09/01/22 09/01/22 [captioning made possible amy: from new york this is democracy now! >> remember, this power of the people on top depends on the obedience of the people below. when people stop obeying, they have no power. when workers go on strike, huge corporations lose their power. when consumers boycott, huge business establishments have to give in. amy: today a democracy now! special remembering the legendary historian

and activist howard zinn, who was born 100 years ago in 1922. we hear howard zinn in his own words from serving in world war ii as an air force bombardier to getting fired at spelman college for encouraging his students to take part in the civil rights movement to writing the best-selling peoples history of the united states. plus, we air readings from voices of a people's history including alfre woodard reading the words of the labor activist mother jones. >> [read by alfre woodard] i want you to pledge yourselves in this convention to stand as one solid army against the foes of human labor. think of the thousands who are killed every day and there is no redress for it. we will fight until the mines are made secure and human life valued more than props. amy: today our zinntenial. all that and more coming up.

welcome to democracy now!, democracynow.org, the war and peace report. i'm amy goodman. yes, today our zinntenial. we spend the hour remembering howard zinn, the legendary historian, author, professor, playwright, and activist. howard zinn was born 100 years ago on august 24, 1922, to working-class jewish immigrant parents in brooklyn. he died in 2010 at the age of 87 but his books continue to be read across the globe. at 18 years old, howard zinn began working as a shipyard worker and then joined the air force where he served as a bombardier in world war ii. after witnessing the horrors of war, howard zinn went on to become a lifelong dissident and peace activist. he was active in the civil rights movement and other struggles for social justice. he taught at spelman college in atlanta, the historically black college for women. he was fired for insubordination

for standing up for student protesters. while at spelman, he served on the executive committee of sncc, the student nonviolent coordinating committee. after being forced out of spelman, zinn became a professor at boston university. in 1967, he published "vietnam: the logic of withdrawal." it was the first book on the war to call for immediate withdrawal, no conditions. a year later, he and father dan berrigan traveled to north vietnam to receive the first three u.s. prisoners of wars released by the north vietnamese. when dan ellsberg needed a place to hide the pentagon papers before they were leaked to the press, he went to howard and his late wife roz. in 1980, howard zinn published his classic work "a people's history of the united states." the book would go on to sell over a million copies and change the way many look at history in america. we begin today's show with highlights

from a production of howard zinn's voices of a people's history of the united states where howard zinn introduced dramatic readings from history. we will hear alfre woodard read the words of labor activist mother jones and howard's son jeff zinn read the words of an iww poet and organizer arturo giovannitti. but first, howard zinn. >> the iww, industrial workers of the world, was a radical labor organization of the early 20th century. it organized all workers -- black, white, men, women, native-born, foreign, skilled, unskilled -- which the american federation of labor refused to do. its goal was revolutionary, to take over the industrial system and run it for the benefit of the people. when immigrant women in the textile mills in lawrence, massachusetts, went on strike in 1912, they were met with police violence and judicial intimidation.

the iww poet and organizer arro giovannitti was arrested on spurious charges for murder. here is his speech to the jury, which found him innocent. >> mr. foreman and gentlemen of the jury, it is the first time in my life that i speak publicly in your wonderful language, and it is the most solemn moment in my life. there has been brought only one side of this great industrial question, only the method and only the tactics. but what about the ethical part of the question? what about the better and nobler humanity where there shall be no more slaves, where no man will ever be obliged to go on strike in order to obtain $.50 a week more, where children will not have to starve any more,

where women no more will have to go and prostitute themselves, where at last there will not be any more slaves, any more masters, but just one great family of friends and brothers. they say you are free in this great and wonderful country. i say that politically you are, and my best compliments and congratulations. but i say you cannot be half free and half slave, and economically all the working class in the united states are as much slaves now as the negroes were 40 and 50 years ago. because the man that owns the tool wherewith another man works, the man that owns the house where this man lives, the man that owns the factory where this man wants to go to work -- that man owns and controls the bread that that man eats and therefe owns and controls his mind,

