obligation to treat our fellow americans with the dignity and respect they deserve, this is an economic imperative. a growing economic census that we must act decisively and boldly to grow the economy for all americans not just for tomorrow, but in the future. >> president biden's ability to negotiate congressional approval for his $1.9 trillion package will be an early test of his leadership, but there is a lot to juggle in the early days of the administration. in addition to battling covid and passing a relief bill, biden needs to get his cabinet confirmed, and then there is the matter of the former president's impeachment. mitch mcconnell laid out the plan for the former president's historic impeachment. tomorrow morning the house will deliver the articles of impeachment to the senate. tuesday morning the senate will be sworn in. the trial is expected to begin

the week of february 8, and this was after mitch mcconnell called for a two-week delay in order to give the former president time to plan his legal defense. but those two weeks might yield more evidence against the former president. just this weekend, the "new york times" broke news, and nbc has confirmed it, of a new previously unknown scheme in which the former president wanted to oust his acting attorney general and install a doj lawyer in his place which would then use the power of the justice department to pressure the state of georgia to overturn its election results. acting on that news, senator schumer and others overnight called on the department of justice's inspector general to investigate those allegations, but since then, even more damning reporting has emerged. the "wall street journal" adding to the story of the georgia scheme that the failed president also pushed the justice department to ask the supreme court to invalidate president biden's victory. those efforts failed due to pushback of his own appointees

in the justice department for their refusal to file a baseless lawsuit. we'll talk to the senate and house in a moment with one of the house impeachment managers who will be making a case against the president in the senate trial. the primary focus of the impeachment is the former president's inciting of insurrectionists. it's not just against the former president, a group filed an ethics complaint against josh hawley and ted cruz over their objections of the certification of the president's election results which culminated in that deadly riot at the capitol. by objecting to the certification, cruz and hawley led to the violence of the protesters who stormed the capitol. they are all calling into an investigation of whether cruz, hawley or their staffers

coordinated with the rioters and whether the senators engaged in criminal conductor unethical, improper behavior. if the investigation happens and if the ethics committee finds wrongdoing, the senate has the power to expel or censure its members. it requires a two-thirds vote in the chamber. with me is diana degette of colorado. she's one of nine managers who will lay out the case in the senate trial. thank you for joining us. much has developed since you and i spoke last weekend, and part of that is these developments against the justice department. i know you can't give me all the details about your strategy, but does this play into it? does it play into that the

insurrection was part of a larger plan by the justice department? >> things come out every hour, almost. certainly it's very disturbing that now it looks like trump was trying to use the justice department as his own arm to thwart the legitimate election results. i'm sure this will enter into all our considerations, as will all the evidence that we're getting every day. the people who -- the mob who came into the capitol who are now saying, well, we came here because donald trump told us to, which is exactly what happened. we all know that it happened. but it's now being confirmed by the insurgents themselves. >> and tell me about that. is the case on its own strong enough that you don't have to add that, or is it relevant that almost everybody who has been arrested points directly to donald trump as their reason for doing this? >> ali, we've had ample evidence

from the beginning. this all happened on tv and social media. donald trump told everybody, come to washington, d.c. on january 6th. they all came to washington because he told them to. then he had this big rally at the white house which, of course, now we learn this weekend was paid for by his campaign, and at the rally at the white house that he invited them to, he then said, let's -- -- all go up to the capitol and stop them from certifying the results. we've had that evidence from day one. every day, though, we hear more and more confirmation of what we know to be true. all of these facts -- as you said, the trial will begin the week of february 8th now, so we just get more facts every day. obviously everything we learn will be incorporated into our presentation. >> so when making a case against someone, when deciding on whether to do that, there are various reasons for doing it.

