command and control-type instruments. that could be something that you see in the next few days. >> helene cooper, thank you. we'll track this minute by minute. that's it for this edition of "andrea mitchell reports." follow us online and twitter. chuck todd and "meet the press daily" start right now. and "mes daily" start right now good tuesday. welcome to "meet the press daily." i'm chuck todd. president biden is set to speak to the nation any moment about the situation in ukraine. how will he say the invasion occurred, what will he say, what evidence will he show backing it up? it will be the first time we'll hear from the president since the white house acknowledged that russia's military actions in ukraine is an invasion, which the president has said would

trigger significant sanctions against moscow. this comes as russian lawmakers hours ago essentially gave putin carte blanche to use military force outside of russia, a move that could precede a broader attack on ukraine or beyond. he arranged troops into two different regions and claimed them to be independent states. a convoy including tanks and troop carriers were spotted near one of those regions. it is unclear whether they were ukrainian or russian deployments. putin himself spoke a short time ago announcing he was recognizing the 2014 borders of those breakaway regions. well, that constitutes a much larger portion of ukraine than the areas currently held by the russian-backed separatists and includes a port. be interesting to see how the ukrainian military responds to that.

nato secretary-general says the alliance has put more than 100 jets on alert. antony blinken will hold a joint conference later this afternoon with his ukrainian counterpart. he's meeting with sergey lavrov scheduled for thursday is in real jeopardy, which contradicts whether we call this an invasion or not. as he said to me, if there's an invasion, there is no meeting. mike memoli is at the white house. matt bradley is in ukraine. keir simmons is in moscow. courtney kube is at her post at the pentagon. the urgency of these remarks, anything significant, one, in the fact that the president, he's scheduled to deliver them sometime in the next half hour now, they've moved up this time line, which tells you that they must want to get ahead of something. what could that be? >> reporter: i remember speaking with you about three months ago

when the president had his first virtual summit with vladimir putin at the early stages of this crisis. there was a question then among senior administration officials whether vladimir putin was bluching. clearly we're at the sage where he's shown he is not bluffing. but there is some view within the administration that they can stop him now that he's taken this step which they are now calling an invasion, and we'll hear the president repeat that in his remarks shortly, is there a way to stop him from going further. that i think is a significant calculation in the administration right now determining how they proceed moving forward. what's interesting, there's been a lot of discussion today about why the white house was not willing to refer to this as an invasion for most of last night and change that posture today. i think the bigger question is was the president right all along when he talked about a minor incursion triggering a different response from the u.s. and from our allies than a more significant incursion within ukraine. i say that because the signals

we're now getting from the administration is that the sanctions that the president is set to announce shortly will not else inially be the full package that they had been talk about threatening building towards for months. the way the administration official is characterizing this is you don't want to understand necessarily unload the kitchen sink when there's a possibilities vladimir putin could take this much further, much more bloodier and significant in terms of death toll and impact. you want to have levers of power over putin, leverage over putin. and they'll be trying to match him moment for moment. the purpose of the president's speech so s to give whatever opportunity there is to speak directly to vladimir putin through the television screen, obviously the possibility of a summit is no longer realistic at this point, to try to calibrate whether or not there's a further response and make that clear to him. >> well, let's get a reality check on the ground. matt bradley in ukraine, what do you see tonight? it's one thing to hear what

moscow is saying. what are you seeing? >> reporter: not seeing anything in kharkiv 25 miles from the russian border. there's no obvious signs of war, but i have to tell you there has been a palpable shift in mood. when i got here a couple weeks ago, everybody i talked to said this is an american invention, this is being drummed up by the american media, western diplomats, this is crazy, we're not going to see an invasion. we've been facing this for years. in the last 24 to 48 hours there's been a real change in people's attitudes on the ground. that's because we're so close to border and because that whole idea that vladimir putin just wouldn't invade has now dissipated. now everybody is very sure that vladimir putin will invade. the question here for a lot of ukrainians is what will that look like. remember, chuck, for folks here, this has been going on for eight years. when you talk about bringing russian military troops into