his body, his heart and his soul. i am 29 years old -- not quite i have a woman that loves me and that i love. i have a mother and father that a waiting for me. i have an ideal that is dearer to me than can be expresse or understood. and life has so many allurements and it is so nice and so bright and so wonderful that i feel the passion of living in my heart and i do want to live. whichever way you judge, gentlemen of the jury, i thank you. >> in the year 1914, a thousand miners with wives and children, who had gone on strike against the rockefeller-owned coal mines in southern colorado, were holding out in a tent colony near the tiny hamlet of ludlow. one day in april, the national guard,

financed by rockefeller, began pouring machine-gun fire into the tent colony, and then came down from the hills and set fire to the tents. the next day the bodies of 11 children and two women were found suffocated and burned to death. this became known as the ludlow massacre. mother mary jones, 82-year-old organizer for the mine workers, had come to colorado to support the miners. and on the eve of their strike, as they gathered in the opera house in trinidad, she spoke to them. >> what would the coal in the mines be worth if you did not work to take out? the time is ripe for you to stand like men. i know something about strikes. i didn't go into them yesterday. i was carried 84 miles and landed in jail by a united states marshal in the night because i was talking to a miners' meeting.

the next morning i was brought to court and the judge said to me, "did you read my injunction? did you understand that the injunction told you not to look at the miners?" "as long as the judge who is higher than you leaves me sight, i will look at anything i want to," said i. the old judge died soon after that and the injunction died with him. at another time when in the courtroom the bailiff said to me, "when you are addressing the court you must say 'your honor.'" "i don't know whether he has any or not," said i. someone said to me, "you don't believe in charity work mother." no i don't believe in charity. it is a vice. we need the upbuilding of justice to mankind. we don't need your charity. all we need is an opportunity to live like men and womein this country.

i want you to pledge yourselves in this convention to stand as one solid army against the foes of human labor. think of the thousands who are killed every day and there is no redress for it. we will fight until the mines are made secure and human life valued more than props. look things in the face. don't fear a governor, don't fear anybody. you pay the governor. he has the right to protect you. you are the biggest part of the population in the state. you create its wealth, so i say, "let the fight go on. if nobody else will keep on, i will." amy: that was alfre woodard reading the words of labor activist mother jones as part of a live reading of howard zinn's voices of a people's history of the united states. howard zinn was born 100 years ago

on august 24, 1922. we will continue with our zinnnial after this break. ■■ [music break]

amy: "ludlow massacre" by woody guthrie, about a colorado militia gunning down coal strikers in 1914. howard zinn once said hearing the song was a defining moment for him and inspired him to research and tell stories left out of most history books. this is democracy now!, democracynow.org. the war and peace report. i am amy goodman. as we continue with our zinntenial, celebrating the life and legacy of the late howard zinn who was born 100 years ago in 1922.

howard zinn was a regular guest on democracy now! from the time we went on the air in 1996 up until his death. in 2005, he joined us in our firehouse studio. downtown community television and lower manhattan. it is great to have you with us. >> well, it's nice of you to invite me. i was worried. amy: well, you just came from bedford hills correctional facility? >> well, actually, yesterday afternoon i spoke at the bedford hills, euphemistically called, correctial facility. they hardly correct anything, but i spoke to prisoners there, women prisoners, mostly prisoners of color. i spoke to them yesterday afternoon before i gave this talk last night at manhattanville college. amy: and what did you talk about with the women? >> well, they had been using my book. they have classes and they are using my book "a people's history of the united states." i talked to them about history, about doing history

and why i did history the way i did. why i did unneutral history and how i came to do it. and i told them something about my life, and of course, i always like to talk about that, you know. and then they asked a lot of questions. a very lively, enthusiastic, excited group. i mean, if every teacher in the country had a class like that, you know, they would be inspired. and it is wonderful. and i have always found this to be true, wonderful and always amazing when you talk to prisoners who should be the last ones to be up and optimistic and in good spirits, but it's always there. it's actually encouraging, you know, and of course, troubling to know that these people, these remarkable people are being kept in prison, you know, very often most of the time for non-violent crimes, and kept there for long periods of time. sort of sad commentary on amecan sociy

the way people in washington who are free, and these people are in prison. amy: you talked about being a teacher but, howard zinn, the places you were -- where you did teach -- well, spelman, you were fired and boston university, you were almost fired? >> oh, are you trying to make me out as a troublemaker? amy: what happened to you at spelman? >> at spelman, i got involved with my students in the actions that were going on in the south, the sit-ins, the demonstrations, the picket lines. i was supporting my students. and this was the first black president of spelman college, a very conservative institution. he wasn't happy about me joining the students in all of these things, wasn't happy about a lot of things that they did. but he couldn't do anything about it. but when i -- the students came back from, you might say, from jail, and then rebelled against the campus regulations and the restrictions on them and i supported them, that was too much. amy: during the civil rights years?