one is deterrence so people don't do it otherwise, one is accountability and sanction, and one is that as a decent society, in order to maintain order, you have to actually do the things that you are compelled to do. what's the most compelling reason to convict donald trump right now, those large buckets? what's the main motivation? >> it's really all of the above. i think as our wonderful democracy would tell us, you can't have a president who, in the last weeks that he's in office, tells a mob to come to washington, d.c. and through violence try to stop the certification of the election. that is really, really a thwarting of our basic foundation of our democracy. then you can't say, well, now he's left office, and so we just have to move on, because that would give carte blanche for any

president to do whatever they wanted in the last few weeks. so we have to hold him accountable. we also have to make sure he never holds federal office again. people say we need to have closure, we need to move on, and we do need to have closure. closure will mean having the trial of the article of impeachment that was passed by the house, getting closure there, and then making sure he never serves in federal office again. >> congresswoman, you know, in legal circles they call this an open and shut case. as you mentioned, there is video of every part of it, there are people who have been arrested who are talking about it, there is more evidence and reporting that comes out every day. the reason it's not an open and shut case is because politics are at play, and a number of these republican senators, like others in the house, face pressure from their colleagues and donald trump not to do this. so it's not about laying out the case which is open and shut, but

it's getting the senators to agree to it. how does that play into it? >> i prosecute aydelott of cases, and the only way to present any jury is to give them the arguments. there is so much evidence that we have, but we're planning to focus on the most outrageous key elements. i think when the senators here that, they realize their constitutional duty as senators -- and, remember, these senators are not just a jury, most of them are also victims of this crime. and so i think once they hear this, they will realize for the preservation of our constitutional democracy, we really need to convict him and make sure that donald trump is not serving office again. >> congresswoman, good to see you again. thank you for taking the time to join us. congresswoman diana degette of

colorado is an impeachment manager in the second impeachment trial of the former president. joining me now is yale university history professor, tim, and i think you face the motivation of this trial, and that is the moderation of an existential threat to it. this authoritarian coup attempt is actually an existential threat to democracy. >> it's an existential threat, first of all, to the rule of law. the basic question is do you have a government which is run according to law, or do you have a government which is run according to violence or the threats of violence. the second thing to say is do you have a democracy where people are not afraid to vote and lawmakers are not afraid to make the right judgment, or do you have a system where the vote

itself is held hostage and where fear ends up governing instead of ballots. that's where we are. the story that i think about is how are we going to remember this? how are the history books going to remember this? how are we going to teach our children and grandchildren about this? we know what happened now, but the crucial thing is, can we teach people about the rule of law and democracy into the future? to do that, there has to be a trial or a number of trials or a procedure where we go through the facts, how to clear a conclusion before we move on. >> you say a number of trials, and that's interesting, because donald trump is a great figurehead to identify as the leader of this movement. but as we know, this is far more of a conspiracy. there are way more people involved. the attorney general of texas was encouraging these falsehoods, these lies about the election. we know now from his overnight reporting that the department of justice, there was someone senior in the department of justice who was involved in advancing donald trump's plan to

overturn the election, and we know about senators hawley and cruz, who in the very moment that that insurrection was taking place on congress, cruz was sending out fundraising e-mails. how do you take in the totality of this whole thing, this attempt at authoritarianism had spread far beyond donald trump. >> when you look at the history of transitional justice, which is what we're really talking about, transition from a worse democracy to a better democracy, you find that there are several parts of the legal process. the nuremburg trials are famous, but usually there's not one silver bullet trial, there are usually several things that happened to several people. obviously the individuals who commit simple crimes in storming the capitol should be found and prosecuted. obviously there is an oral and ethics and possibly legal case to be made against congressmen who say,

wereie elected, we would like to overturn elections as such. then there is the broader sense of impunity. are we going to look at a man like donald trump who has carried out outrageous actions not only on the 6th of january but other times, and say some people are above the law and other people are below the law. he could face trial before the senate, and he could also face trial for a lot of other things. >> you write a lot about journeys between the first and second world wars, and one of them is in not accepting the loss of a war, in our case the loss of an election, it set the table for germany's loss in the second world war. but the other point that's interesting is in the 1930s, germany was a full-functioning, high-level society that expected