those separatist enclaves to the east, that's not going to really surprise them because for them, for most ukrainians, they say the russians have always been there. the threat of russian expansionism has never really gone away. so for them, this isn't a hair on fire panic moment, and there's not at all what you're seeing in the streets, but the people i've been talking to a couple days would have said it's not a big deal, they're saying we're genuinely scared and worried about what's going on, and the signs in the east, the sort of false flag operations, a lot of these intelligence assessments coming from washington have become true that's worrying for people here. >> matt, i'm curious, where is the ukrainian front line militarily? is it in the region that moscow just said is now in their control? >> reporter: the ukrainian military has always been lined

up in that region. they've been involved in something like trench warfare there the last eight years. it's been a static battlefield where very little has been happening. we have to remember, 14,000 ukrainians have been killed in this conflict, not else inially against russian regulars. they're still essentially ukrainian soldiers, but they're russian speakers and they're backed by russia, they're separatists. these are people who speak russian, use the russian ruble, but, you know, i'm in a city where everybody speaks russian, where they feel some affinity to russia. i spoke with a woman a couple weeks ago who said, you know, i was born in russia, i speak russian, i think in russian, but i would die for ukraine. and we're seeing a massive shift here. a lot of people here speak russian and they're going to school, seeing a trend, paying for lessons so they can learn ukrainian. this is a big patriotic expression here. we saw on social media in the last 24, 48 hours, a lot of young people getting on social

media and saying i'm not going to be speaking russian anymore. i want to speak ukrainian with my family and friends. >> hmm. let me go to keir simmons in moscow. keir, i think the -- and i wonder if the patriotic response that we're starting to see amongst ukrainians, if putin himself is helping to create this patriotic moment to essentially say what he said yesterday, right, basically saying, hey, we created ukraine, there is no ukraine without the russian empire, without the soviet empire, and he sort of rimmed this idea off that somehow he cared about a world order or cared about diplomacy. when he said that, that seemed to be a whole new level of focus of what his ambition really is now. >> reporter: it certainly appears that way, chuck. actually repeating an essay that

he wrote towards the back half of last year expressing the same kind of historical revisionism really about what ukraine is and the connections to russia. the thing that president putin said today was impactful, important to note. and that was that he was asked by russian journalists to clarify this crucial question of whether the area of this donbas eastern ukraine region, whether that region he's recognized is the wider region of donbas, because that means beyond what's being held by the separatists there, because that would mean that it would include areas held by the ukrainian military. president putin said it does. he conceded that right now that is not the area held by the separatists, and then he appeared to kind of say we'll see what happens, we'll see if that changes, and that sounds frankly prettyworrying because,

course, what russia has done is the military packed with those separatists in eastern ukraine, if they try to push the borders out, russia effectively is obligated to support them. maybe that's what president putin has in mind. to go back to your question, i think one of the big problems here is we don't know exactly what president putin has planned. we know what he thinks. last night's television tirade was kind of an echo of things he's been saying for 15 years back to that munich speech in 2007 railing against nato having the military on russia's borders as he described it. we know what he thinks. what is he planning? that is the question even with the evidence we have, the russian military around the ukrainian border, and news just now, chuck, that the russians now are removing diplomatic staff from embassies in ukraine, all of that looks deeply concerning, ominous even.

but once again tonight the world is left watching president putin and wondering what he's planning to do next. >> keir, describe russian media right now. how are they covering this? >> reporter: they've been on a propaganda tsunami for days. it was interesting to watch the wall to wall across the main channels coverage of a vote this morning in the duma, the parliament, where they go to support president putin's decisions. every lawmaker in that parliament voted in favor. and then they celebrated the vote with a standing ovation, and then later today, tonight, the upper house of the legislature voted to grant president putin the ability to intervene militarily across -- outside of russia's borders.

a military blank check if you like. again, another worrying sign. again, we don't know what president putin is actually planning. >> that's for sure. keir simmons in moscow. thanks very much. i want to move to cal perry in poland, a nato ally where we have american troochs. he's been there with american forces. cal, this is perhaps the first place if there's a spillover into a nato country that could see active fighting. what's your sense there? how tense are poles feeling right now? senator i think they're feeling like nato's eastern most ally. the speech yesterday landed poorly here, about nato, president putin saying nato is the threat to russia.