>> this was, yeah, these were during the civil rights years. and so, you know, he was very unhappy with the fact that i was supporting the students who were rebelling against the paternalism and the thoritarianism on that campus. amy: they were women students? >> yeah. these were black women students, and you know, the movement brought them out of this little sort of convent-like atmosphere of spelman college and out into the world. amy: the author alice walker was one of those students. >> yeah, alice walker was one of my students. marian wright edelman, the head of the children's defense fund, now in washington, she was one of my students. i'm very proud of those students i had at spelman. and yeah, marian wright edelman was in jail, and alice walker was in jail. it was a great moment. amy: now, boston university was many years later. why did you almost get thrown out of there?

>> why did you almost get thrown out of there? we had a strike. faculty went on strike. secretaries went on strike. they settled with the faculty after what was a successful strike, but not with the secretaries. and so i and some other faculty refused to cross the secretaries' picket line. and five of us who refused to that were threatened with firing even thoh all of us had tenure, and so it was a long struggle but we won. amy: going back before both of your tenures as professor, you were bombardier in world war ii. >> that's true, yes. amy: you talk about your final bombing run, not over japan, not over germany, but over france? >> yeah. well, we thought bombing missions were over. the war was about to come to an end. this was in april of 1945,

and remember the war ended in early may 1945. this was a few weeks before the war was going to be over, and everybody knew it was going to be over and our armies were past france into germany, but there was a little pocket of german soldiers hanging around this little town of royan on the atlantic cot of france, and the air force decided to bomb them. 1200 heavy bbers and i was in one of them, flew over this little town of royan and dropped napalm -- first use of napalm in the european theater. and we didn't know how many people were killed, how many people were terribly burned as a result of wt we did but i did it like most soldiers do, unthinkinglymechanically, thinking we're on the right side, they're on the wrong side, and therefore we can do whatever we want and it is ok. and only afterward, only really after the war when i was reading about hiroshima from john hersey and reading the stories of the survivors of hiroshima and what they went through, only then did i begin to think

about the human effects of bombing. only then did i begin to think about what it meant to human beings on the ground when bombs were dropped on them. because as a bombardier, i was flying at 30,000 feet, six miles high, couldn't hear screams, couldn't see blood. and this is modern warfare. in modern warfare, soldiers fire, they drop bombs, and they have no notion, really, of what is happening to the human beings that they're firing on. everything is done at a distance. this enables terrible atrocities to take place. and i thk reflecting back on that bombing raid, and thinking of that in hiroshima and all of the other raids on civilian cities and the killing of huge numbers of civilians in german and japanese cities, the killing of 100,000 people in tokyo in one night of firebombing. all of that made me realize war, even so-called good wars against fascism like world war ii,

wars don't solve any fundamental problems and they always poison everybody on both sides. they poison the minds and souls of everybody on both sides. we are seeing that now in iraq, where the minds of our soldiers are being poisoned by being an occupying army in a land where they are not wanted. and the results are terrible. amy: you learned you dropped napalm on this french village? >> well, we actually didn't know what it was. they said, oh, you're not going to have the usually 500 pound demolition bombs. you're going to carry one -- you're going to carry 30 100-pound canisters of jellied gasoline. we had no idea what that was but it was napalm. amy: you went to that village later? >> later, yeah. later i visited that village, about 10 years after the war. and i went to the library which had been destroyed

and which was now rebuilt, and i dug out records of the survivors and what they had written about the bombing, and i wrote. i wrote a kind of essay about the bombing of royan which appears -- where does it appear? it appears in my book "the zinn reader" and also in my book "the politics of history." but it was, for me, it was a very important experience, a very great sobering lesson about so-called good wars. amy: you learned when you were there on the ground many years later who had died? >> well, i spoke to people who had survived that and whose family members had died. and they were very bitter about the bombing. and, you know, they attributed it to all sorts of things, the desire to try out a new weapon.