academia and arts and democracy, and then all of a sudden it wasn't. the point you make is the speed of which a functioning democracy can come apart if we're not protectors of it. >> several historians made that point. the 20th century could have been germany's century, and they blew it. industrially, politically, in the arts and culture, the 20th century could and maybe should have been their century. but they blew it. the way they started to blow it was with a big lie. when something went wrong, the loss of the first world war, many important germans told themselves a lie, that this was a result of the enemies, the jews plotting and so on. too many people believed in that lie and that's what brought hitler to power. so the united states in the next century is facing another big lie. we can do the wrong thing, keep telling ourselves a big lie, or we can do the right thing. face the facts, get the history

right, and then we have a chance to continue with a rule of law, continue with democracy, and maybe this century will turn out better for us than it's looking right now. >> professor tim snyder is a professor of history at yale university. he's the author of best-selling books, including "on tyranny: 20 lessons from the 20th century." those lessons are valuable right now. remember when the president told people they would find themselves on both sides of the deadly neo-nazi war in germany? some people don't have two sides, like the riot at the capitol. you're watching ali velshi. g ali #1 for psoriasis symptom relief* and #1 for eczema symptom relief* gold bond champion your skin to support a strong immune system, your body needs routine.

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issues that just don't have two sides. nobody is scared of tornados or pizza. maybe what's in the pizza but not the pizza itself. there are things we can agree on, at least with a small margin of error. what led to the impeachment of the president was something that doesn't have two sides. i know there were two claims to the impeachment, but when you examine those claims, they are political, or maybe impeachable for a president who is no longer in office. but what happened on january 6th, there is simply no debate. approximately two weeks before we inaugurated a duly elected president, a fact determined not just by 50 people of state but by a rule of law, first of all a mob went into the capitol, and

after being arrested, it happened because a president motivated them to do it. and that motivation came by way of many, many lies he told. that murderous mob didn't mysteriously appear, nor the plan to riot the capitol. there was a plan based on years of facts and truth ending with lies and hysteria. the lies came from various sources, but at the top was the former president. if you doubt his total influence, listen to this. according to zignal labs, in his days after he was banned from twitter, disinformation of the 2020 election fell by 73%. words are powerful, and a president's words carry the power to move financial markets and to start wars, so it's not a surprise that so many were willing to do what they did on that now infamous day in january. the charges of inciting an

insurrection against the government, that actually happened. it's on video. it happened shortly after the former president delivered a 70-minute speech, telling his supporters he would never give up, that the election was stolen and that the vice president and congress should reject the election results. then he instructed them to march to the capitol and, quote, fight. you'll hear a lot about how this is dividing the country and what the constitution does or doesn't say, but in the end we honor your political persuasion. know what happened on january 6th. if you think there are two sides to this story, chances are you're eating a pineapple-topped pizza right now in the middle of a tornado. a tornado.

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after the way the last administration botched every aspect of the coronavirus response, it's good news that joe biden plans to do a much better job. the bad news, it is still a monumental and unprecedented

challenge for even a competent and well-prepared administration. right now, for example, we're struggling just to get vaccine shots into people's arms. we've got the vaccine. pharmaceutical companies seem to be generating enough supply, yet cities and states still seem to be running low on doses or are completely tapped out. on top of that, there continues to be a stark racial disparity at play with vaccine distribution. we know that black and brown americans were disproportionately affected by covid-19 over the last year, and it now appears that people of color are receiving a vaccine far less frequently than whites are. about 3% of americans have received one dose of the coronavirus vaccine so far, but in 16 states that released data by race, white vaccines are being, in many cases two to three times higher. my next guest pressed anthony

fauci about this last week on "politics nation." watch this. >> there are probably a complexity of issues that leads to that, reverend sharpton. one of them is a hesitancy of black and brown people to get vaccinated. that's why we need to reach out to them and convince them why it's important to get vaccinated. but we must also realize the accessibility to vaccinations may not be as easy for brown and black people as it is for the majority of white individuals, such as where you live, the kinds of facilities that are available to you. >> okay, so we've got hesitancy on the part of people of color, and then we've got access to the vaccine, which is just a repeat of what happened with the testing process. one person among many who is trying to bring awareness about the benefits of the vaccine in the black community is epidemiologist dr. kamara jones.