that is something that concerns people here greatly. it is why the president of the united states has doubled the american troop presence in poland and doubled the troop presence in romania and why the americans alongside the polish government as you laid out are starting to identify possible sites in case there is a refugee crisis if this invasion widens further. the discussion of nato is fascinating and keir's description of a television tirade is accurate. when you listen to the president shortly, it will be interesting to see if he moves those 8,500 troops that were on high alert. it is clear this back and forth is about nato, something that president putin says he will not stand for, and it is clearly a deterrent that the u.s. has decided might become an effective one to try to deter a wider invasion. there are, as i said, double the amount of troops in poland and romania and those 8,500 on high alert may be something that the

president can put into play. it was clear in that speech last night so much of this is about u.s. military activities in and around europe and the bolstering of those activactivities, the u signing a deal with poland, money for tanks. that's something putin doesn't like to see. >> the person who might have an answer about whether troops are moving is courtney kube at the pentagon. should we expect an announcement from president that might mean moving troops into nato countries, even more so? >> reporter: i think there are two things that are still very possible. one is that the u.s. would move more u.s. troops that are already there in the european command theater there in europe. most of them are more in the western side of europe, but move them closer to ukraine as this ongoing effort to shore up the defenses or reinforce concerns about some of these nato allies

like where cal is standing right now. poland is very concerned. look at exactly where they are, they are territory. a lot of people may not be too familiar with this, but if you look at ukraine and then you just go a little bit west of there and north, there's a part of russia there, and there has been a long-standing concern that russia would try to build some sort of a land bridge and build that out at the expense of potentially poland. the fact that russia has built up so many military forces right in that area, there's one particular town in far western belarus called brest. there's a very advanced group of russian military that has the polish government very concerned about this point. so, that's one possibility as we would see some potential for u.s. troops already in theater, in the region, to be moved around a little bit. the next one is what cal was talking about. that's a very different force. rather than a unilateral or

bilateral u.s. military, u.s. government decision, this would be the activation of the nato response force. that's a nato decision. all signals we have been getting from nato officials and the united states is they don't expect that to happen unless vladimir putin invades, that that nato response force would be activated. but that opens the question now the u.s. government is saying russia bringing some of these so-called peacekeeping troops across the border into these breakaway regions, that constitutes an invasion. will nato see it the same way and activate this force? that is one of the big questions we've been asking so far today. they haven't activated it yet. it's still not clear if it would take a larger sort of a more kinetic invasion for that to happen. i keep talking about the different phases of this russian military campaign. we're in phase one right now. the false flags, the pretext, the cyber, the jamming, you know, sort of the things that are setting up a potential

kinetic invasion -- air strikes, artillery strikes, rolling troops across the border. they're not yet in that second phase yet. all signals so far are that's what it would take for the response force to be about vaccine mandated. but i will say things are moving quickly here. it's one of the questions we're asking. >> seen reports of a senator without revealing classified info that they think already there are more troops than there were yesterday. russian troops either in or around or within ukraine's sphere. mike, courtney, keir, cal, thanks for setting the table. we are awaiting president biden's remarks on the situation in ukraine. what will he say? how will he say it? that matters a lot. a lot of ears listening for those phrases. we'll go to the white house. up next, i'll talk to former white house national security adviser who served during the russia-georgia crisis in 2008. .

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after characterizing russia's moves assen invasion, the white house is expected to come down with the mother of sanctions. you'll hear that in president biden's remarks soon. he'll also likely use a speech to explain to americans why a russian invasion of ukraine matters to them. joining me for his perspective is steven hadley, served as the national security adviser in the george w. bush white house. he was there in the russia-georgia crisis, which this looks familiar now to. good to see you, sir. >> nice to see you. nice to be with you. >> let's start with the parallels -- the breakaway republics, the acknowledging of that, the pretext. it seems as if the administration now is looking at sort of they didn't -- ben