it's amazing how many things are done in a war just to try out new weapons. you know, maybe the -- one of the reasons for dropping the bombs on hiroshima and nagasaki were to see what this does to human beings. human beings become sacrifices in the desire to develop new military technology. and i think that was one of those instances. amy: we're talking to hiorian howard zinn, here in our firehouse studio in chinatown, just blocks from where the towers of the world trade center once stood. you went to vietnam, to north vietnam, with dan berrigan? >> yeah, yeah. amy: why? >> why? well, this was early 1968. this was the time of the tet offensive, also the time of the tet holiday, the vietnamese holiday. and the north vietmese decided they wanted to release the first three airmen prisoners who had been shot down over north vietnam.

and they wanted to release them in the custody of not the american government, but the peace movement. so daniel berrigan, poet, priest, whom i'd never met before, he and i traveled together to hanoi to north vietnam to pick up these three american airmen who were being released by the north vietnamese. and then we spent some time in hanoi and the surrounding area, visited bombed-out areas, visited little villages that had been jet bombed in the middle of the night a million miles from any possible military target. and that -- we were being bombed -- vietnam was being bombed every night. every day we were going into air raid shelters. every night, daniel berrigan would write a poem about what had happened that day. and -- amy: what doou say to those then and now

before the invasion who would go to iraq, those who went to north vietnam, when they would be called traitors, giving comfort to the enemy? >> you mean americans who went to north vietnam? you mean like jane fonda and so many others who went to north vietnam? amy: and iraq before. i mean, even people like congress member mcdermott of seattle, reporters saying that they should resign? >> oh, people have gone to iraq. what about -- there's people in voices in the wilderness, americans who went to iraq and violating the u.s. sanctions, and bringing food and medicine, you know, and the whole business of being traitors. you know, i think there's a whole -- there's somehow some wrong-headed notion of what treason is and what patriotism is. and there's some notion that if you disobey the orders of your government or the laws of your government, you are being treasonous. but i believe the government is being treasonous and the government is being unpatriotic when the government violates the fundamental rights of human beings.

when the government invades another country, a country that has not attacked it, the country that's not threatened it, when our government invades another country and drops bombs and kills huge numbers of people and then americans have the guts to go to that country and bring people food and medicine or go to see what is going on as many americans did when they we to vietnam, i think ese are the most patriotic americans. and you know, if you define patriotism as obedience to the government, then you are, i think, following a kind of totalarian principle, because that's the principle of a totalitarian state, that you do what the government tells you to do. and democracy means that the government is an instrument of the people. this is the declaration of independence. governments are artificial entities set up in order to preserve the rights, equal right to life, liberty, pursuit of happiness of people.

when the government violates those rights, it is the duty of people to defy that government. at is patriotism. amy: howard zinn, you called your autobiography "you can't be neutral on a moving train." why? >> well, it came from -- i stole it from myself. that is, i used to say that to my classes at the beginning of every class. i wanted to be honest with them about the fact that they were not entering a class where the teacher would be neutral. it was not going to be a class where the teacher spent a half year or a year with the students and they would have no idea where the teacher stood on the important issues. this is not ing to be a neutral class, i said. i don't believe in neutrality. i believe neutrality is impossible because the world is already moving in certain directions. wars are going on. children are starving. and to be neutral, to pretend to neutrality, to not take a stand in a situation like that

is to collaborate with whatever is going on, to allow it to happen. i did not want to be a collaborator with what was happening. i wanted to enter into history. i wanted to play a role. i wanted my students to play a role. i wanted us to intercede. i wanted my history to intercede and to take a stand on behalf of peace, on behalf of a racial equality or sexual equality, and so i wanted my students to know that right from the beginning, know you can't be neutral on a moving train. amy: were your surprised by the election of president bush, november 2004? >> a little. [laughter] a little. that is, i thought that maybe by then, perhaps there would be engh understanding about the deception,