this week she joined cori bush about concerns surrounding the vaccine and feelings of medical distrust in the black community. she joins me now. this is an anti-racism activist. dr. jones, it is great to see you again. thank you for being here. i'm deeply frustrated that literally for ten months we have had conversations about an infrastructure that does not want the testing, the identification of the disease and will not support the vaccination of black and brown people. and lo and behold, we still have the same institutional problems with this. >> that's right, and i actually was surprised to hear dr. fauci talk about vaccine hesitancy as something that's inherent in the black community. the studies of that, 35% in one

study of black folks said they weren't sure they would take the vaccine right away, but 42% in rural areas, and 42% who identify themselves as republicans said the same thing. we don't look at that as vaccine hesitancy. certainly black communities have a long history of having been misinformed. we talk about strategies of people in long-term care facilities, and we ask which of those in long-term care facilities first? >> let's talk about vaccine-eligible americans from phase 1a and 1b. health care workers, nursing home residents.

roughly, virtually 1% of senior citizen ds r. how do you solve this problem in that we at least get people of color to their level of rechgs. we're not even there yet. in many cases, people of color, black and brown americans, represent a higher portion of sickness and death and a lower portion of vaccination. >> when we get to those at lower risk in the workplace, that includes not just health care providers, but we need to be going to the warehouses and the factories and to the grocery stores and the like, if that's what it takes. when we talk about more exposure to where they lived, yes, that includes long-term care

facilities, it includes indigenous communities with a higher rate. so even in our phasing, we have been favoring, i would say, prioritizing those with higher exposures that are more twhit if. black folks, because of our lower life expectancy, because the phasing isn't taken into account, present and historical advantages, it doesn't provide resources according to need. if we're talking about equity, we need to provide resources according to need. >> if you look at the racial discrepancy, 16% of black americans only make up 13.4% of the population. how much of this is covid strategy, and how much is the

institutional structure we have with access, comorbidity, poverty, not having universal health care system in america? >> it's the system, it's housing, communication and the like. when you look at younger populations -- when we're to die than young age p -- it's because the housing conditions are crowded and the like and health care on the outside, but it's really. after covid-19, when we finally get through this, when 2022 comes along, we will still see

black and brown people affected. but we have to do everything we can right now with public health strategies. i want to say quickly, we will not vaccine our way out of this. >> yeah. i think that is exactly the point. we have structural inequities that will continue through covid '21, '22 and '23, and we need to fix those right now. camara jones, thank you. she is an epidemiologist. teen activist greta thunberg is not mincing her words. she said the biden administration should step it up even more. we'll have more velshi after this. >> i guess time will tell if they really fulfill their promises. of course, their targets are not

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listen to the science, act in line with the science and do what you have promised to do as you have now signed the paris agreement. it's better than they were two days ago after succeeding, but that doesn't mean we can relax. actually, the opposite, that we much push even harder to achieve the changes that are necessary right now. >> that young woman always blows my mind. that was greta thunberg who joined us on friday to talk about climate change under the paris agreement. biden's executive orders are to

rejoin paris climate agreement, get rid of the keystone pipeline, protect the wildlife refuge, account for benefits of reducing climate pollution. donald trump said about greta, she seems like a very happy young girl looking forward to a bright and wonderful future. so nice to see. she was a former policy director for new consensus where she was instrumental in developing and offering the green new deal. rayanna, great to see you. last time i saw you, we were talking about an administration that wasn't going to take the right step about it. now you have an administration that wants to take several steps in the right direction, however,