rhodes told me in 2014, hey, we had a whole bunch of intelligence we never sent out. now they're saying all this. we see how similar the playbook is in '08. do you look at any of this today and wonder if only we did "x" or were we always going to end in this situation because we couldn't -- there was no pretext before he did what he did in georgia? >> when he went into georgia, we consciously said we need to deny him his tactical objectives and to make him pay a strategic price, because if we did not do that, he would consider the same play in ukraine and he'd do it in the baltic states after ukraine. so we took a number of actions

to throw the u.s.-russian relationship into the toilet. we also did a number of things to keep open the risk that there would be a potentially a military response, o which to try to deter putin from going and toppling the government there and ultimately as you know negotiations led by the french resulted in the russians basically going back to the south where their troops had been before the start of the operation. but we really thought it was important that u.s./russian relation remain in deep freeze in order to try to deter putin from doing what he's doing today in ukraine. what has happened between then and now is putin has built a military that is much more formidable than the one in 2008. he's deployed 150,000 troops on the border of ukraine, and i can't believe he's not going to use them before this is over.

>> so, he's basically spent 15 years testing the fengs. he's figured it out and perhaps what our pressure points are in the west and what his pressure points are. have we read this all wrong? we keep thinking deterrence is going to work. and nobody wants to be the one to say, well, diplomatic deterrence has got to be the answer because no one wants the other answer. but he may force our hand there. that's not an easy line to walk. so where do you come down on this if diplomatic deterrence continues to fail? >> we may not be able to stop this. you know, one of the problems is we wanted to try in 2008 to give membership action plan to ukraine and georgia. the european allies did not want to do. they blocked it. they made clear they were reluctant to bring ukraine into

nato, and they've been clear in this crisis that nobody wants to use military force. well, that in some sense regrettably and understandable that position may be and it may be the right position, but if you're putin, it takes something of concern off the table and seems to make it more likely for him to do what he wants to do. let's be clear about what he wants here. he talks about legitimate russian security concerns, the administration has made clear they're prepared to try to meet those concerns. but what he really wants to do here is topple the western-looking regime in kyiv, replace it with a more pro-russian regime, and then to bring ukraine under this new russian sphere of influence, and hopefully, i think in his view, bring ukraine to a commonwealth if you will, some kind of confederation with russia and belarus. this is about restoring the

russian empire and restoring the russian sphere into the area of the former soviet union. that's what he's about. and i think he's not going to stop. >> tom friedman had a provocative column today in "the new york times" saying, look, putin has created this crisis, he's the one terrorizing people, we're not letting putin off the hook. however, was nato expansion in the '90s a bit too aggressive in hindsight? >> you can look at it two ways. my own view is that it's not really the cause of this crisis. the cause of this crisis is a grievance stump by putin and the falling apart, if you will, of the soviet union, and the shrinking of russia to its current borders and a desire by putin to restore the russian empire. and he was going to do that

without regard to nato enlargement, and given that fact, and if you do believe it is important to maintain a free central and eastern europe free from now russian domination, then the expansion of nato was a very good thing because it may deter and prevent putin from going further than ukraine. >> you know, it's interesting you say that. he has s not threatening lithuania yet, estonia, latvia. they're part of nato. so then take it from zelenskyy's point of view. do you think if ukraine were already a part of nato that that deterrence would have given putin some second or third thoughts here? >> we don't know. that's what we had in mind in 2008 when we wanted to put ukraine on a track for becoming part of nato. i also think that the concern you have to have, particularly

if putin you can seeds in what he's doing in ukraine, is he won't stop there. the person who was on the panel just before me talked about this reuniting kaliningrad with mother russia by taking the quarter between the two that would take territory from poland and lithuania, both nato members. the putin tries to do that, it will be a different situation in ukraine. it will be war. >> you think the european allies will be able to hold up in the face of this energy sanctions or not? >> so far so good. i think there is a question about what the administration will do in terms of energy sanctions. you know, that's an arena where probably russia has more leverage than we do. i think we'll have to see what they do about sanctions. i thought it was encouraging that the german chancellor said that for the moment or at least

for the time being the approval of the nord stream 2 is off the table. but so far the alliance has been pretty steadfast, particularly in the eastern part of that alliance, you're pretty nervous right now. >> steven hadley, national security adviser for george w. bush. appreciate you coming on and sharing your perspective. >> delighted to be here. anytime. still to come, the latest diplomatic efforts to prevent the crisis from going further. top democratic leaders in brussels for the nato meeting and also represents one of the largest american ukrainian districts in the nation. t amerin districts in the nation. allergies don't have to be scary. spraying flonase daily stops your body from overreacting to allergens all season long.