the hypocrisy of the u.s. government -- just enough to dethrone bush. but i say only a little surprised, because on the other hand, i knew that john kerry was not the candidate to represent the feelings the american people. by then, by the time of the election, at least half of the american people were alreadygainst the war. now they faced an election where 100% of the candidates were for the war. sohey had nobody to vote for. and so i -- with nobody to vote for, with no real alternative, of course, 40% of the voting population did not vote. and people oht to remember this. you know, bush did not win overwhelmingly. you know, won by one or two percentage points. and if you consider how many people voted for him against the voting population, you know, he got, you know, maybe 30% of the voting population. but it w a commentary on the pitiful

showing of the democratic party, its failure to be a true opposition party in this country, and i think maybe a wake-up call to americans to try to create a new political alternative to a political system that really a one-party system, and it is quite corrupt. amy: professor howard zinn in our firehouse studio in 2005. the legendary historian, writer, professor, playwright, and activist was born 100 years ago in 1922. on october 21, 2001, howard zinn gave a major address at the university of vermont in burlington. it was just over a month after the 9/11 attacks and two weeks after the u.s. invaded afghanistan, beginning what became the longest war in u.s. history. u.s. troops remained until august 2021. today the taliban are back in power. this is howard zinn in 2001.

>> if you think what we're doing in afghanistan is not very much, you know, consider that there are hundreds of thousands of people in afghanistan who are fleeing the cities and towns in which they live. have you seen the pictures of afghan refugees? it started as soon as bush promised to bomb, because there are certain american promises they can count on, you see, and that's one of them. and the refugees immediately began moving. and so you see the pictures of these families with all their possessions, or as many of their possessions they carry on the backs and their wagons, and their kids, and hundreds of thousands of them. so this isn't a small thing. is isn't just, "oh, we're killing a few people, and that's a price we're willing to pay." we are terrorizing afghanistan.

i'm not exaggerating. the people who are -- the people who are in kabul -- the people who are in kabul -- the people who are in kabul and people in other places in afghanistan have to live with the fear of these bombs. have you lived under bombs? do you know what it's -- can you imagine at it'like? and you're in a very backward, technologically, right? undeveloped country and there are these monster machines coming over with this ferocious noise and the lights and the flashing and the explosions. and it's -- yes, we're terrorizing people in afghanistan. and it's not -- it's not right to respond to the fact that we have been terrorized, as we have, not right to respond to that by terrorizing other people. absolutely wrong, you see.

[applause] and furthermore, it's not going to help. and you could say, "well, maybe it may be worth doing because this will end terrorism." i mean, how much common sense does it take to know that you cannot end terrorism by indiscriminately throwing bombs on afghanistan. and then, of course, you get reports, "we have now destroyed three of their camps. we have destroyed four." who are you kidding? how many hours does it take to set up a training camp? how easy it is to move from one place to another. i mean, the history of bombing is mostly a history of futility. yes, really.

you know, there's a book that came out recently called "a history of bombing." "a history of bombing." i was a bombardier. and sure, the technology has improved. although it was claimed -- even then, it was claimed our bombs are smart because we're using this special bombsight, this norden bombsight. people really believed that. even we believed that, we who were using the bombsight because we would bomb at 11,000 feet or 4000 feet, and we got pretty close to the target. but then when we flew on missions, we were bombing at 30,000 feet, and the bombs went all over the place and killed an awful lot of people, all sorts of people. you know, didn't matter. i say it didn't matter because these people were ciphers. who were these people? i didn't even see them. you bomb, you bomb another country, you don't see these people. you're bombing from high altitudes. you know, our planes are bombing at high altitudes because they want to escape anti-aircraft fire, right?

no, you don't see anything on the ground. you see flashes and you see explosions and may take pictures, but you don't -- you don't hear screams. you don't see blood. you don't see severed limbs. you don't see any of that. we saw that new york. we saw those scenes in new york. they horrified us. we saw people in panic, running, running from that -- those explosions, that enormous pile of debris, you know, and we were horrified. these were real people to us. but then if we bomb other countries, those people are not real to us. one of the things i thought of after i got over my initial horror at what happened in new york, i thout, "hey, that's what it must have been like when i was bombing in europe." that's what it must have been like and i didn't even know it, because these people were ciphers to me, you see.

