going to mikhail gorbachev was going to learn that on th

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. bret: what was the critical turning point to end the cold war? some say the geneva summit, when reagan and gorbachev first met face-to-face and erected the scaffolding of their future negotiations. others name reykjavik because the two sides reached agreements on important points they could not take back. still others point to the washington summit, not only because that was where an actual treaty had been signed but because it enhanced the relationship and friendship between the two men and their nations. in my book, i say it may have been a culmination of all of that, in the moscow summit. its timing, its tone, its moral

achievement. those three days in moscow did more than squarely present the choice the world was facing, and what made the summit truly transcendant was reagan's speech at moscow state university. >> not surprising ronald reagan would choose to go to a university. he believed in america that everything rests on the next generation. that was important to him not to ignore young people but to really engage them. >> the speech at moscow university, where president wanted to talk about freedom of speech set the stage for that one. when i walked in the door, i looked up and the head of the church, there was this huge statue of lenin, and the lectern set up for reagan was in front of that. bret: you're thinking that's horrible. >> it was horrible, and president reagan thought it was an opportunity. bret: to deliver the message.

>> to deliver, yes. his joke later was, how great was it to have lenin stare at my backside for an hour and a half. [laughter] >> but it turned out to be a perfect forum for him to deliver his message. [ applause ] >> the students filed in and settled down, reagan warmed up his audience by wishing them success in their own language. >> i know you must be very busy this week studying and taking your final examinations, so let me just say -- [ speaking in russian ] >> we americans make no secret of our belief in freedom. so into any schoolroom and there you will see children being taught the declaration of independence, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights,

among them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness that no government can justly deny. bret: he spoke to them as if they were bound together in a common destiny. >> i have often said nations do not distrust each other because they are armed, they are armed because they distrust each other. peace between nations must be an enduring goal, not a tactical stage in a continuing conflict. bret: as they listen, the students witness the rhetorical gift that americans had long appreciated. utter authenticity, the words more convincing because they were spoken from the heart. >> america is a nation made up of hundreds of nationalities. our ties to you are more than ones of good feeling. ties of kinship. they come from every part of thisast continent. from every continent to live in

harmony, seeking a place where each cultural heritage is respected. each is valued for its diverse strengths and beauties and the richness it brings to our lives. >> i think the big difference. the big turning point in that speech is that up to that point, the president had talked in a negative sense, about the soviet union, about what they didn't have. and in that speech, the president held out the hope for what you could have, that people in russia wanted freedom, religious freedom, political freedom, human rights, just like people all over the world did. >> in this moscow spring, this may, 1988, we may be allowed that hope. that freedom, like the fresh green sap ling painted over tolstoy's grave will blast in the rich fertile soil of your people and culture.

thank you all very much and [ speaking in russian ] >> god bless you. [applause] . >> the entire speech has a feeling of welcome. it has a feeling that it's a kind of invitation, and it's an explanation of how liberty, human freedom, works. it's a beautiful speech because it's at a historic moment, the united states has won, but it's gracious. bret: after the speech, reagan did something very unusual in the soviet union. he took questions from the audience. [ speaking in russian ] >> you could see people being a little bit uncomfortable but were they going to question this president? he's american. he loved that. >> i could be looking out at an

american student body as well as i'm looking out here and would not be able to tell the difference between you. >> by taking the q&a's we opened a lot of people's eyes. what moscow's fate did was expose these people to ronald reagan, and reagan to them. >> he didn't come in as an adversary, he came in willing to have a conversation and willing to go directly to them and talk to them and talk about their future because their future affected ours as well. bret: but while the students' perception of the american president may have changed, reagan's resolve to do whatever it took to defeat communism did not. gorbachev learned that the next morning when he and reagan morning when he and reagan reconvened to say their

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for 40 years no critic at been more forceful then ronald

reagan. when they talked of america's fear o .. befriended the russian leader had the 77-year-old reagan softened his views or changed his mind? >> as reagan prepared to leave his staff was in negotiation of the language of the statement he would deliver. they wanted him to issue a statement that declared peaceful coexistence was a universal principal. george believed it was a sneaky way of returning to the 1970s detente. when reagan rejected the language he rashed it up to pressure. >> he really got anger.

he said don't listen to george or colin powell, makeup your own mind. he was sitting right next to me and i saw him takeout a piece of paper abdomen pas and pass it t. he looked at the paper and said we won't make changes. you could see he was confused and dropped his shoulders. when he looked up and smiled and said let's go. >> after that the wall comes down under george h.w. bush. >> i don't think anybody thought that would happen when we left moscow. clearly, dynamics had been set

in motion that lead to the fall of the vovi -- soviet union. >> in all of that time i want to be the great communicator. i never thought of my style. i wasn't a great communicator but i communicated great things. >> he had a slightly different take. he wrote, quote, the 40th president will go down in history for his rare preceptial. what reagan it was unsustainable.

reagan new all america needed to defeat communism was a hostile port and never except it was permanent. that brings me back to the tail from the last day in moscow. the argument over peaceful coexistingance and the peace of paper. >> did you find out what was on the note? >> this said you agree never to criticize russia. that was something reagan didn't want to do. that was it. the game was over then. >> early in his administration when reagan consigned the soviet system many misunderstood his words meaning he was bent on his

distruction. reagan's prediction was coming true. he, if not others, had always known ittttttttttttt would. steve: good evening, everyone. look who's with me. kimberly guilfoyle, jason chaffetz and coulter. tell us what you think and join tonight's conversation. let's start with the big event. this was a combination of things. for decades america was run by an establishment idealology of globalization. republicans and