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can you believe someone thought this would help you hear better? genius. now this is eargo. made to be heard not seen. genius. welcome back. even as russia moves troops into eastern ukraine, the door to a diplomatic solution is not being shut, at least that's the message coming from top u.s. officials and our allies. despite calling it an invasion, the lavrov/blinken meeting not off, but the path is narrow. the russian parliament gave putin permission to use military force outside of the country. putin made the case yesterday that ukraine wasn't really a country. brendan boyle joins me from brussels leading the u.s. delegation at the parliamentary assembly meeting. congressman, let me start with

what you view as the russians having done. do you believe the invasion has already begun and that this should be treateded a an invasion, it's already happening, and just because it's the separatist republics we shouldn't be making a caveat over it? >> thanks for having me on, chuck. and to be clear, if you talk to ukrainian americans, many of who live in an around the philadelphia area, you talk to people in ukraine today, the invasion happened eight years ago. so for ukraine, thes not anything new. what is new is that putin is finally making public what he was attempting to do surreptitiously for the last eight years. in terms of legalistic distinctions on what is an invasion, what's not an invasion, frankly that really doesn't interest me. for all intents and purposes, this is an invasion, it has been an invasion and that's the

situation we find ourselves in. >> why should americans care what happens in ukraine? make the case. >> in my district, i see people who will say, look, i have real problems. i'm concerned about paying almost $4 a gallon for gas. you know, why should i care about ukraine? the reality is if we don't care about ukraine, it's not going to stop there, just like it didn't with georgia, just like 75, 08 years ago it didn't stop with czechoslovakia. it is in america's interest and the west's interest to stand up to this aggression now when we have the upper hand before it is too late. >> what does that look like now? the mother of all sanctions bills. what if all the things that we

say we wanted to do here -- and we've got everybody aligned. the nato alliance is a lined. european allies. you have germany pulled the -- temporarily pulling the plug on the pipeline. everybody is in alignment and it's not deterring them. then what? >> let's not breeze over the fact that it is pretty impressive. i'm surprised how strong the unity is in bresz else. i've been coming to nato meetings for quite some time and as these summits we have my fellows from the parliament taryn states who are aggressive when it comes to russia. typically my french and german colleagues are more dovish. this meeting is entirely different. we haven't seen any of those distinctions. everyone is on the same page. and that is relatively new for nato. i certainly haven't seen it as i mentioned before. if the worst-case scenario

happens and it's still not enough, we have to cross that bridge when we come to it, but we have not tried the mother of all sanctions bill. i would strongly support going in for vladimir putin and the oligarchs personally. if we made them feel the pain, if suddenly we went after their money and their assets, billions and billions of dollars that are sheltered in the west, i do believe the putin regime would be a lot less stable then than it is now. >> so, what's holding us back? >> well, there is this i think valid argument of we do want to give our opponent a reason to climb back down, that if you have somebody whose back is totally against the wall, they're always going to fight if that's their only option. i do understand the white house perhaps wanting to do this in a staggered way, having tough sanctions but not the toughest so that way you can perhaps incent putin to stop where he

has done. but that having been said, i fully expect we'll have to go down the toughest sanction possible route. for vladimir putin -- and i was interested in the previous conversation with steven hadley, and i largely agree with what he said, this isn't about any action that nato has taken over the last 25 years. this is about vladimir putin's world view, his famous quote that the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century was the breakup of the soviet union. that is the way he views this. that is why he moved on georgia in 2008, on ukraine in 2014, and that is why he'll move on other soviet republics. >> in the last segment with mr. hadley, i said did we expand nato too quickly back then? forget that now. we have some countries like finland who may decide, you know what, i'm a little nervous about what's going on over there now in russia. maybe i want in on nato.