and then i thought, "maybe to these terrorists, that's what it is for them." oh, 6000 human beings. no, they have a mission. they have a goal. no. they're not -- they're not human beings to terrorists. and people in other parts of the world have not been human beings to us. if there's anything we might get out of this experience, it's that we might take that horror that we have felt looking at those scenes in new york, and compassion that we have felt for the people who endured this and their families, and extend this to people in other parts of the world who have been enduring this for a very long time. [applause]

and that does mean -- that does mean examining the united states and our policies. you know, if you -- [applause] because when you do that, when you suggest that -- i think maybe we ought to look at ourselves and our policies. people say, "oh, you're justifying what happened." no, no, absolutely not. to explain is not to justify. but if you don't want to explain anything, you will never learn anything. so you have to -- you have to understand -- you have to explain without justifying. and you have to look -- yes, you have to dig down and see if you can figure out what is at the root of this terrorism. because there is something at the root besides, you know, irrational, murderous feeling.

and, yes, this was murderous, fanatical feeling. but these were not simply madmen who just -- you know, there are people, like, who just go berserk and kill everybody in sight, right? we know that because we've seen that in our country. when somebody just -- you know, something goes haywire in them and they just go wild. no, it's not -- terrorism is not that sort of thing. there's something underneath that, you know, that fanaticism which may have a core of truth to it. that is, there's something in the core of belief of these terrorists which may also be at the core of belief of millions of other people in the world who are not terrorists, who are angry at american policy

but who are not fanatic enough to go and kill americans because they're angry at our policy but who are capable of doing that if they are even more aroused, and even if we begin even doing more things to anger them. there's an -- you might say there's a reservoir of possible terrorists among all those people in the world who have suffered as a rult of.s. foreign policy. now, i don't know if you think i'm exaggerating when i say there are millions of people in the world who have suffered as a result of u.s. foreign policy. but, yes, there are. and bush, at a recent press conference said something like, "i don't understand why these people hate ."

[laughter] no, you know -- "we are good." that's what he said. "we are good." you know, look at me. i'm good. [laughter] well, sometimes the united states is good. yes, there are a lot of good things about the united states. and yes, there are times whenhe united states is good. and then there are times, unfortunately many times, too many times when the united states has been bad, evil really, and has carried out policies that have resulted in the deaths of, yes, millions of people. amy: howard zinn speaking in october 2001, two weeks after the u.s. invaded afghanistan. we will hear more from howard zinn after this break.

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amy: this is democracy now!, democracynow.org, the war and peace report. i'm amy goodman. as we continue our zinntenial, as we continue to remember the legendary historian howard zinn 100 years after his birth in 1922. in 2006, we featured a speech professor zinn delivered in madison, wisconsin, as he received the haven center's award for lifetime contribution to critical scholarship. his lecture was titled "the uses of history and the war on terrorism." >> i was talking to my barber the other day because we always discuss world politics. and he's totally politically unpredictable, as most barbers are, you see.

he said, "howard," he said, "you know, you and i disagree on many things, but on one thing we agree -- war solves nothing." and i thought, "yeah." it's not hard for people to grasp that. and there again, history is useful. we've had a history of war after war after war after war. what have they solved? what have they done? even world war ii, the "good war," the war in which i volunteered, the war in which i dropped bombs, the war after which, you know, i received a letter from general marshall, general of generals, a letter addressed personally to me and to 16 million others, in which he said, "we've won the war. it will be a new world." well, of course, it wasn't a new world. it hasn't been a new world. war after war after war.