not everybody who agrees with climate change agrees what success looks like, right? >> 100%. that is 100% true. >> tell me where you are at on it. >> i think we're in a really good position. i actually think the last few days taken together have presented a really bold statement that the biden administration is really looking to break our dependence on fossil fuels in some incredibly important ways and move us aggressively to an energy clean economy. but biden, unlike any president before, it's clear he's treating the climate process like an all hands in legislation, not just the environmental agencies. that to me is the biggest source of hope. >> what's the most important thing we have to get to? is it targets and dates? because a lot of people don't

like that. they don't like dollar figures associated because they think it's zero sum or targets. people like you don't think it needs to be a slow transition, but also it doesn't need to be either/or. it doesn't mean we have to give something else up. >> exactly. the reason greta thunberg was saying we can't go slow is because of science. that second executive order says specifically that we will listen to science, and what science says is that the u.s. in particular, because we are such a bigie mirt, is reallial orders. we know that brown and black folks outside of our borders are the ones that will suffer first

and the worst for climb change. we know the ane. and those jobs will not be replaced by the fossil fuel industry. >> what do we do about the fossil fuel industry's tight hold on washington and state lectures through lobbying? >> i mean, one thing that is incredibly important is continuing to push our money and politics. that's the way fossil fuels get involved, through lobbying through large campaign donations. and corruptioning, anti-corruption and money in politics is the key. but irng -- i think continuing to support those cases is

incredibly important, and lastly, making it very, very clear the ways that the fossil industry has misused science and pumped out misinformation in order to stop action on climate change, and they need to be held accountable for that. >> rhiana, good to see you again. let's hope this is the first of many, many conversations of what we're actually doing rather than fighting for climate change. rhiana is at the climate institute. black lives matter protesters were arrested over the summer for breaking curfew. there are two issues of justice. join me tomorrow as i hold a virtual discussion on alzheimer's. we'll talk to families that have

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arrest crites of the riot on the capitol continue to roll in. 22-year-old riley june williams of pennsylvania is accused of helping to swipe the laptop from the office of one of the most powerful politicians in the country. she was caught at the scene of the crime. the fbi says the photo shows williams participating in the riot. she was turned in by her former partner who said she had plans to sell the laptop to russians. let that sink in.

these are serious accusations. apparently not enough to keep her in jail. riley was released to her mother. she said the constitution prevailed here today. take browder, who was 16 years old at the time, was arrested for allegedly stealing a backpack. his family couldn't afford the $3,000 bail, so he was sent to rikers island to await trial. in 2013 his case was dismissed. he was never kwiktsd cricket -- convicted of a crime. riley said to her mother in court, hi, mom, who was sitting right there. browder said, mom, i can't take

it anymore. most of the capitol insurrectionists were neo-nazis, white supremacists and conspiracy theorists, all deeply radicalized by lies. coming up next, i'll speak to an expert in counterterrorism about how to deradicalize the constitution and where we go from here. titution and where weo from here. i need indeed. indeed you do. the moment you sponsor a job on indeed you get a shortlist of quality candidates from a resume data base. claim your seventy-five-dollar credit when you post your first job at indeed.com/groomer

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the storming of the capitol was rooted in different types of extremists. you had christian minimalists. nimali.

with mr. trump no longer in office, a portion of his supporters are vulnerable to recruitment into more extreme networks and potentially white supremacists and neo-nazi organizations. tracking foreign and deadly extremism, they suggest these steps moving to deradicalization. first, address the emerging nexus between terrorism and disinformation, investing in educational programs and messaging campaigns against violence, working with european partners to identify extremists is the former president himself and we've already seen the chaos that man can create.