what is the talk about expansion? are they more open than ever? or is there an old guard thinking the nato expansion may have contributed to this crisis? >> there is no one here suggesting that nato expansion went too far. we recently added a 30th member in macedonia. there hasn't been a conversation at this summit about adding finland. finland has always had this interesting, close relationship with both europe and also with russia. i will say there is conversation, and i happen to share this view, thank goodness we did expand and add the baltics. had we not added latvia, lithuania and estonia, i think they would be in the very situation this evening than they are right now. there is, i would also point out, just, again, in speaking to fellow parliamentarians, people who i respect and have been

friends with for several years now, there is real concern about what might happen with respect to poland. if putin were to move to the next direction, continue to go down this path, the fear is not so much on the baltics in the moment, finland, poland is the concern. >> our correspondent talked about kallengrad, what his ambition may be, and how that could put poland in the crosshairs. brendan boyle, congressman, thanks for joining us. >> thank you. up next, who we're learning will be speaking after the president as we're now one week out from his state of the union address. yes. that's still going to happen next week too. you're watching "meet the press daily." k too.

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welcome back. we're a week out from president biden's state of the union address and we know who republicans have selected to give the official response. it is the governor of iowa, kim reynolds. she is on the ballot this november looking for her second full term as governor after taking over in 2017. since she's run the party the state's gone from competitive to very red. with 2024 on mare minds, it's safe for the republicans to pick the governor of iowa who will hold the caucuses two years from now instead of a presidential hopeful. you could ask them and they'll say the big stadium response isn't always a lucky one. up next, what is at stake for us as putin moves into ukraine? you'll feel more pain at the gas pump. and that's not all. gas pump and that'sot n all

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energy is everywhere... even in a little seedling. which, when turned into fuel, can help power a plane. at chevron's el segundo refinery, we're looking to turn plant-based oil into renewable gasoline, jet and diesel fuels. our planet offers countless sources of energy. but it's only human to find the ones that could power a better future. welcome back. we expect president biden to announce some new economic sanctions on russia when he speaks shortly now that the white house is characterizing russian troops moving into two separate areas of ukraine as an invasion. the economic impacts of the conflict could have a wide-ranging impact on economies across the globe and energy markets. germany is targeting russia's gas and oil, pulling back

approval for the nord stream 2 people line. the turmoil from putin's actions have helped push the dow lower today by more than 500 points. it's gone down 200 to 500 points every day there's been a negative headline from russia and ukraine. cnbc's international correspondent hadley gamble covers politics and energy. she joins me by phone as she makes her way to russia right now. we appreciate you taking a minute here. so, look, it's obvious, the price of oil is spiking, and we know what that means, rising energy prices, consumers will see costs at the pump. what are other ways americans may see a financial impact from these sanctions that we're about to levy? >> hey, chuck. thanks for having me. just to kind of walk you through what this is all about, it is, as you say, absolutely about the politics of energy, who produces them, and what economies are willing to pay to obtain them.

but we are absolutely all of us hooked on energy. one of the things i think that's really important to point out here is when we talk about natural gas and oil supplies from russia, 1 in 12 barrels that the united states russia. they supplied 7% of crude imports in the later part of the year and replacing that oil is definitely going to put upward pressures on prices. we've seen reports even before mr. putin, since yesterday, suggesting oil prices could go up from $100 to $150 a barrel this is a fascinating narrative in the sense, frankly, for an administration that has repeatedly called on the so-called cartel of opec plus to help supply more oil to the market in recent months to bring high prices down. but they are between a real rock and a hard place and that's because a couple years ago at the height of the pandemic you'll remember oil prices were exceedingly low and there was a lot of supply on the market.