there are certain -- i came out of that war, the war in which i had volunteered, the war in which i was an enthusiastic bombardier, i came out of that war with certain ideas which just developed gradually at the end of the war, ideas about war. one, that war corrupts everybody who engages in it. war poisons everybody who engages in it. you start off as the good guys as we did in world war ii. they're the bad guys. they're the fascists. what could be worse? so they're the bad guys, we're the good guys. and as the war goes on, the good guys begin behaving like the bad guys. you can trace this back to the peloponnesian war. you can trace it back to the good guy, the athenians, and the bad guys, the spartans. and after a while, the athenians become ruthless and cruel like the spartans. and we did that in world war ii. we, after hitler committed his atrocities,

we committed our atrocities. >> our killing of 600,000 civilians in japan. our killing of probably an equal number of civilians in germany. these, they weren't hitler, they weren't tojo. they weren't -- no, they were just ordinary people like we are ordinary people living in a country that is a marauding country, and they were living in countries that were marauding countries and they were caught up in whatever it was and afraid to speak up. i don't know, i came to the conclusion, yes, war poisons everybody. and war -- this is an important thing to keep in mind -- that when you go to war against a tyrant -- and this was one of the claims, "oh, we're going to get rid of saddam hussein," which was, of course, nonsense. they didn't -- did our government care that saddam hussein tyrannized his own people?

we helped him tyrannize his people. we helped him gas the kurds. we helped him accumulate weapons of mass destruction, really. when you go to war against the tyrants, the people you kill in the war -- the people we killed in germany were the victims of hitler. the people we killed in japan were the victims of the japan imperial army. and the people who die in wars are more and more and more people who are not in the military. you may know this about the different ratio of civilian-to-military deaths in war, how in world war i, 10 military dead for one civilian dead. in world war ii, it was 50/50, half military and half civilian. in vietnam, it was 70% civilian and 30% military.

and in the wars since then, it's 80% and 85% civilian. i became friends a few years ago with an italian war surgeon named gino strada. he spit 10 years, 15 years doing surgery on war victims all over the world. and he wrote a book about it, "green parrots: diary of a war surgeon." he said in all the patients that he operated on in iraq and afghanistan and everywhere, 85% of them were civilians, one third of them were children. if you understand, and if people understand, and if you spread the word of this understanding, that whatever is told to you about war and how we must go to war and whatever the threat is or whatever the goal is -- a democracy or liberty -- it will always be a war against children. they're the ones who will die in large numbers.

the war -- einstein said this after world war i. he said, "war cannot be humanized. it can only be abolished." war has to be abolished, you know. [applause] i know it's a long shot. i understand that. but you have to -- when something's a long shot, but it has to be done, you have to start doing it. just as the ending of slavery in this country in the 1830's was a really long shot, but people stuck at it and it took 30 years, but slavery was done away with. and we can see this again and again. so we have a job to do. we have lots of things to do. one of the things we can learn from history is that history is not only a history of things inflicted on us by the powers that be. history is also a history of resistance.

it's a history of people who endure tyranny for decades, but who ultimately rise up and overthrow the dictator. we've seen this in country after country, surprise after surprise. rulers who seem to have total control, they suddenly wake up one day and there are a million people in the streets and they pack up and leave. this has happened in the philippines, in yemen, all over, in nepal. million people in the streets, and then the ruler has to get out of the way. so this is what we're aiming for in this country. everything we do is important. every little thing we do, every picket line we walk on, every letter we write, every act of civil disobedience

we engage in, any recruiter that we talk to, any parent that we talk to, any gi that we talk to, any young person that we talk to, anything we do in class, outside of class, everything we do in the direction of a different world is important -- even though at the moment they seem futile, because that's how change comes about. change comes about when millions of people do little things, which at certain points in history come together and then something good and something important happens. thank you. amy: legendary historian howard zinn speaking in 2006. well, three years later in may of 2009, just the year before he died, howard zinn joined us in the democracy now! studio as he launched the paperback edition of "a young people's history of the united states." i asked him if he thought his retelling of history

about columbus and other traditional heroes was suitable for children. >> it's true that people have asked that question again and again. you know, should we tell kids that columbus, whom they have been told was a great hero, that columbus mutilated indians and kidnapped them and killed them in pursuit of gold? should we tell people that theodore roosevelt, who is held up as one of our great presidents, was really a warmonger who loved military exploits and who congratulated an american general who committed a massacre in the philippines? should we tell young people that? and think the answer is, we should be honest with young people. we should not deceive them. we should be honest about the history of our country. and we should be not only taking down the traditional heroes

like andrew jackson and theodore roosevelt, but we should be giving young people an alternate set of heroes. instead of theodore roosevelt, tell them about mark twain. mark twain -- well, mark twain, everybody learns about as the author of tom sawyer and huckleberry finn, but when we go to school, we don't learn about mark twain as the vice president of the anti-imperialist league. we aren't told that mark twain denounced theodore roosevelt for approving this massacre in the philippines. we want to give young people ideal figures like helen keller. and i remember learning about helen keller. everybody learns about helen keller, you know, a disabled person who overcame her handicaps and became famous. but people don't learn in school and young people don't learn in school what we want them to learn what we do books like "a young people's history of united states," that helen keller was a socialist.