i'm joined by the founder of the sufan center and ceo and chairman of the group. he interrogated al qaeda suspects after the 9/11 attacks. the center just launched its new mapping project which tracks domestic violent extremism here in the united states. ali, you've -- particularly the european experience where isis and al qaeda were recruiting young european muslims and sending them back to the middle east to fight. how does this differ? how do we actually deradicalize this group that your own organization says much, ali, and, yes, you are 100% right. we had a lot of experience in dealing with, for the so-called jihadi threats before. now we're dealing with white supremacists, neo-nazis, all the

groups you mentioned earlier. there's a lot of lessons learned that we can bring from dealing with it to dealing with this threat. in the last 20 years gave us a lot of experience with one of the best lessons learned from that experience is not -- is what not to do. not necessarily what to do. and this threat is a homegrown. this threat is in our communities. this threat is not an individual who came over and, you know, radicalized by al qaeda or -- this is something that we have in our culture and in our political system. and that's why it is very important for any strategy to be bipartisan. and to have the support of the american public. we need a shared, unified perspective of the threat of when we move forward as a nation to address it. either -- other than that, we might have an insurgency on our hand. >> one of the things from your report, the nexus between human

security and preventing countering violent extremism. approaches are unlikely to succeed in the long term without addressing a range of structural factors, specifically political, economic and social drivers. you also found there are poor too nonexistent mechanisms for monitoring initiatives in preventing countering violent extremism. tell me how those two things can help us. >> and you know, in any strategy, it has to be a wholesome, it has to be very comprehensive and has cultural, political components. let's look at the threat we're talking about, and you did a great job kind of like focusing it and talking about the different elements in the groups that are part of this threat and part of the insurrection, frankly. first of all, we have to recognize that one size does not fit all. we need a close understanding of the grievances of mobilized people. we saw that on january 6th. we have conspiracy theories, white supremacists, neo-nazis,

anti-government militias. one disengagement approach will not fit everyone. also, we need to look at the threat as it is today. the diversified security threat as it is today. not as it was yesterday or how we think it's going to be tomorrow. disinformation and conspiracies are clear drivers on the rise of violent domestic extremism. we've seen the impact of disinformation on the attack on the u.s. capitol. we continue to see firsthand how disinformation is driving the narratives that directly feed into the threat. so any strategy, by this administration, to combat the threat needs to address this emerging terrorism disinformation nexus and, frankly, the private sector and social media platform have lots of responsibility in this area. also, government. government is not always the most credible messenger. so it's important to work with communities, with formers, with faith-based organizations and

leaders or whoever is most engaged in the community. even with politicians that those individuals can probably listen to. i know it's difficult to get the former president on this, but there are a lot of other people in congress who can play a good role in this. we need, as you mentioned earlier in your bullets about the program, invest in educational programs and messenging campaign to build tolerance and learn historic lessons. we had a country that fought the nazis, fought racism. we have monuments of gettysburg and we celebrate d-day to commemorate the storming of normandy and defeating nazism. so there's a lot of things we can learn from history that can unite us together. another important element here is the united states, we did not invest heavily in prevention or off ramp this disengagement program. there are some important lessons

to be learned from our past experiences encountering the jihadis, but also at the same time, we can learn a lot from dealing with our european allies and the countries and partners who have been confronting this white supremacist and neo-nazi threats for a while. in the uk, for example, they did a great job in having programs that ideologically agnostic, not only focusing on jihadis but on others. so there's a lot of things we can do in this -- in this strategy. >> i recommend people go to the sufan center website and look at very specific research that you've done in those ideas. as always, thanks for joining us. former fbi agent, founder of the sufan group and sufan center. before we go, i stated that some arguments don't have two sides, like everyone likes pizza, however, pineapple on pizza may be somewhat

controversial. i'm getting a lot of tweets about this. so i, as a journalist, want to go on the record. i ali velshi am, in fact, pro pineapple on pizza. actually on everything, just not during a tornado. love me or hate me, that's where i stand on the great debate about pineapple on pizza. thanks for waking up with us. catch me every saturday md sunday morning from 8:00 to 10:00 a.m. eastern. jonathan capehart is up next. he's also pro pineapple on pizza. a huge hawaiian fan. "the sunday show" starts right now. nl. this morning, new allegations of election interference and how it could shake up donald trump's second impeachment trial set to begin in 16 days. i'll talk to one of the jurors, senator chris coons, and one of the prosecutors, house impeachment manager david cicilline. plus, the new president hits the ground running. but he's already running into