russia and saudi arabia banded together, something historically almost incomprehensible, but they did it, came together, and planned, essentially, to make sure oil prices wouldn't be completely depressed. they were able to do that but bringing supplies back online even over the last several months as the global economies kicked back into gear has been incredibly difficult. they haven't been able to meet their own production so far. last week i spoke with oil ministers and they said we are afraid of oil prices getting to $100, and we are afraid of russian supplies getting knocked out of the market because we don't have the capacity to make up for it. >> hadley, there was a headlined, we are technically energy independent, so why can't we shield ourselves better from this price issue? >> reporter: it's fascinating that topic and it's one, frankly, depending on which administration you are in, what side of the dial you fall on, chuck, you have a very different opinion of how and why, et

cetera. obviously president trump was very keen on the idea of u.s. dependency and in that sense energy independence, national security, they are one, and you see that all over the world, particularly with what's happening in europe. at the end of the day president biden made a very, very, i guess, strategic decision to go about this a very different way by hoping to arrive at the same end. and when he did that, oil and gas companies in the united states stopped overinvesting in hydro carbons. they weren't using the pipeline that they thought they would be able to use. and at this point you don't have a plan to make up for that shortfall except occasionally going into strategic petroleum reserve. when he did that last year we didn't see prices going lower. there's a broader understanding among the opec-plus group as well unless there's a coordinated effort, something

that legally the president technically can't do, coordinate with opec-plus, technically, there's not going to be a way to really manage this. when i spoke with the oil producers last week, they were very concerned about what is happening. but, i have to say, they're in close contact with the russians, the defensementy prime minister of russia, is the energy minister essentially, and he had given them no indication that president putin was going to go this far. if you take a step back and think about this strategically president putin is essentially able right now to hold the world hostage on energy prices, and that's deeply concerning for economies who are facing inflation at levels we haven't seen in years. >> and what's scary doing that, raising the price, might be financing his war right now with the hostage taking that he's done here. hadley gamble, our colleague over at cnbc, get to russia safely, and we look forward to seeing you on the air soon. thank you very much. >> reporter: thank you. up next, what we know about why the president's remarks, which we were expecting at the

top of the hour, have been delayed. you're watching "meet the press daily." watching "meet the pres watching "meet the pres daily. you could say it's the steph curry of footlongs. you could, but i'm not gonna. subway keeps refreshing and refreshing and re...

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welcome back. the president was scheduled to address the issue of ukraine at the top of the 1:00 hour, but three white house officials tell nbc news the president delayed the start because he's still working on his remarks, and that's why we still haven't heard from him yet. mike mcfaul, you know, yesterday

i think vladimir putin stopped pretending, right, and he gave sort of, for him, unvarnished truth. he did not believe ukraine is a sovereign country. period. that's what he believes. is that how we should be looking at this now and handling this? and if that's what he believes, is diplomatic deterrence going to work? >> chuck, first, it is what he believes. he's believed it for a long, long time. i was just thinking about it, condoleezza rice, my colleague here at stanford at the hoover institution, writes about it in a memoir when he first said that when she was secretary of state to her. he's believed it for a long, long time. we have hoped that he would have a different idea, but now we know that he doesn't and, therefore, i'm very skeptical that there's a diplomatic solution before us. we should try, if we can, but i think it has a very low probability of success. >> look, is it now -- i mean, do

we now need to look at this as a pattern? what he did in georgia, what he did with crimea, what he's doing now, and should we just assume lithuania, latvia, estonia, kind of already there with belarus, i mean, should we be connecting these dots like this? >> i think two things, chuck. first with regard to the use of force we should connect the dots, and the dots are chechnya 1999, georgia 2008, ukraine 2014, syria 2015, and now this escalation and invasion, second invasion of ukraine. i say that first because i think people need to understand putin has gone to war a lot and he thinks he's won all those wars and, by the way, he has good reason to believe that he has. that makes him dangerous. second, we should think about him wanting to unite the slavic nations. that's the second objective.

>> mike mcfaul, i have a feeling we'll be listening to more of you in the next hour or two but my hour has come to an end. katy tur will continue coverage right now. i'll see you with more "meet the press daily" tomorrow. we are waiting for the president to deliver remarks. good to be with you. i'm katy tur. we are on the precipice of a dark era on what the west is describing as world-changing aggression from russia. after a day or so of waffling, the white house is being clear, russia's troops which moved into the regions of eastern ukraine over the past 24 hours are not as russia has called them peacekeepers. they are soldiers and it is an invasion, according to the white house. that is a big deal because that word invasion triggers a fleet of economic sanction