she was a labor organizer. she refused to cross a picket line that was picketing a theater showing a play about her. and so there are these alternate heroes in american history. there's fannie lou hamer and bob moses. there are the heroes of the civil rights movement. there are a lot of people who are obscure, who are not known. we have it in this "young people's history." we have a young hero who was sitting on the bus in montgomery, alabama, refused to leave the front of the bus. and that was before rosa parks. i mean, rosa parks is justifiably famous for refusing to leave her seat and she got arrested and that was the beginning of the montgomery bus boycott and really the beginning of a great movement in the south. but this 15-year-old girl did it first.

and so we have a lot of -- we are trying to bring a lot of these obscure people back into the forefront of our attention and inspire young people to say, "this is the way to live." amy: howard zinn in the democracy now! studio in 2009 as he launched the paperback edition of "a young people's history of the united states." he died unexpectedly the next year in january 2010. we end today's show with one of howard zinn's last public appearances. he spoke in november 2009 at boston university. >> when i was discharged from the army, from the air force, i got a letter from general marshall. he was a general general. he sent me a letter, not a personal letter to me. "dear howie." no.

[laughter] a letter that was sent to 16 million men who served in the armed forces. the letter was something like ts, "we won the war. congratulations for your service. it will be a new world." and we know it hasn't been a new world since world war ii. war after war after war and 50 million people were dead in that war to end fascism and militarism. i came to the conclusion that war cannot be tolerated. no matter what we're told. if we think there are good wars, i want to examine the so-called good wars,

holy wars, and take a good look at them and think again about the phenomenon of war ancome to the conclusion, yes, war cannot be tolerated. no matter what we're told, no matter what tyrant exists, what border has been crossed, what aggression has taken place, it's not that we're going to be passive in the face of tyranny or aggression, no, but we'll find ways other than war to deal with whatever problems we have, because war is inevitably -- inevitably -- the indiscriminate massive killing of huge numbers of people. and children are a good part of those people. every war is aar against children. so it's not just getting rid of saddam hussein, if we think about it. well, we got rid of saddam hussein.

in the course of it, we killed huge numbers of people who had been victims of saddam hussein. when you fight a war against a tyrant, who do you kill? you kill the victims of the tyrant. anyway, all this -- all this was simply to make us think again about war and to think, you know, we're at war now, right? in iraq, in afghanistan, and sort of in pakistan since we're sending rockets over there and killing innocent people in pakistan. and so we should not accept that. we should look for a peace movement to join. really, look for some peace organization to join. it will look small at first and pitiful and helpless, but that's how movements start. that's how the movement against the vietnam war started.

it started with handfuls of people who thoughthey were helpless, thought they were powerless. but remember, this power of the people on top depends on the obedience of the people below. when people stop obeyi, they have no power. when workers go on strike, huge corporations lose their power. when consumers boycott, huge business establishments have to give in. when soldiers refuse to fight, as so many soldiers did in vietnam, so many deserters, so many fraggings, acts of violence by enlisted men against officers in vietnam, b-52 pilots refusing to fly bombing missions anymore, war can't go on. when enough soldiers refuse, the government has to decide we can't continue.

so, yes, people have the power. if they begin to organize, if they protest, if they create a strong enough movement, they can change things. that's all i want to say. amy: historian howard zinn speaking in 2009, just months before his death. northwestern professor keeanga-yamahtta taylor has written, "we need howard zinn now more than ever. not for the sake of romance or to construct another hero in history. we need his insights, his politics, and his commitment to the struggle for a better world." and that does it for our zinntenial celebrating the historian howard zinn, born 100 years ago in 1922. democracy now! is looking for feedback from people who appreciate the closed captioning.

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